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Decentralisation As Ethnic Closure, with Special Reference to a Declining Negotiated Access to Natural Resources in Western Ethiopia

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Decentralisation As Ethnic Closure, with Special Reference to a Declining Negotiated Access to Natural Resources in Western Ethiopia Africa Development, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 2006, pp. 243–260 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2006 (ISSN 0850-3907) Decentralisation as Ethnic Closure, with Special Reference to a Declining Negotiated Access to Natural Resources in Western Ethiopia Dereje Feyissa* Abstract Between the Anywaa and the Nuer, the two neighbouring people in the Gambela regional state in western Ethiopia, the Anywaa are better endowed with access to and control over vital natural resources. Occupying an economic fringe, the Nuer have used various strategies to access these resources. After their initial violent expansion into Anywaa territories, the Nuer have largely reoriented their strategy to peaceful means: social networking and the instrumentalisation of inter-ethnic exchanges. This was due to their capacity to create a shared cultural space centring on the notion of the first-comer to regulate entitlement issues. In this paper, I explore the process of local-level integration and how decentralisa- tion and the new political order have shifted the mode of inter-ethnic relations from compromise and negotiation to competition and confrontation. The paper argues that this is so partly because, despite the decentralisation rhetoric, the state maintains a hegemonic status by claiming ultimate ownership over the vital means of production—the land. Drawing on the experience of the Gambela regional state, the paper argues that decentralisation in Ethiopia has not brought its intended result—local empowerment. Instead, decentralisation is experienced in the form of elite political competition, while seriously undermining local forms of integration. Above all, decentralisation and the new political order have meant the growing relevance of extra-local bases of entitlement over natu- ral resources. Résumé Entre les Anywaa et les Nuer—des populations voisines vivant dans l’état régional de Gambela, Ouest Ethiopie—les zones des Anywaa sont mieux fournies en ressources naturelles. Occupant une frange territoriale, les Nuer ont mis en œuvre * Research Fellow, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale, Germany. Email: [email protected] 10.feyissa.p65 243 16/09/2006, 12:33 244 Africa Development, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 2006 plusieurs stratégies pour accéder aux ressources contrôlées par leurs voisins. Après une période d’expansion territoriale régie par la violence, les Nuer ont réorienté leurs stratégies vers des procédures plus pacifiques: le réseautage social et l’instrumentalisation des échanges interethniques. Cette nouvelle forme d’intégration a été possible grâce à leurs capacités à créer un espace culturel partagé, qui s’appuie sur la notion de premier occupant comme mécanisme de régulation de la propriété foncière. Dans cet article, j’explore la question de l’intégration locale et j’explique comment le processus de décentralisation et le nouvel ordre politique en Ethiopie ont déplacé le mode de relation interethnique du compromis et de la négociation à la compétition et la confrontation. L’article soutient que cette situation est partiellement due au fait qu’en dépit de la rhétorique sur la décentralisation, l’Etat continue à exercer son hégémonie sur la propriété foncière. S’appuyant sur l’expérience de l’Etat régional de Gambela, le présent article démontre que la décentralisation en Ethiopie n’a pas généré le résultat attendu, à savoir le renforcement des pouvoirs des acteurs locaux. Au contraire elle met en œuvre un processus de compétition politique élitaire et sape les formes d’intégration locale. Avant tout, la décentralisation et le nouvel ordre politique ont conduit à la pertinence croissante des bases extra-locales de la définition des modalités d’appropriation des ressources naturelles. Introducing Gambela and its people The Gambela region is located in western Ethiopia along the boundary with Southern Sudan. It covers an area of 23,000 square kilometres and accord- ing to the 1994 census the population figure is 200,000. Various registers of identification are invoked in social interaction, but two emic categories fea- ture prominently in contemporary Gambela: ethnic and pseudo-racial. There are five ethnic groups living in the region: Anywaa, Nuer, Majangir, Opo and Komo. Demographically, the Nuer form the majority with 40 per cent, followed by the Anywaa (27 per cent), and Majangir (10 per cent). Anywaa and Opo are cultivators, Nuer are agro-pastoralists, while the Majangir are hunter-gatherers. The settlement pattern straddles the international bound- ary and both the Anywaa and the Nuer live in Southern Sudan, where the Nuer are the second most populous ethnic group and the Anywaa form a small minority.1 Taken all together, more Nuer live in the Sudan than in Ethio- pia, although they form the majority in the Gambela region. Meanwhile, more Anywaa live in Ethiopia than in the Sudan. Demographic incongruity is further complicated by settlement pattern. Anywaa numerical minority contrasts with their occupation of a larger area. In the Gambela region, six of the nine districts are inhabited by the Anywaa, whereas the Nuer inhabit two. The second most important taxonomy in identification—apparently eco- logical, but with a strong political connotation—is the distinction between the highlanders and the lowlanders. Ecologically, a highlander is one who is 10.feyissa.p65 244 16/09/2006, 12:33 Feyissa: Decentralisation as Ethnic Closure 245 not from Gambela and comes from a highland region.2 Ethnically, the high- landers are highly differentiated but the majority of them are ethnic Oromo, Amhara, Tigre and Kembata. Above all, this line of distinction represents a ‘physical’ boundary. The ‘black’ people (the Nilotic lowlanders) are con- trasted with the ‘red’ people (the highlanders). According to this taxonomy, the Anywaa and the Nuer fall within the same category. The Anywaa use the term gala and the Nuer bouny to refer to the highlanders, with more or less the same connotation. Politically speaking, the term highlander signifies state power, for the highlanders have been identified with the Ethiopian state ever since the incorporation of the Gambela region in the late nineteenth century. In fact, both the Anywaa and the Nuer use the same term (gala and bouny, respectively) to refer to the Ethiopian state as well. As such, the highlanders constitute the ‘significant others’ in contemporary Anywaa-Nuer relations. One of the main features of contemporary Anywaa-Nuer conflict is, there- fore, the various strategies they use to access the Ethiopian state (itself per- ceived as a highlander) in the local struggle for resources that underlie ethno politics. The highlanders comprise 25 per cent of the population of Gambela and dominate the business sector, although a growing number of re-settled highland farmers are engaged in cultivation and livestock keeping. Except in the regional capital where all the groups are represented, the highlanders are not neighbours of the Nuer and live with and in Anywaa villages. Following the regime change in Ethiopia in 1991, Gambela was organ- ised as one of the nine ethno-regional states within the new federal govern- ment. The new political order has reduced the highlanders to a residual cat- egory, for every highlander now belongs to one of the nine ethno-regional states. As a result, the Anywaa and the Nuer are the two major political ac- tors in the new regional state of Gambela. Nevertheless, as the highlanders represent the federal government from the centre, the category of highlander is still a code word for the Ethiopian state in Gambela. Natural resources Key natural resources The majority of the people in the Gambela region make a living from three key natural resources: cultivation land, grazing land and fish. The availabil- ity, quality and distributive pattern of these natural resources are regulated by the major rivers that flow through the region. One of the wettest in the country, the Gambela region is watered by four major tributaries of the White Nile River: the Baro, Akobo, Gilo and Alwero. The river system of the Gambela region involves a long flooding period that lasts for four months (between the months of August and November). Though detrimental when it 10.feyissa.p65 245 16/09/2006, 12:33 246 Africa Development, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 2006 is intense, the flood nevertheless creates and regulates the distribution of key natural resources in the region, and is particularly vital for moisture cultiva- tion and dry-season pasture. It is the ebb and rise of the rivers that regulate both crop and livestock productions. The Gambela region contains 129,014 hectares of cultivable land but currently only 2.4 per cent of this is being cultivated (GPBED 2000). Land holdings on average are 0.5 ha. Cultivation in the region involves three farming systems: sedentary rain-fed cultivation, moisture cultivation, and shifting cultivation.3 Of the total cultivable land, 65 per cent is savannah, 30 per cent forest land, and 4.5 per cent marshland. Only 0.5 per cent is suitable for moisture cultivation, but it nevertheless sup- ports a significant number of the farming population (Ellman 1972). In this fertile land, the Anywaa and the Nuer harvest maize and sorghum twice a year. Grazing land is another important key resource in the region. The plains of Gambela are one of the most suitable areas for cattle production. Major sources of livestock feed are the open woodlands, riverine forest and woodland during the wet season, and the savanna grass land during the dry season. No other food supplement is provided to livestock. The relatively scarce pasture type is the savanna grassland which provides the main source of animal feed during the dry season. Settlements near the major rivers are best positioned to access these lands .Of the total land area classified as natural grazing area, only 64.2 per cent is currently utilised by livestock.4 Livestock production is sustained by transhumance between wet season villages and dry season camps.
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