The Ascend and Descend of Communism in East-Central Europe: an Historical- Opinionated Analysis
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1 America's Relations with Greece to 1945: from Aloof Soft Power to The
1 AMERICA’S RELATIONS WITH GREECE TO 1945: FROM ALOOF SOFT POWER TO THE ONSET OF REGIONAL HARD POWER The Inaugural Demetrios and Demetra Partalis Kales Annual Lecture in Modern Greek History delivered at the Michigan League on November 12, 2009 by S. Victor Papacosma, Emeritus Professor of History and Director of the Lemnitzer Center for NATO and European Union Studies at Kent State University, Executive Director of the Modern Greek Studies Association The interest and involvement of the United States in Greek affairs began a slow trajectory from rather peripheral in the early nineteenth century to a level of increased concern by the end of World War II. But even by the beginning of 1945, as the following comments will try to point out, projections pointed to a limited regional presence for the United States, essentially a continuation of softer, relatively idealistic policy objectives. By early 1947, however, a dramatic reorientation would manifest itself, and not just for US relations with Greece. We must start at the beginning. George Washington in his 1796 Farewell Address had advised American abstention from European political and military entanglements. The level of American contact with the more distantly located, Ottoman-dominated Balkans developed even more slowly than that with other European regions during the nineteenth century. If any official American policy existed toward the problematic Eastern Question with its accompanying great power rivalries, it was that, in the issue of the Turkish Straits, freedom of the seas and therefore freedom of transit and navigation in the Straits should prevail both for naval and commercial vessels.1 The first Balkan people to attract the significant attention of America were the Greeks. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
Soviet Ruble, Gold Ruble, Tchernovetz and Ruble-Merchandise Mimeograph
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt258032tg No online items Overview of the Soviet ruble, gold ruble, tchernovetz and ruble-merchandise mimeograph Processed by Hoover Institution Archives Staff. Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 Phone: (650) 723-3563 Fax: (650) 725-3445 Email: [email protected] © 2009 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Overview of the Soviet ruble, YY497 1 gold ruble, tchernovetz and ruble-merchandise mimeograph Overview of the Soviet ruble, gold ruble, tchernovetz and ruble-merchandise mimeograph Hoover Institution Archives Stanford University Stanford, California Processed by: Hoover Institution Archives Staff Date Completed: 2009 Encoded by: Machine-readable finding aid derived from MARC record by David Sun. © 2009 Hoover Institution Archives. All rights reserved. Collection Summary Title: Soviet ruble, gold ruble, tchernovetz and ruble-merchandise mimeograph Dates: 1923 Collection Number: YY497 Collection Size: 1 item (1 folder) (0.1 linear feet) Repository: Hoover Institution Archives Stanford, California 94305-6010 Abstract: Relates to the circulation of currency in the Soviet Union. Original article published in Agence économique et financière, 1923 July 18. Translated by S. Uget. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Languages: English Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all audiovisual material is immediately accessible. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. -
Russian America and the USSR: Striking Parallels by Andrei V
Russian America and the USSR: Striking Parallels by Andrei V. Grinëv Translated by Richard L. Bland Abstract. The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the socioeconomic systems that have formed in the Russian colonies in Alaska and in the USSR. The author shows how these systems evolved and names the main reason for their similarity: the nature of the predominant type of property. In both systems, supreme state property dominated and in this way they can be designated as politaristic. Politariasm (from the Greek πολιτεία—the power of the majority, that is, in a broad sense, the state, the political system) is formation founded on the state’s supreme ownership of the basic means of production and the work force. Economic relations of politarism generated the corresponding social structure, administrative management, ideological culture, and even similar psychological features in Russian America and the USSR. Key words: Russian America, USSR, Alaska, Russian-American Company, politarism, comparative historical research. The selected theme might seem at first glance paradoxical. And in fact, what is common between the few Russian colonies in Alaska, which existed from the end of the 18th century to 1867, and the huge USSR of the 20th century? Nevertheless, analysis of this topic demonstrates the indisputable similarity between the development of such, it would seem, different-scaled and diachronic socioeconomic systems. It might seem surprising that many phenomena of the economic and social sphere of Russian America subsequently had clear analogies in Soviet society. One can hardly speak of simple coincidences and accidents of history. Therefore, the selected topic is of undoubted scholarly interest. -
Bulletin 10-Final Cover
COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN Issue 10 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. March 1998 Leadership Transition in a Fractured Bloc Featuring: CPSU Plenums; Post-Stalin Succession Struggle and the Crisis in East Germany; Stalin and the Soviet- Yugoslav Split; Deng Xiaoping and Sino-Soviet Relations; The End of the Cold War: A Preview COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 10 The Cold War International History Project EDITOR: DAVID WOLFF CO-EDITOR: CHRISTIAN F. OSTERMANN ADVISING EDITOR: JAMES G. HERSHBERG ASSISTANT EDITOR: CHRISTA SHEEHAN MATTHEW RESEARCH ASSISTANT: ANDREW GRAUER Special thanks to: Benjamin Aldrich-Moodie, Tom Blanton, Monika Borbely, David Bortnik, Malcolm Byrne, Nedialka Douptcheva, Johanna Felcser, Drew Gilbert, Christiaan Hetzner, Kevin Krogman, John Martinez, Daniel Rozas, Natasha Shur, Aleksandra Szczepanowska, Robert Wampler, Vladislav Zubok. The Cold War International History Project was established at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C., in 1991 with the help of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and receives major support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Smith Richardson Foundation. The Project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to disseminate new information and perspectives on Cold War history emerging from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side”—the former Communist bloc—through publications, fellowships, and scholarly meetings and conferences. Within the Wilson Center, CWIHP is under the Division of International Studies, headed by Dr. Robert S. Litwak. The Director of the Cold War International History Project is Dr. David Wolff, and the incoming Acting Director is Christian F. -
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe. -
Yalta Conference, 1945
Yalta Conference, 1945 DIRECTOR CRISIS MANAGER MODERATOR Roberto Fusciardi Lucy Faria Leila Farrow CRISIS ANALYSTS Tammy Cheng Sheldon Stern Rachel DeGasperis Maeve Redmond UTMUN 2020 Yalta Conference, 1945 Contents Content Disclaimer 2 UTMUN Policies 3 Equity Concerns and Accessibility Needs 3 A Letter from Your Director 4 Background 5 The War 5 Previous Conferences 7 Setting 10 Topics 11 Germany 11 Poland 11 Japan 12 Eastern Europe 12 The United Nations 13 Points to Remember 15 Allies and Loyalty 15 War and Diplomacy 15 Leaders and Subordinates 15 Characters 15 Bibliography 16 1 UTMUN 2020 Yalta Conference, 1945 Content Disclaimer At its core, Model United Nations (MUN) is a simulatory exercise of diplomatically embodying, presenting, hearing, dissecting, and negotiating various perspectives in debate. Such an exercise offers opportunities for delegates to meaningfully explore possibilities for conflict resolution on various issues and their complex, even controversial dimensions – which, we recognize, may be emotionally and intellectually challenging to engage with. As UTMUN seeks to provide an enriching educational experience that facilitates understanding of the real-world implications of issues, our committees’ contents may necessarily involve sensitive or controversial subject matter strictly for academic purposes. We ask for delegates to be respectful, professional, tactful, and diplomatic when engaging with all committee content, representing their assigned country’s or character’s position, communicating with staff and other delegates, and responding to opposing viewpoints. The below content warning is meant to warn you of potentially sensitive or triggering topics that are present in the formal content of this background guide, as well as content that may appear in other aspects of committee (e.g., debate, crisis updates, directives), so that you can either prepare yourself before reading this background guide or opt-out of reading it entirely: Some of the content discussed in this guide and this committee deals with sensitive subject matter. -
Underpinning of Soviet Industrial Paradigms
Science and Social Policy: Underpinning of Soviet Industrial Paradigms by Chokan Laumulin Supervised by Professor Peter Nolan Centre of Development Studies Department of Politics and International Studies Darwin College This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2019 Preface This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other University or similar institution except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the relevant Degree Committee. 2 Chokan Laumulin, Darwin College, Centre of Development Studies A PhD thesis Science and Social Policy: Underpinning of Soviet Industrial Development Paradigms Supervised by Professor Peter Nolan. Abstract. Soviet policy-makers, in order to aid and abet industrialisation, seem to have chosen science as an agent for development. Soviet science, mainly through the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, was driving the Soviet industrial development and a key element of the preparation of human capital through social programmes and politechnisation of the society. -
The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Rússneska The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War Have Historians Reached a Consensus on the Origins of the Cold War? Ritgerð til B.A. prófs Saga Helgason Morris Kt.: 011097-3329 Leiðbeinandi: Jón Ólafsson 1 Abstract The Cold War and its origins have been a constant source of debate among historians and quite rightly so. With no access to Soviet archives until 1991 and the outcome of the hostilities unknown, historians were left to draw their own conclusions from official documents and published propaganda. Hence, as with any historical event, interpretations have changed over time. In this paper, I set out to explore whether assessments have shifted to a degree whereby historians today have come together in their understanding of the origins of the Cold War. In order to answer this question, an investigation is required to explore how and why these historical perspectives have changed. First, the two traditional viewpoints of the Cold War are discussed, namely the orthodox and revisionist interpretations. The orthodox view places responsibility on the USSR for the development of the Cold War whereas the revisionist view argues that the hostilities developed as a result of reacting to one another’s actions. Subsequently, the viewpoints of a selected group of post-Cold War historians are explored. Gaddis argues that hostilities between the United States and Soviet Union had their roots in the nations’ different perceptions of security. Zubok and Pleshakov maintain that Stalin’s character and diplomatic actions were of particular importance in the onset of the Cold War. -
Churchill's Dark Side
Degree Programme: Politics with a Minor (EUUB03) Churchill’s Dark Side To What Extent did Winston Churchill have a Dark Side from 1942-1945? Abstract 1 Winston Churchill is considered to be ‘one of history's greatest leaders; without his 1 leadership, the outcome of World War II may have been completely different’0F . This received view has dominated research, subsequently causing the suppression of Churchill’s critical historical revisionist perspective. This dissertation will explore the boundaries of the revisionist perspective, whilst the aim is, simultaneously, to assess and explain the extent Churchill had a ‘dark side’ from 1942-1945. To discover this dark side, frameworks will be applied, in addition to rational and irrational choice theory. Here, as part of the review, the validity of rational choice theory will be questioned; namely, are all actions rational? Hence this research will construct another viewpoint, that is irrational choice theory. Irrational choice theory stipulates that when the rational self-utility maximisation calculation is not completed correctly, actions can be labelled as irrational. Specifically, the evaluation of the theories will determine the legitimacy of Churchill’s dark actions. Additionally, the dark side will be 2 3 assessed utilising frameworks taken from Furnham et al1F , Hogan2F and Paulhus & 4 Williams’s dark triad3F ; these bring depth when analysing the presence of a dark side; here, the Bengal Famine (1943), Percentage Agreement (1944) and Operation 1 Matthew Gibson and Robert J. Weber, "Applying Leadership Qualities Of Great People To Your Department: Sir Winston Churchill", Hospital Pharmacy 50, no. 1 (2015): 78, doi:10.1310/hpj5001-78. -
Russian Ruble, Rub
As of March 16th 2015 RUSSIA - RUSSIAN RUBLE, RUB Country: Russia Currency: Russian Ruble (RUB) Phonetic Spelling: {ru:bil} Country Overview Abbreviation: RUB FOREIGN EXCHANGE Controlled by the Central Bank of Russia (http://www.cbr.ru/eng/) The RUB continues Etymology to be affected by the oil price shock, escalating capital outflows, and damaging The origin of the word “rouble” is derived from the economic sanctions. The Russian ruble (RUB) continued to extend its losses and Russian verb руби́ть (rubit’), which means “to chop, cut, suffered its largest one-day decline on Dec 1st against the US dollar (USD) — less than to hack.” Historically, “ruble” was a piece of a certain a month after allowing the RUB to float freely. The RUB’s slide reflects the fact that weight chopped off a silver oblong block, hence the Russia is among the most exposed to falling oil prices and is particularly vulnerable to name. Another version of the word’s origin comes from the Russian noun рубец, rubets, which translates OPEC’s recent decision to maintain its supply target of 30-million-barrels per day. This to the seam that is left around the coin after casting, combined with the adverse impact of Western sanctions has contributed to the RUB’s therefore, the word ruble means “a cast with a seam” nearly 40% depreciation vis-à-vis the USD since the start of 2014. In this context, the Russian Central Bank will likely hike interest rates at its next meeting on December In English, both the spellings “ruble” and “rouble” are 11th. -
British Perfidy in Greece: a Story Worth Remembering - Ed Vulliamy and Helena Smith
British perfidy in Greece: a story worth remembering - Ed Vulliamy and Helena Smith An account of the time in 1944 when the British Army, at war with Germany switched their allegiance, opening fire upon – and arming Greek collaborators with the Nazis to fire upon – a civilian crowd in Syntagma Square. “I can still see it very clearly, I have not forgotten,” says Titos Patrikios; “the police firing on the crowd from the roof of the parliament at the top of Syntagma Square in Athens. The young men and women lying in pools of blood, everyone rushing down the stairs in total shock, total panic.” And then came the defining moment: the recklessness of jeunesse, the passion of belief in a justice burning bright: “I jumped up on the fountain in the middle of the square, the one that is still there, and I began to shout: “Comrades, don’t disperse! Victory will be ours! Don’t leave. The time has come. We will win!” “I was,” he says now, “absolutely sure, profoundly sure, that we were going to win”. But there was no winning that day; just as there was no pretending that what had happened would not change the history of a country that, liberated from Adolf Hitler’s Reich barely six weeks earlier, was now surging headlong towards bloody civil war. Seventy years may have passed but time has not diminished how Titos Patrikios felt that day. Nor has it dented his recollection of events. Even now, at 86, when he “laughs at and with myself that I have reached such an age”, the poet can remember, scene-for-scene, shot for shot, what happened on the central square of Greek political life, on the morning of December 3, 1944.