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The Curricular Canon in Northern Thailand and Laos

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The Curricular Canon in Northern Thailand and Laos THE CURRICULAR Introduction: What defines a CANON IN NORTHERN canon? THAILAND AND LAOS In 1983 Charles Keyes wrote: Justin McDaniel* "the evidence from monastery libraries in Laos and Thailand ... reveals that what Abstract constitutes the Theravadin dhamma for people in these areas includes only a small portion ofthe total Tipi~aka, some Nissaya texts are idiosyncratic vernacu­ semi-canonical commentaries such as lar notes composed and used by Bud­ Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga, a large dhist monks in Northern Thailand and number of pseudo-jataka and other Laos between the 16th and early 20th pseudo-canonical works, histories of centuries. They evince a particular rela­ shrines and other sacred histories. tionship of the authors with the classi­ Liturgical works, and popular commen­ cal (i.e., originally composed in Pali) taries. Moreover, for any particular scripture of Theravada Buddhism as temple-monastery in Thailand and Laos well as with their intended audie~ce. the collection of texts available to They reflect certain understandings of th~ people in the associated community are the notions of authorship, textual au­ not exactly the same as those found in thenticity, the possibility of translation, another temple-monastery." 1 and homiletics. A comprehensive study reveals the early development of Bud­ Steven Collins used this statement and dhist curricula in the region and a de­ the research that supported it to develop tailed study pedagogical methods used his notion of a "ritual canon." The in these texts affords us a way to de­ "ritual canon[s]" are the collections of scribe the nature of Buddhist belief and texts used at any particular monastery practice with much greater precision. In in the "actual ritual life in the area con­ this paper, I will demonstrate how the cerned." 2 The term "practical canon," choice of source texts by nissaya trans­ inspired by the work of Collins, was lators and the commentarial services coined by Blackburne in her 1996 dis­ they employ reveal the contours of the sertation on the Saratthadipani from Sri pre-modem Northern Thai and Lao Bud­ Lanka and shows how the choice of texts dhist curricula. By focusing on the de­ to copy, translate, teach and preserve, velopment of curricula in the region be­ both canonical and non-canonical Pali fore the middle of the 19th century, we ' can avoid the vagaries that come with 1 Collins (1990: 103). the application of normative notions of 2 Ibid.: 104; David Carpenter comes to simi­ the Theravada Buddhist canon to a re­ lar conclusions in his study of the canonic­ gion of diverse textual production and ity of the Veda. He states that the Veda was disparate intellectual expression. "largely a symbolic source for the legitima­ tion of current practice." The Vedas can only * Asststant . Professor of Philosophy and be understood as a canon for ritual action and "orthopraxy," not "orthodoxy." The Southeast Asian Studies at Ohio University Vedas as a canon and as texts, at least for its Doctoral Candidate in the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies at Harvard commentators like Bhaltfhari, were insepa­ rable from "the conditions of their practical University employment." Carpenter (1992: 24-28). Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:13:01PM via free access The Curricular Canon in Northern Thailand and Laos and vernacular, in any given Theravada stories or the ritual instructions them­ community actually must be seen as selves. They also contain linguistic, defining the particular canon of that re­ material, and rhetorical features that gion and time period. Derris, providing serve pedagogical purposes. While cer­ a succinct overview of this modem trend tain canonical texts written in Pali are in Theravada Studies, demonstrates that found, and sometimes in large numbers texts like the Jatakas, the Dhammapada­ and wide-spread across a region, the aqhakatha, the Buddhavarpsa and the texts that were translated (i.e. nissayas) Mailgaladipan1 dominate Southeast seemed to have formed a practical ver­ Asian monastic libraries and archives. nacular canon which dominated lan­ guage instruction and were the subjects Although, I do not want to simply of sermons at rituals and other commu­ create a canon that did not actually exist nity events. The nissayas may be the historically in Northern Thailand or evidence of, what I call, multiple "cur­ Laos, I want to add to this current ricular canons." By focusing on what discussion in Theravada Studies by texts were actually taught, copied, and emphasizing a new way to define a translated, we can break away from the "canon" by focusing specifically on scholarly tendency to study Pali texts what Pali texts were most commonly and not their, often quite different, ver­ translated and were used in educational nacular translations. These curricular settings.3 I want to expand this idea of canons were not well-copied and beau­ a practical canon by, first, looking at tifully illustrated for royalty and wealthy nissaya texts in Laos and Northern Thai­ patrons. They did not remain unread and land. Nissayas reveal their pedagogical neglected in the royal libraries or large purpose by the choice of the texts the monastic libraries of Thailand and Laos, authors chose to translate and comment nor were they strictly collections ofPali upon, and the semantic content of the liturgical prayers, protective chants or blessings. Instead, they were individu­ ally fashioned lenses through which in­ dividual scholars read, translated and 3 1 thank Oskar von Hiniiber for his personal commented on Pali texts in the vernacu­ comments on the danger of inventing lar and the individually forged mega­ canons that never existed historically or conceptually. phones by which they taught. 4 See the Raicheunangseuporiinliinna ekasiinmaigrofilm kong stiipanwijai What Charles Keyes observed in 1983 chiengmai: 2521-2533 (CatalogueofPalm can be confirmed today with even the Leaf Texts on Microfilm at the Social Re­ most cursory inventory of the major search Institute, Chiang Mai University: monastic, royal and governmental 1978-1990) (1991); Panchi Maigrofilm manuscript libraries of Laos and North­ Kwang Luang Pahang, Haw Papitapa em Thailand.4 Moreover, it was previ­ Kwang Luang Pahang, Hongsamut Haeng ously noted (although not extensively St Lao (Catalogues of Palm Leaf Texts on commented on) by Louis Finot in 1917, Microfilm from Luang Pahang, the Museum George Coedes from 1911 to 1935 and of Luang Pahang and from the National Pierre LaFont in 1982.5 Library of Laos) ( 1999). Vernacular narratives and histories or translations and 5 See Finot (1917: 1-218); Coedes (1966); summaries of Pali texts in the vernacular LaFont (1965: 429-545). dominate these collections. 21 Downloaded from Brill.com10/08/2021 08:13:01PM via free access MA NUSYA : Journal of Humanities (Special Issue No.4 2002) Generally, the most popular texts were a "common assumption that a closed the anisarp.sas (blessings used in ritual canon had a rigid and inviolable force. "9 and magical ceremonies), parittas (in­ Therefore, there is often a distinction cantations for protection), chalongs (cer­ made between canonical and apocryphal emonial instructions for both lay and texts that exists in the mind of the religious ceremonies), aprocryphal scholar, but not the members of jatakas (non-canonical birth-stories of individual Theravada communities. the Buddha), kamavacas (ritual instruc­ Therefore, following Collins, he notes tions and rules), local folktales, and that: tarnnans (relic, image and temple histo­ ries).6 The first three categories of texts "an awareness ofthe special problems have clear reasons for being the domi­ which the Theravada faced in nant texts preserved in the region due transmitting a systematic, but complex to their everyday usage in house, buf­ doctrine abstracted from a large and falo, temple and bodily blessings or for diffuse literary tradition is important their usefulness in cases ofrevenge, fear, for understanding the continuing and lust (love potions and incantations are included here). The tarnnans are 6 For paritta literature in Southeast Asia see mostly, but certainly not exclusively, Skilling (1992: 109-82); for tamnans see my vernacular histories that have political, brief overview in the forthcoming "Trans­ formative History: Nih on Ry6 iki and economic, social, aesthetic and educa­ Jinaki:ilami:ilipakaral}am," Journal ofth e In­ tional reasons for being popular, which ternational Association ofBuddhist Studies I have discussed in another article, but and references cited at the end of this paper. which is largely beyond the scope ofthis 7 For example, I recently made a trip to the paper. I will discuss the aprocryphal rural temple in Baan Nawm Lam Jan of jatakas, folktales and kamavacas below. Savaanakhet Province in Southern Laos. In What is important for my purposes is this temple's rather large collection of manu­ that untranslated Pali canonical texts are scripts I found only one canonical text in Pi:ili - the Dhammapada. Although a few of this often in the minority in these collec­ temple's manuscripts had been removed for tions.7 Therefore, in 1990 Steven Collins microfilming by the National Library of wrote: Laos, the catalogue of the temple's collec­ "we need empirical research into each tion held by the library had very few canoni­ individual case, not a simple deduction cal texts and very few in Pi:ili. It also may be from the existence ofth e closed tripi!aka noted that the Pali Dhammapada held by the produced by the Mahavihara. We need temple was not complete and clearly, by its more research, for example, historical placement in the closet (ru) and the dust on and ethnographic, on the actual posses­ its cover had not been untied or read in years sion and use of texts, in monastery li­ (probably since the National Library's sur­ vey in 1993, since the label had been tied to braries and elsewhere, and on the con­ the binding cord and neither seemed as if tent of sermons and festival presenta­ they had been tampered with).
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