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Master's Theses Graduate College
4-1984
Manual Labor: The Twelfth-Century Cistercian Ideal
Dennis R. Overman
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Recommended Citation Overman, Dennis R., "Manual Labor: The Twelfth-Century Cistercian Ideal" (1984). Master's Theses. 1525. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/1525
This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MANUAL LABOR: THE TWELFTH-CENTURY CISTERCIAN IDEAL
by
Dennis R. Overman
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Medieval Studies
Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan April 1984
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. MANUAL LABOR: THE TWELFTH-CENTURY CISTERCIAN IDEAL
Dennis R. Overman, M.A.
Western Michigan University, 1984
Throughout the history of western monasticism three
principal occupations were repeatedly emphasized for the monk:
prayer, lectio divina (spiritual reading/meditation), and manual
labor. Periodically, cultural mindsets, social structure, or
even geography have produced a variation in the practice
of these occupations, resulting in the dominance of one or
the other, or even the disappearance of one altogether.
The emergence of the Cistercian Order at the end of
the eleventh century was characterized by a spirit of simplicity
and austerity with a renewed emphasis on manual labor which
had been a neglected element in the monastic regime in the
period just prior to the Cistercians. The treatises of the prominent
Cistercian authors of the twelfth century indicated a desire
to return to and recapture the fervant observance of the monastic
regime as lived by the Desert Fathers and earliest monastic
communities, and most literally a faithfulness to the Rule
of Saint Benedict. The Cistercian emphasis on manual labor
was as much an attempt to respond to the popular religious
needs of the twelfth century as it was an attempt to restore
monasticism to its pristine form. Although Cistercian authors
continued to insist upon the performance of manual labor into
the thirteenth century, by the end of the twelfth century it
ceased to be required of all monks in the Order. i
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are several people whose support and encouragement provided me with the desire and ability to research this thesis and to whom I am deeply grateful:
Reverend Thomas J. Nelson, C.M. who first introduced me to the Institute of Cistercian Studies.
John R. Sommerfeldt, Ph.D., who engendered in me his enthusiasm for Cistercian Spirituality.
E. Rozanne Elder, Ph.D., whose careful scholarship and personal commitment to the values of the monastic life, particularly manual labor, provided enlightening direction and critical objectivity.
The monks of Our Lady of Guadalupe Abbey who generously provided me with the facilities in which to write and the opportunity to experience firsthand the monastic balance of prayer, work and study.
Reverend William J. Fitzgerald whose unquestioning love and support enabled me to forge ahead.
John L. Overman, Jr., my father, who has always believed in me.
Dennis R. Overman
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University Mfcrdrilms International 300 N. Z eeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106
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OVERMAN, DENNIS ROBERT
MANUAL LABOR: THE TWELFTH-CENTURY CISTERCIAN IDEAL
WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY M.A. 1984
University Microfilms International 300 N, Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106
Copyright ms4 by
OVERMAN, DENNIS ROBERT All Rights Reserved
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii
POEM: "Trappists Working," by Thomas Merton ...... v
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
II. MANUAL LABOR: ANCIENT MONASTIC TRADITION AND RULES ...... 6
III. MANUAL LABOR: THE MONASTIC CLIMATE PRECEDING Citeaux ...... 15
IV. MANUAL LABOR: THE CISTERCIAN VIEW IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY: BASIC ELEMENTS OF THE ASCETICAL LIFE ...... 37
Poverty...... 38
Solitude ...... 45
The Apostolic Life ...... 48
Strict Adherence to the Rule of Saint Benedict ...... 58
V. MANUAL LABOR: THE CISTERCIAN VIEW IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY: THEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS...... 64
Avoidance of Idleness ...... 65
A Balanced Life ...... 67
The Physical Bases of SpiritualGrowth ...... 76
Manual Labor as Mortification | Penance ...... 81
VI. THE EXPERIENCE OF THE MONK IN THE MONASTERY: COUNTER-INDICATIONS ...... 88
The Rise of the Cistercian Lay-brotherhood ...... 88
The Rise of Intellectual and Literary Work ...... 94
The Use and Abuse of Monastic Sources ...... 97
VII. CONCLUSION ...... 101
iii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDICES A...... 103
B...... 105
C...... 107 D ...... ioy
ABBREVIATIONS ...... Ill
ENDNOTES ...... 113
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 151
iv
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Trappists Working 1
Now all our saws sing holy sonnets in this world timber Where oaks go off like guns, and fall like cataracts, Pouring their roar into the wood's green well.
Walk to us, Jesus, through the wall of trees And find us still adorers in these airy churches, Singing our other Office with cur saws and axes. Still teach Your Children in the busy forest, And let some little sunligh1: reach us, in our mental Shades, and leafy studies.
When time has turned the country white with grain And filled our regions with the thrashing sun, Walk to us, jesus, through the walls of wheat When our two tractors come to cut them down: Sow some light winds upon the acres of our spirit, And cool the regions where our prayers are reapers, And slake us, Heaven, with Your living rivers.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The unfolding of the history of Christianity is resplendent
with countless attempts to emulate the life of Jesus Christ.
With fundamental Gospel principles and various forms of
New Testament theologizing, men and women throughout the
ages have sought radically to live lives modelled on Jesus
Christ. The monastic movement has been one such attempt
to live the Gospel, and in so doing seek union with God.
Throughout its own history, monasticism has grown, developed,
and evolved; shaped by both internal ideological progression
as well as by response to developments in the secular sphere.
But its aim today is the same as for the first monks in the
fourth century: to strip away obstructions impeding the evan
gelical life, and to set about living a life which would draw
them into ultimate union with God.
The context in which the monk chose to pursue this
program varied from place to place and from age to age.
Basically, tradition informs us of two environments in which
the monastic program was embraced: the hermitage, and the
cenobium. The hermit's choice divorced him from normal inter
action with society. Solitude was the womb in which the
hermit stripped himself of his worldly obstructions and unified
himself with God. Although consultation with an Abba, a
1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. spiritual father, was an important element in the eremitic
tradition, the journey was made primarily in solitude. The
cenobite, on the other hand, chose to pursue his calling
within a community of brethren. Although solitude was no
less important an element in the cenobite's observance than
in the hermit's, community added a companionship in which
the monk was able to practice humility and charity. The
essential characteristic of both traditions was stripping away
worldly obstacles in preparation for union with God.
Scripture and the writings of the primitive Church
Fathers provided the monk with the fundamental orientation
for his life. "... monasticism depends upon a living tradition
which is solidly rooted in the Scriptures and in the primitive 9 Church's understanding of the evangelical counsels." In
this quotation, Claude Peifer reinforces the assertion that
it is the Gospel exhortation which provides the basis for
the monastic life. He goes on to say that "the Apostles, together
•5 with the Prophets are prototypes of the monk." This equation
of the monastic life with the Apostles was a bitterly debated
controversy in the twelfth century, especially among canons
regular and other more active communities who argued that
preaching and administering the sacraments were the essential
elements of the vita apostolica.^ Without engaging in that
battle here, regardless of the assertions of the active communities
of the twelfth century, the ideal of the monk was to live
an evangelical life based on the example of the Apostles.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. With the Apostles as models, the monk embraced the task
of emulation.
Of what, did the ascetic program of the monk consist?
The life of the monk was carefully balanced among prayer,
work, and study. Together they formed an integrated monastic
program. Engagement in these practices disciplined the life
of the monk, enabling him to overcome the innate obstacles
to union with God. It was the combination and integration
of these practices which procured for the monk a balanced
asceticism. Prayer addressed the perfection of the spirit,
reading and study the perfection of the mind, and manual
labor the occupation of the body. The continual interaction
of these activities provided the monk with a disciplined,
ascetical program for life.
The following study is an examination of one of the
components of this three-fold ascetic regime, that of manual
labor. The various sources have been examined in an attempt
to identify and illustrate the dominant motives and attitudes
inherent in the legislations and theological writings of the
monastic authors. The focus of the study is the writings
of the founders of the Cistercian Order and prominent Cistercian
authors of the twelfth century. To provide a foundational
structure out of which to view the Cistercian attitude toward
manual labor, the study begins with an examination of the
legislation found in the Rule of the Master and the Rule
of Saint Benedict. The Rule of Saint Benedict was a primary
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. monastic formational document for the first Cistercians. The
Rule of the Master had exerted its influence on the development
of monastic observance since its inclusion in the Codex regularum c of Benedict of Aniane in the ninth century. Thus, the rudimen
tary legislations on manual labor in both documents are
significant. Several monastic reform movements which preceded
the beginnings of Citeaux are also examined in an attempt
to establish the monastic climate and to bring to the surface
contemporary attitudes toward manual labor at the time of
the emergence of the Cistercians at the end of the eleventh
century.
In their own words, the founders of the monastery
of Citeaux intended to follow the Rule of Saint Benedict "more g strictly and more perfectly." The religious milieu at the
end of the eleventh century was characterized by a popular
reawakening to the values of the primitive Church. Movements
seeking the eremitic life, evangelical poverty, and the apostolic life 7 were widespread. All of these movements look deliberately
back to the early Church and early monastic tradition. The
question remains: were the early Cistercians of the twelfth
century simply recovering the pristine ascetical fervor of
the apostolic and early monastic communities, or were they,
by responding to the needs of the twelfth-century person
creating a new asceticism of manual labor? Do the writings
of the twelfth century Cistercian authors on manual labor
indicate a development in monastic theology which goes beyond
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. those ideals expressed by the monastic Fathers? The purpose
of this study is to identify the motives and ideals of the
twelfth century Cistercians, whose attitudes toward manual
labor embodied in a cenobitic expression the ideals of the
Rule of Saint Benedict and the varied eremitical movements
which preceded it; and to differentiate traditional monastic
themes from Cistercian developments in monastic spirituality.
Finally, the question must be asked: what was the relationship
between the theological treatises of the Cistercian theoreticians
and the actual experience of the monk in the monastery?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II
MANUAL LABOR: ANCIENT MONASTIC TRADITION AND RULES
The importance of manual labor in the monastic ascetical
regime was firmly established before the emergence of the
Rule of the Master or the Rule of Saint Benedict. The ancient
solitary and cenobitic monks regarded the work of theu hands
as an integral part of their monastic practice. They were
careful to place manual labor in a proper perspective. They
recognized the fact that their primary goal, the pursuit
of contemplation and unceasing prayer, warranted the periodic
balance achieved by manual labor and the exercise of the
body. The overcoming of accedia, spiritual malaise or restlessness, Q was a primary function of manual labor. The labor encouraged
by these ancient monks was of a type that would not upset
the contemplative rhythm of their life. Rather, it was to
be a kind of discipline that engendered recollection and
promoted humility. Saint Anthony occupied himself by making
mats from palm-leaves. He encouraged others in his care
to do the s a m e .^ Up until the time he was in his nineties,
Anthony perservered in the manual labor by planting corn
and making his own bread so as not to be a burden to anyone
Pachomius encouraged his monks who plied a trade before
coming to the monastery to continue in that trade, others
he encouraged to do agricultural work. ^ In a Pachomian
6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 monastery in Panopolis, Paladius observed that there were
many craftsmen: tailors, smiths, carpenters, gardeners, weavers,
shoemakers etc., all working within the confines of the mon-
astery.12 Frequently, they engaged in the recitation of psalms
during their work so as to achieve uninterrupted p r a y e r . ^
At the same time, self-support was a matter of practical
necessity. The monks' very renunciation of the world made
manual labor a necessity. The anchorites of Nitria wove
linen for their livelihood.^ They would allow a visitor to
spend one week in idleness; after that he was put to work
at one of the tasks in the monastery, gardening or working
in the kitchen. ^ The monks looked down upon those who
begged and made their livelihood totally from the charity
of others. They displayed little regard for those visionaries
who refused to work, claiming that the contemplative life
exempted them from manual labor:
It was said of Abba John the Dwarf, that one day he said to his elder brother, 'I should like to be freeof all care, like the angels, who do not work, but ceaselessly offer worship to God.' So he took off his cloak and went away into the desert. After a week he came back to his brother. When he knocked on his door, he heard his brother say, before he opened it, 'Who are you?' He said, 'I am John, your brother.' But he replied,'John has become an angel, and henceforth he is no longer among men.' Then the other begged him saying, 'It is I.' However, his brother did not let him in, but left him there in distress until morning. Then, opening the door, he said to him, 'You are a man and you must once again work in order to eat. ' Then John made a prostration before
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. him, saying, 'Forgive me.' 1 fl
The basis for the elder brother's—and the monastic—attitude
is found in Saint Paul's Second Letter to the Thessalonians,
"We gave you a rule when we were with you: not to let
anyone have any food if he refused to do any work." ^ This
same directive is echoed in the writings of some of the early
monastic fathers: Basil, Longer Rules Chapter 37; and Cassian,
Institutes Chapters 1 and 5, and Conferences Chapters 12
and 24. Beyond the directive for self-support, work allowed
the monk to engage in the charitable act of almsgiving.
Out of his surplus, the monk shared his goods with the poor, 18 thus growing in charity.
Building upon this tradition, both the Rule of the Master
and the Rule of Saint Benedict adopted a similar rationale
and approach to manual labor. The Rule of the Master dates
to the first quarter of the sixth century.^ In his Rule,
the Master compiled a comprehensive program for the ascetical
life of the monk. Also from the sixth century came the Rule
of Saint Benedict, a document which has had a dominant
influence on the evolution of western monasticism. In the
past twenty-five years the relationship between these two
documents has been hotly debated. 20 It has been questioned
which document preceded and influenced the other, or whether
there was some third document from which both drew inspiration.
Recent scholarship weighs heavily in favor of the Rule of
the Master preceding the Rule of Saint Benedict. For this
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. study, that debate shall not be pursued. Rather, the aim
is to examine the legislation concerning manual labor in
both sources.
"After the Divine Office has ceased during the
day, we do not want the intervals when the psalmody of
the Hours is suspended to be spent idly, lest short-time
idleness produce no long-term profit, because an idle man
produces death and is always craving something. For while
a brother is engaged in some task he fixes his eyes on some
work and thereby occupies his attention with what he is
doing, and has no time to think about anything else, and
is not submerged in a flood of desires."This 21 excerpt sets
the tone for the author of the Rule of the Master with regard
to manual labor. The purpose of manual labor was to occupy
the time the monk had when not engaged in prayer, recitation
of the Psalms, or reading. His concentration on his work
afforded the monk a singlemindedness which enabled him
to avoid distraction. The Master, concerned that the monk
might be overcome by the passions of the flesh and the world,
legislated that the monks' time be spent in manual labor
to avoid the distractions of the world. As an added measure,
the Master called for reading aloud to large groups of monks
who were working together; this no doubt to aid those incapable
of avoiding distraction by means of the manual labor alone,
or to counterbalance the temptation of speaking to one another
while they worked. "And always when the number of brothers
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. engaged in this work is rather large, let one who is literate
read aloud from some book every day, and this provision
must be made for the workers at all times and in all seasons.
We have prescribed this reading to the workers every day
so that while keeping silence about what is evil and listening
to and speaking about what is good we may never sin." 22
Alternatively, the monks were allowed to recite the Psalms 23 aloud during work to the same purpose.
For Saint Benedict, work in the monastery was not
an end in itself, but only one dimension in the spiritual
and ascetical program of prayer, work, and study. In his
Rule, Saint Benedict had the same governing principle as
did the author of the Rule of the Master. "Idleness is the 2 L enemy of the soul."Although the principle is the same,
Benedict spent far less time and fewer words developing
and reinforcing this idea than did the Master. Benedict made
a point of saying that if a monk is slothful or careless
and as a result is unable to read, he should engage in 25 manual labor. For all the monks, and especially those
who were illiterate, manual labor engaged them in such a
way so as to avoid idleness.
Scripturally, the Rule of the Master had for its basis
the same line from Saint Paul's Second Letter to the Thessalon-
ians that we cited as the basis for the early monastic Fathers,
that anyone who will not work, shall not eat. As their
models, monks looked to the Apostles and Prophets and studied
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the early church Fathers. The Apostles, embodying the Gospel
exhortation, gave up what little they had and lived lives
of poverty. They became, in some cases, itinerant preachers
living from the charity of the permanent Christian communities
they founded. These early Christian communities, adhering
to the directives of Saint Paul lived common lives, and worked
to support each other. In addition to providing support,
the work in which these Apostolic communities were engaged
had as its fruit the production of goods to be distributed
among the poor. The Master recognized this also when he
wrote, "Therefore, after the Divine Office there must be physical
that is manual, labor so that when there is something to
give to the poor good will be added to good works." 27 So,
an added dimension to self-support was provision for pilgrims
and the poor. As de Vogue points out, "The only purpose
of work is to occupy the monks [in the Rule of Saint Benedict]
in earning their own living and to provide the wherewithal
to meet the ordinary occupation and obligation of hospitality 28 and almsgiving."
Saint Benedict adopted the same scriptural premise.
Although he did not specifically quote the Second Letter the
the Thessalonians, he did say, "for then they are truly
monks when they live by the labor of their hands, like our
fathers and the apostles." 29 The reference again was to
the fact that the Apostles, having embraced poverty, worked
to support themselves while awaiting the parousia. The emphasis
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. on charity, hospitality, and almsgiving was also very pronounced
in the Rule of Saint Benedict. "Let all guests that come be on received like Christ." This was a reference to the Gospel
of Matthew 25:35 when Jesus set forth the Christian response
to the poor. Saint Benedict's reputation for charity and alms
giving is related in the Dialogues of Saint Gregory the Great.
In the Dialogues, Gregory recounted how Saint Benedict gave
to the poor the last bit of food and money he had in the
monastery.'31 Even taking into account the exaggerations
of hagiographical material, the inclusion of Saint Benedict's
charity is significant. For both the Master and Saint Benedict
self-support and the charitable bestowal of the fruits of
the monk's labor were points of main emphasis.
For a practical ordering of the day's activities for
the disciples of both the Maser and Saint Benedict, the reader
is referred to Appendices I and II. As can be seen there,
work was alternated with prayer and reading to provide
a consistent framework in which the monk avoided distraction
and sought God. The monk following the Rule of the Master
spent about three quarters of the day in manual labor. 32
The Master legislated quite clearly that the monk was to
be engaged in crafts and gardening, both to be done within
the enclosure. 33 After setting down the legislations for manual
labor, the Master ended on a note of moderation. The work
was to be assigned so as not to be an undue burden on O / anyone, especially children, the infirm, or the aged. He
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. specifically discouraged engagement in agriculture suggesting,
rather, that the land be cultivated by laymen . ^ The rationale
for this directive was that it would be better for a layman
to be exposed to "the clamors of the tenants, the quarrels
with neighbors' f than the monk. The monk should not be
subjected to the affairs of the world. The monks under the
Master's Rule followed two basic schedules conforming to
seasonal variance. The first season extended from 24September
to Easter, and the second from Easter to 24 September.^
The schedule shifted assigned tasks, such as reading and
work, to utilize best the hours of sunlight. during Lent
an interesting attitude toward labor emerged. A monk who
willingly took on a fast might be exempted from community
labor. Fasting was considered a spiritual work, and took
precedence over manual labor. Lest they be idle, however, oO those fasting read to those working. J
The Rule of Saint Benedict employed a similar regime.
The basic difference was that Benedict's schedule had three
divisions instead of two. They extended from Easter to the
first of October, the first of October to the beginning of
Lent, and the period of Lent.^ This separate schedule for
Lent differed from the Rule of the Master. Basically, the
difference was manifest in the numbers and times of the
meals. Whereas the Master allowed for only one meal at any
season, Benedict allowed two in non-Lenten seasons. The
more moderate nature of the Rule of Saint Benedict is evident.^*
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The other basic difference between the Rule of the Master
and the Rule of Saint Benedict was the type of labor in
which the monks engaged. Whereas the Master prohibited
the cultivation of the land, Benedict allowed it. In Saint
Benedict's Rule there were references to work in the field,
"But if the circumstances of the place or their poverty require
them to gather the harvest themselves, let them not be dis
contented." ^ Crafts, gardening, maintenance of the monastery,
serving at table, cooking were part of both the Master's
and Saint Benedict's observance.
In summary, two primary motives for performance of
manual labor are discovered in the Rule of the Master and
the Rule of Saint Benedict: the avoidance of idleness; and
fraternal charity and assistance. A subsidiary motive in
the Rule of Saint Benedict was to support themselves by the
work of their own hands. The added dimension of self-support
was further encouraged in the Rule of Saint Benedict . All
three of these themes were evident in thelives of the early
monastic desert fathers, especially the theme of avoidance
of idleness. The Master and Benedict applied these themes
which had their beginning in the eremitic tradition of the
desert and applied them to the cenobitic life they were structur
ing in the sixth century.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III
MANUAL LABOR: THE MONASTIC CLIMATE PRECEDING CITEAUX
The Ninth Century: Benedict of Aniane
Just as the Rule of Saint Benedict exerted a dominant
influence on the formation of monasticism in the sixth century,
so too Benedict of Aniane, Charlemagne's hand-picked reformer,
largely determined the observance of early medieval monasticism.
In his book, The Eleventh-century Background of Citeaux,
Bede Lackner contends that the monastic reforms of Citeaux
which will form the center of the present inquiry, owed a
great debt to him. Lackner asserts that Benedict of Aniane
was:
a greater figure in monastic history than is generally realized and not only paved the way for early Cluny but also for Citeaux. He anticipated and traced the outlines of a number of ideas and practices which the first Cistercian generations adopted and transformed into genuinely Cistercian ways.
It would be very convenient to assert, as some have done,
that the reformers of Citeaux acted simply in negative response
to the decadent monastic practices of Cluny. It would be
convenient, but simplistic and incorrect. For the fact of
the matter is that Cluny was not in the throes of decline / O at the time of the emergence of Citeaux. From the time
of Benedict of Aniane in the ninth century to the emergence
15
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of many of the new communities at the end of the eleventh
century there was generally in western Europe a dynamic
of reform. Cluny itself was an attempt to reform the institution
of monasticism in the tenth century. This reform dynamic
remained operative through the eleventh century and manifested
itself in the establishment of many new forms of lay and
religious communities throughout western Europe. In the wake
of this popular climate of reform, the Cistercian Order emerged
at the end of the eleventh century. It is important, therefore,
to examine briefly the attitudes toward manual labor which
flourished in that reform climate. This can best be accomplished
by looking at Benedict of Aniane in the ninth century, Cluny
in the tenth century, and a number of reform movements
in the eleventh century, among them Molesme, theimmediate
antecedent of Citeaux.
Before the reforms of Benedict of Aniane the Rule of
Saint Benedict had not been in general use, and there were
few European monasteries which practised the regime of monastic
life as envisaged by Saint Benedict. ^ Knowles indicates
that there were widespread variations of monastic observance
in Europe between the death of Saint Gregory and the reign
of Charlemagne. ^ Indeed, the Rule of Saint Benedict was
only one of many Rules, anthologies, and ascetic texts being
utilized in monastic communities. It must be kept in mind
that the Rule of Saint Benedict when it was followed would
not be considered a constitutional document by the monks
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. following its precepts.^ The Rule was meant to offer guidelines
and principles to aid the monk in perfection in the "school
of the Lord's service. Following its directives word by
word did not necessarily guarantee the perfection of the
monk. Rather than a set of legal prescriptions, the Rule
was a set of guiding principles suggesting the means by
which the monk could perservere in a life of prayer, work,
and study, and thus form his life about his striving for
union with God. It is in this light of the widespread diversity
of Rules practiced in western Europe at the time that the
importance of Benedict of Aniane becomes apparent.
"What was achieved by the Carolingian reforms associated
with the name of Benedict of Aniane was a recognition of / Q the Rule of Saint Benedict as the Rule." 4 As a young monk,
Benedict of Aniane preferred the oriental Rules of Pachomius
and Basil over the Rule of Saint Benedict which he believed
a Rule for neophytes. At the outset of his tenure as Abbot
of Aniane, heonly partially implemented the Rule of Saint
Benedict. The monks of Aniane did not accept property or
serfs, but they worked with their hands and supported themselves /Q by manual labor. Eventually, Benedict of Aniane came
to believe that it was the moral obligation of every monk
to adhere strictly to the integral text of the Rule of Saint
Benedict. ^ It was with this concern that he wrote the Concordia Cl regulorurir , a concordance of twenty-six monastic rules
and their comparison with the Rule of Saint Benedict.^
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The monastic organization advocated by Benedict of Aniane
succeeded, and eventually attracted over one thousand monks
to Aniane. When it became necessary to begin new foundations
to accommodate the arrival of so many recruits, solitary
sites away from "the world" were chosen. This, in turnwas
to be the rationale of the early Cistercians in choosing the
sites for their monasteries. Seclusion and distance from "the
world" prompted the Cistercian preference for remote habitations.
Benedict of Aniane enjoyed the support of the emperors
Charlemagne and his son Louis the Pious, executors of the
Carolingian reform. In response to the eroded condition of
the Frankish Church, Pepin III and Carloman set out to
correct clerical corruption, ignorance, immorality, widespread
seizure of Church property, and a vast diversity in religious
practice. 53 Their successors, Charlemagne and Louis the
Pious, were great lovers of uniformity and by the reform
strove to regularize all liturgical practices. ^ Included in
this program of regularization was the unification of monastic
life according to the Rule of Saint Benedict. It was to Benedict 55 of Aniane that this task was given. Addressing this task
of unification, Emperor Louis the Pious initiated synods at
Aachen in the years 816 and 817 with the intention of codifying
and regulating the monastic observance in the Empire. The
synod of 816 produced a document entitled Statuta murbacensia
which stated that monks and abbots were again to engage
in manual labor, such as work in the kitchen, the bakery,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. c 6 the laundry, and various workshops. Lackner asserts that
these statutes were enacted to safeguard the principle of 57 seclusion. This desire for solitude and seclusion will be
expressed repeatedly by the early Cistercians. The tenative
Statuta murbacensia were concretized the following year,
817, with the Capitulare monasticum. This was a document
composed of eighty canons designed to establish a regular
monastic observance throughout the Holy Roman Empire with
the Rule of Saint Benedict as the foundational document.
The prominence of the’ Rule is evident in the first forty canons,
of which the first two set the tone of the document:
1. Let the abbots, as soon as they have returned to their monasteries, read the Rule [of Saint Benedict] in full. Considering it word by word, and by the help of the Lord profitably understanding it, let them together with their monks study to observe it completely.
2. Let all monks, who can do so, learn the Rule [of Saint Benedict] by heart.58
Lackner groups the canons of Aachen into three categories:
(1) insurance of seclusion and peace; (2) restoration of discipline
and regular observances; (3) and emphasis on moral conversion.®
The Rule of Saint Benedict was renown for its moderation
and clarity of language, according to Saint Gregory the
Great. ^ In order to appreciate fully the prescriptions on
manual labor of Benedict of Aniane, it is important to examine
the moderate tone reflected in the canons. At any season
when there was a greater than normal burden on the monks
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. either in manual labor or liturgy, they were allowed an 6l extra portion of food before Compline. Benedict of Aniane
also stated that on fast days the work should not be as 62 strenuous as usual. The fact that Carolingian monks were
doing manual labor at all was dueto the revival of that
requirement on the part of Benedict of Aniane. At the beginning
of the ninth century there had been practically no manual
labor done in monasteries because in the main feudal nobility
populated the monasteries. Benedict of Aniane participated
in the manual labor of the monastery in the fields and workshops,
and he prescribed that, "the brethren work in the kitchen,
in the bakery and in other workshops with their own hands,
and that they also wash their laundry.Benedict of Aniane
never encouraged that the manual labor exceed the amount
or even match the type prescribed by the Rule of Saint Benedict:
housework was to be done by the monks but field work was
not.+ 65
Sixteen of the canons of the Capitulare monasticum
deal with the Divine Office. This betrays Benedict of Aniane's
developing preference for more ornate liturgy. This was to
have a drastic effect on the performance of manual labor.
Eventually, the recitation of the Divine Office became the
only work in which Benedict was interested. The more the
liturgy was expanded, the less emphasis was placed on manual
labor. The acquisition of property cultivated by serfs and
the lessening of the monks' own manual labor made monasteries
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. almost indistinguishable from the feudal desmenses they were
trying to avoid. Rowan Williams states that, "The most
significant modifications [made by the capitula of Aachen]
were the drastic reduction of agricultural labor to be undertaken
by monks and the considerable increase in the quantity of
obligatory public prayer and psalmody: Saint Benedict envisaged
his communities as self-supporting families, engaged in sub
sistence farming balanced by private reading and communal
psalmody. Benedict of Aniane comes near to defining the Cn monk as a professional executant of liturgy."
Perhaps it is a bit heavy-handed on the part of Williams
to place the entire responsibility for this emphasis on liturgy
on the shoulders of Benedict of Aniane. But Benedict clearly
thought that the monk's chief duty was the performance of
the liturgy and the Divine Office. It should be remembered
that at the time of Benedict of Aniane society was classified
into the groups: workers, warriors, and prayers. As prayers,
the monks responsibility was to pray for the other classes
as they performed their particular function in society. Whereas
the ancient monks of the desert tradition engaged in a personal
quest for God, feudal monks were engaged in a personal
quest on behalf of the entire church and world. Even though
Benedict of Aniane amplifies the amount of prayer and liturgy
performed by the monks, his statements calling for a strict
adherence to the Rule of Saint Benedict are significant for
this study. His voice heralded a concern adopted by the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. early founders of Citeaux.
The Tenth Century: Cluny
Cluniac monasticism strove to perpetuate and perfect
the reforming ideals of Benedict of Aniane.
The foundation and organization of Cluny and its dependencies in the tenth century represented a movement towards a more unified and strict monastic observance after the disasterous decline of the reform Benedictinism which followed the breaking up of the Carolingian reform, sharing its understanding of rule and custom.68
At its beginning Cluny had as guiding principles the Rule
of Saint Benedict and the eighty canons ofAachen.In
accord with Benedict of Aniane, Cluny awarded the liturgy
and the Divine Office a place of prominence in the monastic
observance. According to Knowles, Cluny understood the monastic
life as essentially liturgical. The liturgy took precedence
over scholarship, missionary work, and manual labor. Agrarian
work was altogether absent from the observance of the monk
at Cluny.70 9 One of the goals of the founders of Cluny was the extrica
tion of monasticism from lay and episcopal control. In an
attempt to free themselves from the entanglements of local
feudal structures they were granted the unique position of
being directly under papal control. 71 As a reform movement,
Cluny advocated (1) a strict adherence to the Rule of Saint
Benedict; (2) observance of the statuta of Aachen; (3) libertas,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. freedom, from feudal entanglements; (4) a concern for the
needy; and (5) a strong stance against the evils of the
Eigenkirche system of the feudal lords.Odo of Cluny,
one of the principal advocates of the reform called for a
return to the Rule of Saint Benedict in its essence: silence, 70 prayer, work, and frugality. Further, in all the statutes
of early Cluny the "desert" ideal, an ideal of solitude, emerges.^
Principal elements of the reform were the desire for solitude
and the ability to perform most of the monastic observances
within the enclosure. This same ideal was to be deeply embedded
in the reform at Citeaux.
It would be tempting, if erroneous, to assert that Citeaux
emerged as a self-righteous reform shaking its corporate
finger at the ugly head of decadent Cluny. This was not
the case. Life and the monastic observance at Cluny contained
both the seeds of reform sought by the founders of Citeaux
as well as abuses they felt had to be corrected. Centralization
of monastic government, adherence to the Rule of Saint Benedict,
the "desert" ideal: all were present at Cluny, and all were
adopted by Citeaux. In regard to manual labor, however,
there were situations and conditions which caused disagreement
and tension, most notably the difference in opinion of what
constituted manual labor.
Cluny blended the culmination of a century of Benedictine
monastic tradition and experience with the evolving cultural
milieu of feudalism, a blend which, according to the founders
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of Citeaux, obscured and compromised the authentic observance
of the Rule of Saint Benedict. Not only did what they regarded
as the abuses of Cluny prompt the original exodus of Robert
and his companions from Molesme, but its coexistence with
the inchoate Order of Citeaux resulted in frequent ideological
exchanges, as exemplified by Bernard of Clairvaux’ Apologia
to William of Saint Thierry, the celebrated monastic epistolary
debate between Bernard and Peter the Venerable; and the
Dialogue Between a Cluniac and a Cistercian by Idung of
Priifening,^ an Qf which will be examined later in this
study.
As Cluny evolved it exceeded even the ideals of Benedict
of Aniane by expanding the liturgy and drastically reducing nQ manual labor. Continuing a trend initiated under Charlemagne,
many monasteries sought members from the feudal aristocracy 7^
Accompanying these monks was the attitude that servile work,
household duties, and manual labor would be beneath their
dignity and degrading.80 The acquisition of corporate wealth
and serfs also contributed to a deemphasis on manual labor.
In contrast to their original ideal of seclusion, many Cluniac
monasteries became the centers of commerce and business.
"Many monasteries of the congregation had grown up in walled
towns and held extensive landed properties with vassals,
artisans, merchanges, soldiers, servants: all laymen united
to the monastery by all kinds of ties, offices, business and 8l dependence." Once freed from manual labor, the Cluniac
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. monks devoted themselves to the liturgical Office and prayer.
As a consequence, manual labor became symbolic and ritualistic.
Citing as justification allowances made by both Cassian and
Paul the Deacon, extra choir Offices, splendid liturgies, Qn study, and reading were substituted for manual labor.
What little work there was consisted of menial household
tasks and a periodic ritual of weeding and picking beans
with interspersed homily and psalmody, an exercise that
was more liturgy than work. Through such periodic ritualized
activities, the Cluniacs believed they fulfilled Saint Benedict's
exhortation to work with their hands . ^
Cluny began with a desire to be free from feudal entangle
ments and to follow the Rule of Saint Benedict in its essence.
But, inevitably, it became inextricably linked with feudalism
by practice, association, and membership. Lackner depicts
Cluny as an institution unable because of its own traditions
to respond to the religious stirrings which would have such
a dominant influence in the late eleventh century:
Cluniac monasteries thus became more and more refuges for the feudal nobility where eating, drinking, and a work-free existence soon took precedence over the spiritual ideals of monasti cism. Too closely tied to the feudal world, Cluny was finally unable to satisfy the great number of generous souls who emerged in great numbers at the end of the eleventh century looking for a life of seclusion, poverty, and asceticism. Nor was it able to attract, much less absorb, the great Pauperes Christi movement at the close of the eleventh century.$4
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. It seems then, that Cluny's greatest weakness was not protracted
liturgies and feudal entanglement, but the inability to respond
to a popular call for a simpler, more austere Christian life.
The Eleventh Century: A Century of Crisis
Jean Leclercq has described the eleventh and twelfth
centuries as a period of monastic crisis.^ It was a period
in which the monastic movement underwent growth and change
fuelled by an increasing desire for a more austere Christian
life. This change in attitude and new religious stirrings
were to have a great effect on the place of manual labor
in monastic observance. The origin and nature of these under
currents advocating a radical appropriation of scriptural
and Benedictine demands need to be examined.
Even though Benedictine monasticism periodically attempted
to extricate itself from the intricacies of the feudal structure,
the fact is that as an institution non-Cluniac Benedictine
monasticism grew and thrived within the feudal milieu.
Both institutions were land-based, and derived much of their 87 influence and power from possession of land. One of the
results of monasticism' s close association with the feudal
structure was the great wealth in donated possessions and
extensive properties the monasteries amassed. However profitable
this association was, there was a price. Often the monasteries
were plagued by episcopal interference and attempts at control
on the part of the feudal nobility. The crisis, which Germain
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. QQ Morin called the "crisis of cenobitism", is referred to by
Leclercq as a "crisis of prosperity.It was a crisis brought
about by too close an association with feudal aristocrats.
Leclercq says, "the Abbeys grew richer as men of high station
grew to rely on them. Monastic funds were ably administered
by prudent abbots, some of them saints, and this increased
wealth led to the extension and embellishment of the buildings."-
As we mentioned before, monasteries became centers of social
and economic activity, exposed to all segments of medieval
society. With the accumulation of tenants, serfs, servants,
and employees of all kinds, the monks were able to abandon
field labor entirely, and a portion of the household work
as well. This situation contributed significantly to the already
prevailing attitude which gave liturgy a decided precedence
over manual labor. Lackner states, "In any case, the increase
of donations . . . brought considerable wealth to monasteries,
freed themfrom material worries and gave them the security
needed for the quiet pursuit of labor-free activities.Many
nobleman made large contributions to monasteries, and as
a result often intruded into the monastic enclosures to hold
court with little regard for the monks' cloister.
Leclercq and Lackner agree that the wholesale clerical-
ization of monasticism figured prominently in the final abandon- QO ment of manual labor. y Until the changes brought about
by Gregory I in his monastery in Rome at the end of the
sixth century, few monks had been priests. Living in the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. city instead of on farm lands, made agricultural work impossible.
Monastic life changed to one centered around public liturgical QO prayer and the administration of cathedrals. Benedictine
monks were becoming bishops and were entrusted with much
of the missionary activity aimed at the conversion of Europe.
This necessitated more priests, and more years of preparation.^
Butler states that "by the year one thousand, it became 95 the established rule that monks should receive ordination."
By the year 1078 it had become necessary for a monk to 96 be ordained before he could be elected as abbot. This
clericalization of the institution of monastism laid many responsi
bilities on the monk. Lackner asserts, "Manual labor was
supplanted by the celebration of the Mass with great frequency,
the extension of the liturgical services and the multiplication
of claustral offices, whatever manual labor remained became
a religious ceremony."7'97
For three centuries Europe had been living in an economy
in which the individual's sole security was his attachment
to the land. Power was derived from ownership of the soil,
and those who did not own were subject to those who did. 98
but in the mid-eleventh century, population growth, economic
growth, and a shift in societal structures due to the emergence
of towns brought about a move away from exclusive land
ties. 99 7 Accompanying this desire to break away from feudal
structures was the desire also to break away from a monasticism
so closely enmeshed with feudalism.'^ More and more people
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. began seeking, in alternatives to wealthy monasticism, a
form of life that was poor and ascetic; a life imitating that
of Christ and the early Church.
Another important factor influencing the renewed interest
in theascetical life was a more intense study of the early
Church Fathers and Scripture. Lekai states:
I suspect that what made the revolution [against feudal monasticism] possible, or perhaps inevitable, was the rising level of education, first among monks, then among the clergy in general. Thanks to intense studies of the Scriptures and Church Fathers it became possible to construct an image (some would say: A myth) of the Apostolic Church, resplendent in the most appealing colors. The comparison with this idealistic picture with the sad realities of the present generated an intense desire for change. Since there were plenty of abuses to be seen even by the unlettered, it was a simple matter to convert the unhappiness of the intellectuals to a mass movement.
The monks and clergy of the mid-eleventh century examined
and studied many of the Church Fathers, such as Jerome,
Augustine, Ambrose, and particularly the monastic Father,
Cassian, who was of great importance. More contemporary
authors were also being read: Bede, Anselm of Canterbury, 102 and Peter Damian. In the interest of determining eleventh-
century attitudes toward manual labor, special note will
be taken of the writings of Cassian and Peter Damian.
For Cassian, who in the fifth century translated desert
ideals for Gallic temperaments, manual labor was an essential
ingredient of the monk's life of mortification and asceticism.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Particularly, it enabled the monk to counteract the tedium 103 of routine, or accedia . Cassian preferred that the manual
labor undertaken not remove the monk from his cell.^®^ In
the tradition of the desert, Eastern monasticism encouraged
basketmaking, gardening, linen-making, bee-keeping, and
the growing of fruits and vegetables. 10S Cassian, however,
dissuaded the monk from any manual labor that would take
him away from his cell, particularly full-scale agricultural 106 pursuits. Normal household tasks were to be performed,
such as serving at table, cooking, and washing the utensils. ^
One of the endeavors which Cassian approved was the 1 Oft copying of manuscripts. Cassian considered this not intellect
ual, but manual, labor, and encouraged it because it kept
the monk occupied and in his cell, not because it resulted 109 in the creation of great libraries. For Cassian, then,
manual labor was inseparably linked with solitude and served
as a safeguard against idleness.
Peter Damian's prescriptions on manual labor are derived
from his zealous, eleventh-century understanding of the role
of the monk. Peter Damian, being a contemporary, was not
held in as high an esteem by eleventh-century men as was
Cassian. However, his call for an intensification of the ascetical
life moved the monks of the eleventh century as only a con
temporary could. Prayer and the solitude of the eremitic
life were Peter Damian's ideals. In fact, Peter Damian admired
Cluny's ideal of perpetual prayer, and congratulated them
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. on the absence of field labor. Like Cassian, the manual
tasks Peter Damian prescribed were ones that did not distract
the monk from his cell and which did not upset the tranquility
required for constant prayer As vocal as he was about
ascetical practices, Peter Damian did not advocate manual 112 labor in itself as an ascetical exercise. What is important
to note in Peter's writings and what was to have a significant
effect on developing monastic thought, is his concern for
solitude and intense constant prayer.
Inspired in part by writers such as these, hermits
began to establish themselves throughout western Europe
in the second half of the eleventh century. 113 These hermits
led lives of asceticism, solitude, and prayer much as advocated
by Cassian and more recently Peter Damian. They worked
with their hands to support themselves. They cultivated gardens,
kept bees, wove baskets, engaged in various arts and crafts,
and did field labor. According to Lackner, "They shared
an intrinsic horror of money and riches, and a corresponding
desire to imitate Christ in his poverty. They sought an effective
poverty, seclusion, rigorous fasts, prolonged prayer and 11F manual labor."
Concurrent with the eremitic ideal was a new regard
for a life of poverty. Leclercq's statement, quoted earlier,
that the crisis of the eleventh century centered on prosperity
is echoed by Lackner. He states that "by the middle of the
eleventh century spiritual writers, discerning people, and
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. even the broad massesbegan to detect a difference between
the Christian ideal of poverty and the example given by 11 /T worldly priests and monks." Leclercq thinks that all
this reaction to riches and wealth provoked a reaction in 117 favor of "authentic poverty." He concluded that eleventh-
century monks believed the only way to live an authentically
poor life was to return to solitude. For Leclercq, then, the
two ideals are conntected, inseparably linked. Solitude and
poverty formed the new wave of religious longing in the
eleventh century.
Yet another ideal was to emerge in this already changing
climate, that is, the apostolic life, stressing the need for
poverty, simplicity, and mutual charity. Lekai asserts, "As
G. Morin observed long ago, in the eleventh century the
word 'apostolic' carried no connotation of preaching the
Gospel or discharging other duties of the cura animarum
[cf. footnote L, of this paper for a dissenting opinion of
Chenu]: therefore the following of the Apostles could be well
within the program of contemplatives or even hermits. On
the other hand, the appeal of the 'apostolic life' extended
far beyond monastic circles. It inspired Canons Regular,
itinerant preachers, poverty movements of the laity and many 1 1 Q features of the Gregorian Reform." An essential element
of the apostolic life was self-support by manual labor and
the charitable sharing of its fruit with the poor. As a response
to this movement of poverty, solitude, and the apostolic life,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. heterogenous groups of hermits emerged, sometimes with little
other than similarity of lifestyle to unite them. Also, more
formalized groups emerged emphasizing the ascetic and eremitic
ideals, among them monastic groups at Camaldoli, Fonte Avel-
lana, Vallombrosa, Grandmont, and the Grand Chartreuse. ^
One significant feature some of these communities had, such
as Vallombrosa 120 and the Grand Chartreuse121 , was their intro
duction of lay-brothers to accomplish much of the manual
labor and provide support. There were lay-brothers at Camaldoli
and their manual labor, like that of Cassian, was to be
done to avoid idleness and promote solitude.122 Communities
such as these in their attitudes and customs all reflected
ideals of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries.
Molesme
"The new religious Orders which emerged in the second
half of the eleventh century were not simply the creations
of great religious leaders, but also products of several other
factors. These include a favorable monastic climate, the
popularity of certain ideas, and in general, a definite readiness
for contemporary answers in the question of monastic renewal.
The same can be said about the beginnings of Molesme and
Citeaux."123
Robert of Molesme was born of noble parentage around
the year 1028 in the Champagne. 12z* After entering the monastic
life at the Abbey of Montier-la-Celle at Troyes, Robert held
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. several positions of authority in this Cluniac Congregation,
among them: prior of Montier-la-Celle, abbot of Saint Michael
of Tonnerre, and prior of Saint Ayoul at Provins in the diocese 125 of Sens. Subsequently, by order of the pope, Robert was
appointed leader of a group of hermits in the forests of
Collan. 1 26 Robert was looking for a monastic life that embraced
a more encompassing asceticism, and an observance freer
from secular ties. 127 As time went on, more recruits joined
Robert and in 1075 he and his companions arrived in t.he 12g forest of Molesme and there began a monastery. "His personal
life was based on abnegation in imitation of apostles in
the early Church." 129 The beginnings of the monastery were
difficult. The monks were plagued by hardship and dire
poverty. Far from disdaining manual labor, with their own
hands they constructed a simple chapel and their cells. They 150 often had little to wear and even less to eat. None of
these conditions was part of a design or deliberately chosen,
but rather the circumstances in which they found themselves. 151
Eventually, they accepted donations which enabled
the monastery of Molesme to progress from meager beginnings
to a thriving institution. Adopting Cluniac usages and customs,
the monastery of Molesme began to accept churches, tithes, TOO revenues, and villages. Many answered the monastic call
and entered Molesme, among them Stephen Harding and Alberic,
later to found Citeaux; and Bruno of Cologne who would
later begin the Carthusian Order. The added revenues from
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. churches and tithes limited strict adherence to the Rule of
Saint Benedict. At its beginning Molesme's manual labor
and austerity were a necessity; they grew out of extreme
poverty. With economic growth and security came a diminution
100 of fervor and zeal as regarding manual labor. Again,
Leclercq's crisis of prosperity is evident.
Through an account by a not entirely sympathetic black
monk, Ordericus Vitalis, we know that the seeds of more
thorough reform were sprouting in Robert's heart. Robert
said to his monks, "we have made our profession, my dear
brethren, according to the Rule of our Holy Father Benedict,
but it seems to me that we have not observed it in every
point . . . we do not work with our hands as we read that
10/ the holy fathers did." Robert went on to say, "I propose
therefore that we should observe the Rule of Saint Benedict
in everything . . . Let us earn our food and clothing by
IOC the labor of our hands." This account is corroborated 1 by Robert of Torigny. Most of the noble monks responded
negatively, dismissing servile work as beneath their dignity.
They appealed to the traditional customs of Cluny for their 1B7 justification.
However, there were those in the monastery of Molesme
who were allied with Robert in his thoughts and ideals.
According to Caesarius of Heisterbach, a Cistercian monk
of the thirteenth century looking back and describing the
good old days, the monks of Molesme wished to live "from
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the work of their hands, as the Rule prescribes."*^® And
according to the Cistercian Exordium magnum, another thirteenth
century retrospective, "with their beloved father Benedict,
they preferred to be worn out by work rather than feel the
relaxation induced by the comforts of this world." *®^ The
two groups of monks with their opposing ideologies remained
irreconcilable. And according to the Exordium cistercii, in
1098 Robert, with twenty-one companions, set out from Molesme
to pursue the reformed monastic ideal. *^*
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER IV
MANUAL LABOR: THE CISTERCIAN VIEW IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY: BASIC ELEMENTS OF THE ASCETICAL LIFE
The Cistercian belief in the positive spiritual value
of manual labor was not without precedent. As has been
demonstrated, there were many currents running through
the eleventh century which nourished the idea that manual
labor was an essential element in the ascetical life. The
Cistercians were among the staunchest defenders of this ideal.
Jean Leclercq has stated that manual labor was one of the
most prominent and important aspects of Cistercian ascetic
practice and that it was in the writing and legislation con
cerning manual labor that the Cistercian authors spoke with
1/1 special vehemence and regularity. It is evident in their
writings that the Cistercians interpreted the Rule of Saint
Benedict to mean that manual labor was an activity proper
to the monk, and that monks should strive to live by the
labor of their own hands. 1/9 The Cistercians provided no
convenient treatises on manual labor as such. Rather, historical
documents and theological writings have to be examined with
a view to discerning attitudes toward manual labor as it
relates to the integrated practice of the monastic life. Perhaps
its presence among other practices, and not in itself alone,
betrays a basic attitude that the monastic ascetical practice
37
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. is an integrated whole.
The documents which have been examined range from
the primitive legislative documents written by the founders
of the Order, to the theological treatises of the twelfth century,
to some hagiographical material as well as theological works
of the early thirteenth century which have a retrospective
view. As has been established, poverty, solitude, and the
pursuit of the apostolic life were dominant reform motifs
preceding the establishment of Citeaux in the eleventh century.
The writings of the Cistercians as they relate to each of
these motifs will be examined. Then the writings extending
beyond those categories developing other related themes will
be examined. Thus an attempt will be made to demonstrate
that the Cistercians went beyond their predecessors in developing
a theology of the ascetical life of which manual labor played
a vital part.
Poverty
Poverty and manual labor are inseparable and form
a combination, whose complexity depends largely upon whether
poverty is voluntary or necessary. As with the foundation
of Molesme, the initial Cistercian extreme of dire poverty
necessitated manual labor if the founding monks were to
survive the first year. In such a case, when poverty is
the necessary reality, there is little choice. When poverty
is the ideal and manual labor is pursued in support of that
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ideal, the success attendant upon diligent, hard work could
jeopardize the original ideal. This complexity was borne
out in the unfolding of the Cistercian experience. C. Holdsworth
says, "In the first place manual work appeared to them
[the Cistercians] as an intrinsic part of the life of poverty
which they had freely embraced, since having given up all
their own possessions they had to work if they were not
to be a charge on others." He goes on to say that, "The
model for them was Christ who, as Saint Bernard put it,
had given up everything for them, and so they had put
aside all their own possessions to be free to follow him wherever
he led ."^^ This sentiment was clearly expressed in the
Exordium parvum, "Thus having rejected the riches of this
world, the new soldiers of Christ, poor with the poor Christ,
began to consult one another as to the question of the way
by which, and with what work or occupation they should
provide in this life for themselves . . ." The same chapter
fifteen of the Exordium parvum also stated that the monk
who lives by the labor of his hands should reject all churches,
tithes, manors and serfs and anything which would in some
way connect him with the ways and riches of the world.
In another legislative document, the Carta caritatis posterior,
the moderating spirit of the Rule of Saint Benedict was evident.
Legislative documents tend to be written in response to existing
situations; therefore, it can be conjectured that some of
the early Cistercian settlements encountered extreme poverty.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. For item seventeen of the Carta caritatis posterior stated
that, "If any monastery encounters unbearable poverty the
abbot of that monastery shall strive to reveal this plight
to the entire chapter [of assembled abbots]. Then, inflamed
by the fire of charity, the assembled abbots shall take quick
steps to relieve the poverty of that monastery according
to their ability, from the goods which God has given them."'
Whereas poverty was to be embraced and consequently so
too the manual labor necessary for self-support, there was
a limit to the intensity of the poverty to be tolerated. Moderation
assured enough goods to enable the monks to live the ideal
in the long run.
There are several references in the writings of Bernard
of Clairvaux, the "second generation" popularizer of the
primitive ideals of Citeaux, that couple manual labor with
the ideal of voluntary poverty. A letter to the Archbishop
of Sens set the tone for Bernard's attitude toward manual
labor and poverty. He said, "Work, the hidden life, and
poverty of the monastery—these are the characteristics of
monks, their titles to nobility. "147 Bernard demanded of
all monks real poverty; monks were to be poor men, paupers.148
In this comment, Bernard clearly associated manual labor
and solitude with the ideal of poverty. Again like the Cistercians
who wrote the Exordium parvum, Bernard took as his example 1/ q the poor Christ. Engaging in the manual labor, which
is a consequence of voluntary poverty became an ascetical
practice which allowed the monk to participate in the paschal
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. mystery—the cross and the resurrection, which in the Cistercian's
life was the glory of contemplation.150
Bernard's characteristic rhetorical vehemence was evident
in a letter written to his cousin Robert four or five years
after the latter's exodus from Clairvaux to Cluny. As a child,
Roberft had been promised to the Abbey of Cluny. When he
was old enough to act of his own volition, however, he chose
to go with his kinsman, Bernard, was professed at Citeaux,
and later accompanied Bernard to Clairvaux. After a short
time he wearied of the austerities at Clairvaux and fled
to Cluny, citing as his reason the fact that he had originally
been promised to Cluny by his parents. This letter marked
the beginning of Bernard's renowned dialogue with the Cluniacs,
the case of Robert's exodus providing him with the opportunity.
In the letter Bernard's anger was clear when he referred
to the Prior of Cluny as a "wolf in sheep's clothing fascinated,
allured, and flattered. He preached a new Gospel. He commended
feasting and condemned fasting. He called voluntary poverty
wretched and poured scorn upon fasts, vigils, silence, and 151 manual labor." This was to be the beginning of a long
debate with the Cluniacs in which Bernard upheld the ideal
of voluntary poverty and the manual labor which was a
part of it. The debate eventually involved Peter the Venerable,
who responded by arguing that as long as the monks were
occupied in good works, which he pointed out did not just
mean manual work, and avoided laziness and idleness they
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. were fulfilling the prescriptions of the Rule.^^ Eventually,
Peter the Venerable was to relent and implement many reforms
prompted by the accusations of Saint Bernard.
In Book 11 of his advice to Pope Eugene 111, Bernard
again combined the virtues of poverty and manual labor.
Even though the use of the terms was primarily rhetorical,
their use is significant. Bernard equated the terms poverty
and labor with the humility which is the foundation of the
soul's ascent to God. He was speaking to the Pope of humility
and charity, the most sought after spiritual gifts. Bernard
warned the Pope that the external trappings of the papal
office would obscure his desire for true humility:
Were you born wearing this mitre? Were you born glittering with jewels or florid with silk, or crowned with feathers, or covered with precious metals? If you scatter all these things and blow them away from the face of your consideration like the morning clouds which quickly pass and rapidly disappear, you will catch sight of a naked man who is poor, wretched and miserable. A man grieving because he is man, ashamed because he is naked, weeping because he was born, complaining because.-he exists. A man born for labor, not for honor.
Although Bernard's implication was not that the Pope should
embrace dire poverty and do manual labor, it is interesting
that he used these terms to describe the human condition.
In the midst of the wealth and power of the papal office,
Bernard recommended that the Pope be aware of his humility
before God.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. William of Saint Thierry wrote in his Vita prima Bernardi
that Stephen Harding had left "holy poverty" as a heritage
to those following him and that his "austerity" had originated ice in this poverty and had consisted principally in it. William
went on to praise the monastery at Clairvaux under the tutelage
of Saint Bernard because it lived a spirit of poverty in
imitation of the poor Christ. From this ideal of voluntary
poverty for the sake of Christ sprang "the simplicity and
unpretentiousness of the buildings and their inhabitants",
and also their silent manual labor which was interrupted only by
prayer. William, too, saw manual labor as an integral part
of the life of voluntary poverty.
Aelred of Rievaulx wrote the Speculum caritatis in response
to a request by Bernard of Clairvaux. The work was to address
the excellence of charity, the fruits of charity, and all
that charity involves. It was also to be written to demonstrate
the contention that a life of austerity does not compromise IC7 or lessen charity. The following is advice to a novice
on how to perservere and attain true charity:
And therefore you, who are a novice, must work out your salvation with labor and care, with mortification of the flesh, with vigils, and manual work, with poor food and rough clothes, with silence and recollection. These will make an acceptable sacrifice of your whole being—both the inward and the outward man—and tears will enkindle the flame of charity that it sends up to God. But even if you have no tears it is sufficient to embrace the poverty of a perfect ChristianQ life, and to live by the truth of the Gospel.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Like Bernard and William, Aelred viewed the life of poverty
as a necessity in achieving charity, which was the basis
of the spiritual life. Manual labor was an integral part
of the ascetical life which led to charity.
The Exordium magnum by Conrad of Eberbach is a piece
of hagiographical literature written in the early thirteenth
century about the founders and early Cistercian saints. Conrad
pointed out that one of the major characteristics of Citeaux
was voluntary poverty for the sake of Christ; the other two
he discerned—preference of the Rule of Saint Benedict to
traditional customaries, and the desire to adhere strictly
ICQ to the Rule —are inseparably linked to it, for, the principal
point Conrad was making in insisting on the preeminence
of the Rule over the customaries was that the customaries
had allowed dispensation from manual labor, which in effect
eliminated true poverty. Conrad also related many accounts
of the personalities populating early Citeaux and Clairvaux.
Many dealt with poverty and manual labor especially as
it related to monks newly transferred from Benedictine houses,
or monks who had previously been noblemen. In one such
account a monk who had been a Benedictine for twenty years
transferred to Clairvaux. He was extremely surprised to see
so many noblemen and gentlemen working strenuously through
the heat of the day to gather the harvest like common, poor
laborers. x The link between poverty and manual labor
in Cistercian life was clearly set forth.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. These are but a few illustrations of the Cistercian
attitude linking poverty and manual labor. Clearly, the
popular ideal of the eleventh century had found a place
in the monastic spirituality of the monks of Citeaux. Poverty
was part of the foundation of the ascetical life, and manual
labor an integral part of that poverty.
Solitude
The connection between solitude and manual labor is
most explicitly evident in the Cistercian legislative documents,
the Exordium parvum and the Summa cartae caritatis. Once
the ideal of solitude had been chosen, it immediately raised
the problem of how to keep the cloister separate from the
secular world. The monks are either required to work so
that they are self-sufficient, or to accept benefices and tithes,
thus risking contact with outsiders. As part of their founding
documents, the Cistercians rejected the acceptance of tithes
and benefices, they intended therefore, to adopt manual labor
as the means of supporting themselves.
Two sections of the Exordium parvum treat the combination
of solitude and work which was necessary as a result:
Knit together in such a band, they eagerly set out for the solitude which was called Citeaux. This place, situated in the diocese of Chalon, was inhabited only by wild beasts, since it was at that time unusual for men to enter there because of the density of the woods and thorny thickets. Arriving in this place the men of God found it all the more suitable for the religious life which they had already formulated in their
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. minds and for which they had come here, the more despicable and inaccessible they realized it to be for seculars. After they had cut down and removed the dense woods and the thorny thickets, t.hey began to construct a monastery there . . .
Of set purpose, the Cistercians set out to find a place far
from the traffic of society. And in this place they had to
clear the lands, build the monastery, and support themselves
to maintain the solitude they sought. Then further, in chapter
fifteen, more is said with regard to the solitary place and
the role of the lay-brothers in maintaining that solitude:
They also decided to accept landed properties which lay removed from the dwellings of men, as well as vineyards and meadows and woods and also streams, in order to install mills— but only for their own use—and for fishing, andhorses and various cattle useful to the requirements of men. And while they established granges for the practice of agriculture in a number of places, they decreed that the afore mentioned laybrothers, and not the monks, should manage those houses, because according to the Rule [of Saint Benedict] the dwelling place of the monks ought to be in the cloister. Since those holy men knew that blessed Benedict had built his monasteries not in towns or around fortified places or in villages, but in places removed from ..the traffic of men, they promised to imitate him. ^
In another legal document, the Summa cartae caritatis,
the question was again raised as to how the monks were
to feed themselves. The answer was clearly in favor of solitude
and self-support, as the document said, "Food for the monks
of our Order ought to come from manual labor, agriculture,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and the raising of animals. Hence, we may possess, for our
own use, streams, woodlands, vineyards, meadows, lands 1 fsL far removed from the dwellings of seculars." And the
same document legislated that , "In raising our animals and
cultivating our lands we are not allowed to have joint dealings Igc with laymen J The monks were striving to keep themselves
as separate from the world as possible.
The entries in these documents are brief and concise,
as befits a legal document. However terse, they underscore
the founders' determination to engage in manual labor.
Aelred of Rievaulx, writing ostensibly to his sister,
who was living the life of a recluse, a treatise entitled
Rule of Life for a Recluse, cited the tradition of the desert
Fathers insupport of the link between solitude and manual
labor. He said that, "The monks of old then chose to live
as solitaries for several reasons: to avoid ruin, to escape
injury, to enjoy greater freedom in expressing their ardent
longing for Christ's embrace. Some lived alone in the desert,
supporting themselves by the work of their hands." 1 f\fs He
went on in the treatise, affirming the importance of this
self-support in order to maintain the ideal of solitude. It
must be kept in mind that this treatise was written for an
individual and not for a community. But the underlying reality
is the same for a community which adopts solitude for an
ideal. The maintenance of solitude necessitated self-support,
and therefore manual labor.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Apostolic Life
The third of the dominant motifs of eleventh - century
reform was the desire to live the vita apostolica. The
apostolic life, as we mentioned earlier, did not mean the
same thing to the eleventh century person as it does to the
modern. Rather, the apostolic life was that exemplified in
the account from the Acts of the Apostles of the Christian
community at Jerusalem. The life was marked by simplicity,
charity, and self-support gained through the work of their
hands. Paul's admonition on working and eating in his Second
Letter to the Thessalonians, we recall, expressed the ideological
basis for this life: "For when we were with you we gave
you this command: If anyone will not work, let him not eat."'
There are many examples in the writings of the twelfth-century
Cistercians which deal with manual labor in light of the
apostolic life. They are characterized most often in descriptions
of the common life of the monks earning their own living.
Jean Leclercq points out that in the sermons De diversis, 169 Bernard of Clairvaux dealt specifically with manual labor.
In Chapter forty-eight, the Rule of Saint Benedict states
that in the performance of manual labor the monk imitates
the Apostles. Bernard, using this as a basis, quoted passages
from the writings of Saint Paul, two of which were also to
be found in the Rule of Saint Benedict. 1 Thessalonians 4:10-
12 says, "However, we do urge you brothers, to go on making
even greater progress and to make a point of living quietly,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. attending to your own business and earning your own living,
just as we told you to, so you are seen to be respectable
by those outside the Church, though you do not have to
depend on them;" another is 2 Thessalonians 3:10 quoted
before, which warns that those who do not work shall not
eat. Leclercq states, "In Saint Bernard's sermon [De diversis
55:3]these quotations lead up to the final formula, opus
manuum, which comes not from Saint Paul but from Saint
Benedict whose teaching is confirmed by the authority of
the Doctor of the Gentiles: Vides quam solicite observandum
praecepit Doctor gentium opus manuum. [You see how carefully
observing the Doctor of the Gentiles commanded manual labor. ]"^70
In sermon forty-six On the Song of Songs Bernard again
made reference to the passage from 2 Thessalonians 3:10.
In this section of the sermon Bernard was not speaking literally
of manual labor when he spoke of the "good works" that
precede contemplation. However, contemplation was the ultimate
goal of the monastic life, and it is significant that in describing
the path to contemplation Bernard used the same scriptural
basis and language that he used for manual labor:
Therefore you must take care to surround yours [bed: this refers to the bed of the Bride strewn with flowers in the Song of Songs.] With the flowers of good works, with the practice of vitues, that precede holy contemplation as the flower precedes the fruit. Otherwise, instead of seeking rest after labor you willwant to slumber on in luxurious ease. Indifferent to the fertility of Leah you desire the pleasure of Rachel's embraces only. But it is a perversion of order
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to demand the reward before it is earned, to food and not to work, for the Apos.tle says: 'If anyone will not work, let him not eat.' '
In his sermons On the Song of Songs, Bernard compared
the ascetic with the scriptural labors in the vineyard.'
He addressed that aspect of the apostolic life exemplified
in self-support. As Emero Stiegman points out:
We see this when the author Bernard portrays the laborers in the vineyard as ascetics, and says of the fruit of contemplation: 'He who does not labor, should not eat. ' The ascetic and the apostle share in a common labor, and its fruit. What is common here is that both strive to prepare for the presence of the Word—the ascetic in his own soul, the apostle in the soul of others. '
In the same vein, and using the same scriptural basis,
the laborers in the vineyard, Abbot Adam of Perseigne a
bit later praised the life of Martin of Tours, extolled the
apostolic life, and defended the premise that those who live
the apostolic life in its labors and toils are equal to the
Apostles:
On what principle are they not equal to the Apostles who lead a life like the Apostles, work the same miracles, will pass the same judgments, will rule as they do, and will receive with them the same one penny after the same toil in the vineyard? This alone is relevant, that in the payment of the penny the householder has no favorites. But the last become first and the first last. Noris there an envy among the recipients nor a boasting about their deserts. Why then do you look askance at Martin's equality with the Apostleswhen there is such integrity in the one who made the payment, such charity
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. among those who received it, that he who was the last .do work is found the first in accepting payment.
Fraternal assistance and charity are essential elements
of the apostolic life. Charity, which is the primary aim
of the monk, is characterized by seeking the glory of God
and the good of one's brethren. This is another theme which
Bernard treated in relation to manual labor, that is, manual
labor provided fruitful service to the brethren in the monastery.
With the scriptural model as a basis, and an emphasis on
the love of one's brother, delineated and developed in his
four degrees of love outlined in his De diligendo Deo,
Bernard encouraged the monks in their work for the support
of the brethren. In the following quotation Francis Derivaux
speaks of the manual labor as an element of ascesis in Bernard's
second step in the ascent to truth:
Manual labor also, though still remaining an effective way to express and develop humility, will now be valued also as a means of fraternal assistance. Through his work a monk can help to provide for the material necessities of his brethren and other poor. Now in the foreground there is not so much his desire for the subjective benefits of asceticism but rather a sense of the true common good in Christ. '
It can be seen here that the charity of the apostolic life
in which the monk participated added a fulness to Bernard's
previous ideas on manual labor, voluntary poverty, and
purity of observance. Charity became perfected in the monk
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I
as he gradually ascended to truth in contemplation and in
so doing participated in the perfect charity of God. Above
all, Bernard viewed Citeaux and the monastic observance
practised there as a "school of charity" in which, immersed
in poverty, solitude, and the apostolic life, the monk could
achieve true humility and embark, with the grace of God,
on an ascent to truth in contemplation.
In a passage of De consideratione, Bernard admonished
the Pontiff that his election to the papacy did not entitle
him to wealth and glory, but added reponsibility and demanded
labor. Bernard wrote this treatise to Eugene III, former
monk of Clairvaux and devoted follower of Saint Bernard,
and in it applied the monastic disciplines of labor in the
imagery of manual labor to the responsibilities of the monk
become pontiff:
I wish that you could always glory in this highest form of glory which the Apostles and Prophets chose for themselves and passed on to you. Acknow ledge your inheritance in the cross of Christ, in a multitude of labors. Happy the man who can say, '1 have labored more than all.' This is glory, but there is nothing vain in it, nothing weak, nothing boastful. If the labor is terrifying, let the reward be an enticement. 'For each one will be rewarded according to his labor.' Even if the Apostle has labored more than all, neverthe less he has not completed the entire task. There is still a place for you. ''
Bernard perceived the role of the pope as a continuation
of the life of the Apostle. Also present in this passage is
an element of the attitude that manual labor is an act of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. mortification, a participation in the cross of Christ. This
theme will be examined more closely later. Obviously, Bernard
was not exhorting the pope to get out in the fields and do
a little manual labor. He employed this imagery to make
his point. His ascetical thought had such a firm foundation
in the monastic life that he frequently used its language
and imagery in his writing for the secular Christian, even
though in this case Pope Eugene III had been a monk under
Saint Bernard.
William of Saint Thierry praised the apostolic communities
for their poverty, fraternal charity and common life. He
grounded his statements on manual labor in an appeal to
the traditions of Scripture and the Egyptian monastic fathers.^®
The ideal to which William referred was the ancient monks
supporting themselves by the labor of their hands. William's
Vita prima Bernardi offers us an insight into his attitude
toward manual labor as it relates to the common apostolic
life, as he presents Bernard, the ideal monk. In chapter
four William recounted two significant stories about Bernard
as a novice, which, once the exaggerations of hagiographical
style are accepted, betray his thoughts on manual labor:
Because he [Bernard] was so desirous of leading the common life to the full, when his brethren were engaged in some manual work which he could not undertake (either because he did not know how it was done, or because the way in which he had been brought up had not fitted him for such tasks), he used to do his share of work
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. for the house by digging, chopping wood, or carrying the materials for the others to use in their work, or doing any of the more wearisome but unskilled jobs. But if he found that he was not strong or fit enough to do even these, he used to find himself even more menial tasks to do, and in this way he made up for this^ incapacity for work by his great humility.
The other account found Bernard unable to find the strength
or skill to participate in the manual labor which was harvesting.
Saddened by this he implored God to make him a good harvester.
God answered his prayer. And from that point, harvesting
was the work he did best and enjoyed most. Realizing it
was only possible because of the gift from God, he always
applied himself whole-heartedly in that manual labor.'*'®®
The overall thrust of the Vita prima Bernardi was that poverty,
simplicity, and manual labor were not ends in themselves,
but means by which an environment of silence, solitude,
and the common apostolic life prevailed, enabling the monk
1 Q 1 to seek God in contemplation.
Aelred of Rievaulx, in his Pastoral Prayer, wrote a
series of petitions and prayers which he suggested should
be prayed by abbots or anyone in charge of a community.
In a section entitled, "Prayer for Subordinates," Aelred prayed
that those in his charge may be "fervent in spirit, rejoicing
in hope, enduring steadfastly through poverty and fasting,
1 P 9 toils and vigils, silence and repose." Aelred used as
a basis for this text 2 Corinthians 6:5. In these verses Paul
instructed the Church at Corinth in the way of being a truly
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Christian community. The common life, charity and faithfulness
were among the marks of such a community.
In a passage from the Speculum caritatis, Aelred asked
a novice in his charge to describe the life he was living.
The self-support by manual labor which was so important
to the apostolic communities was apparently a part of this
novice's life:
Here I [Aelred] asked him to describe the life he lived as a novice. He smiled and replied: That's easy enough! Just look at me! My clothes, for instance—they are so rough. The food I eat is, by comparison with what 1 used to eat, unbearably coarse, and all 1 have to drink now is water. As for sleep, I spend as much time nodding into my books as I do in my bed! And when I go to bed I am utterly worn out, but just at the very moment when sleep is the pleasantest and 1 feel 1 could go on sleeping for hours, the bell rings for Matins. And there is hardly any need to add how we really dg work for our bread in the sweat of our brow. ^
Dialogue II of the Dialogus duorum monachorum, by
Idung of Priifening, the thirteenth-century Cistercian, berated
a Cluniac for the abandonment of manual labor on the grounds
of its apostolic origins. "But above all else, by doing as
you have done—contrary to the precept of the Rule [of Saint
Benedict] and to the precept of the Apostle [Paul]—you have
stolen the time [away from] manual labor." 184 The Cistercian
continued with a quotation from Saint Augustine's De opera
monachorum, editing carefully to manipulate Augustine's
words for his argument. Augustine's authority was the apostolic
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56
precept to work:
But if the dictates of bodily weakness compel the servants of God to take leisure at specified intervals of time for attending to these matters [the office], why do we not also reserve other intervals of time for observing apostolic precepts [to work]? One prayer by an obedient man receives quicker audience than a thousand by a scornful man. Men working with their hands can also easily sing hymns to God, and have their work lightened, as it were, by the divine cox-swain . . . What is there then to prevent God's servant from working with his hands and at the same time meditating on God's law and singing the praises of the Most High?
In another passage, Idung of Priifening indicated the
primacy of manual labor in the ascetical life. The Cluniac
once again attempted to justify the absence of manual labor 186 from his life by the assertion that he was a contemplative.
The Cistercian countered with the reply that not only was
manual labor not a hindrance to contemplation, it was an 1 8 7 aid. Idung then cited the example of Abba Paul, illustrating
his commitment to his manual labor. Abba Paul's work was
not necessary for self-support, so the fact that he persisted
in it was of great significance. Abba Paul recognized manual
labor as an ascetical discipline which had merit in itself.
He recognized it as a means of purifying himself of worldly
corruption. The story speaks for itself, and illustrates perfectly
the Cistercian belief that manual labor was an intrinsic
part of the ascetical life leading to perfection:
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Paul, the most experienced of the Fathers, while living in the vast desert which is called Porphyry had no cares because of the date palms and a small garden and plenty of food and means of support. He could not find other work to do for his upkeep because his dwelling place was removed from towns and inhabited places by a journey of seven days or more through the desert, and more would be demanded for the transportation of goods than the work would be worth. He gathered palm leaves every day and demanded of himself that he perform this task every day just as if it were his means of support. When his cave had been filled with the year's work, he would year after year set fire to what he had worked so hard at and so carefully, thereby proving that without manual labor a monk cannot perservere. n„in his place nor attain the heights of perfection.
In an article entitled, "Isaac of Stella on Monastic
Economics," Jean Leclercq explicates the theory of Isaac
of Stella on manual labor. In his second sermon for the
feast of Saints Peter and paul, Isaac made a connection
between manual labor and the apostolic life. The sermon
was written to establish the authority for observing faithfully
the precepts of the common life. And that authority was based
on the performance of manual labor for self-support in the
apostolic communities. Isaac began, though, by asserting
that it had been the lot of mankind to work with their hands
since the fall of Adam. Leclercq claims Isaac "is speaking
to men whose manual work consists mainly of farming and
gardening. Like the penitent Adam after the expulsion from
Paradise 'we sinners work the soil' and water it with our
sweat. This is hard and laborious—"operosius'—but it serves
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the double purpose of furnishing our own bread and the igq bread which we give to the poor." Thus, Isaac established
the monk's manual labor as a human endeavor, marking
the monk's solidarity with all mankind. Further on, he adopted
as an ideal for the monk the maxim from the Acts of the
Apostles, "It is more blessed to give than to r e c e i v e .
Isaac praised this as a noble Christian stance, one which
should be reflected in the monastic state.
Gilbert of Hoyland, two generations later, also alluded
to the idea of self-support and charity to the poor in his
twenty-third sermon On the Song of Songs. He asked, "What
of the daily manual labor, by which the body is both sufficiently
exercised and frugally fed? Not they alone eat from their
manual labor, but from their slender reserve they share
with the needy, that they may also experience distress, provided
others have plenty." Present in this statement as in all
the other illustrations is the importance the Cistercians placed
on charity and self-support. The ideals of the apostolic life
so important to the eleventh - century reformers had certainly
found champions in the twelfth and thirteenth-century Cistercian
authors.
Strict Adherence to the Rule of Saint Benedict
In addition to the three dominant motifs of the eleventh
century—poverty, solitude, and the apostolic life—there was
yet another guiding principle operative in the Cistercian
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. reform: the insistence on a literal adherence to the Rule 192 of Saint Benedict . The enforcement of this principle would
have obvious effects on their attitude toward manual labor,
for it is clearly stated in chapter forty-eight of the Rule
that "they are truly monks when they live by the labor of 193 their hands."The Cistercians, in their zeal to adhere
to the Rule, were obliged to undertake manual labor. Their
attitude toward the Rule is expressed in a "Letter of the
First Cistercians to All Their Successors" contained at the
beginning of the Exordium parvum. It urged, "We publish
the sincere truth of this matter that they may the more ten
aciously love the place as well as the observance of the
holy Rule therein, which we ourselves with the grace of
God have only just begun; that they may pray for us who
have sustained indefatigably the burden and the heat of
the day; and that they may labor unto death on the strait
and narrow way prescribed by the Rule..." The Exordium
parvum went on to give an account of how Robert and his
companions promised Hugh, Legate of the Holy See, "to place
their lives under the custody of the holy Rule of Father 195 Benedict." This desire is confirmed in the letter of Legate
Hugh when he observed that it was the wish of the Cistercians
"to adhere henceforth more strictly and more perfectly to 196 the Rule of blessed Benedict." The terms artius and perfectius
were used to describe their aims. In order to accomplish
this strict adherence to theRule the monks at Citeaux found
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. it necessary to abandon some of the customs of the European
monastic tradition to which they were heir. William of Malmesbury's
account corroborated the Cistercian's desire for purity of
observance, "so intent are they on their Rule, that they
think no jot or tittle of it should be disregarded . "197
Further, a passage in the Exordium parvum indicated
that it was only after consulting the Rule that the Cistercians
decided not to accept the customary tithes and benefices, iqg but would instead make their living by their own hands.
There is legislation in the Summa cartae caritatis,
which, in accord with the directives in the Rule, prescribed
that the monks' food was to come from the labor of their inn own hands. " It is further evident in chapter twenty-three
that the Cistercians aimed for a purity of monastic observance:
"Our very name [of monks] and the consitution of our Order
prohibit [the possession of] churches, altar revenues, burials,
tithes from the labor or harvest of outsiders, manors, serfs,
land-rents, oven and mill revenues, and all other incomes
of the kind, as contrary to the purity of the monastic vocation
In the Carta caritatis posterior the idea of a stricter than
usual adherence to the Rule is reiterated in the context of
the responsibility of the abbot. "If any abbot is found to
be less than zealous about the Rule, or too involved in secular
affairs, or faulty in any matter, he shall be charitably on 1 accused at the Chapter [of assembled abbots] . . .",
which Cistercians had instituted for safeguarding the purity
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In his Apologia to Abbot William, Bernard quoted some
of his Cistercian monks who belittled to the Cluniac monks
saying, "they wear fur and they eat meat and fat. Every
day they have three or four different dishes, which the Rule
forbids, and they leave out the work it enjoins. Many points
of the Rule they modify or extend or restrict as they like."
Saint Benedict envisioned the monk being engaged in manual
labor about six hours per day. And so Bernard and the
Cistercians, interpreting the Rule literally, chastised the
Cluniacs for not engaging in work at all. Bernard pointed
this out because it was a departure from the Rule. Peter
the Venerable challenged Bernard's definition of what qualified
as manual labor, but later made an about face and in his
Statuta and insisted that work should be found for everyone
in the monastery.
In a letter to the monks of St. Jean-d' Aulps, in the
diocese of Geneva, Bernard further urged the performance
of manual labor because it was legislated in the Rule. This
monastery had originally begun under Molesme, but then
came under the jurisdiction of Clairvaux and Saint Bernard.
This letter was written on the occasion of the election of
the abbot of St. Jean-d'Aulps as bishop of Sitten. In the
letter Saint Bernard said, "Our place is the bottom, is humility,
is voluntary poverty, obedience, and joy in the Holy Spirit.
Our place is under a master, under an Abbot, under a Rule,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. under discipline. Our place is to cultivate silence, to extend
ourselves in fasts, vigils, prayers, manual work and above
all to keep that 'more excellent way' which is the way of 90S charity." Saint Bernard's reasoning for all the listed
activities was the pursuit of a life of charity. According
to Bernard, submission to the Rule and all the practices
it enjoins resulted in charity, which was for Bernard the
goal of the monastic life. Bernard certainly studied the Rule
and prayed over it. This is apparent in the numerous quotations
and explicit and implicit references to the Rule in his writings.
But, apart from certain specific texts, which admonished
anyone who strayed from the straight and narrow path of
the Rule, Bernard did not regard the Rule as a program
for the spiritual life, and in that light allowed the Rule
to bend a little in particular circumstances. Leclercq says,
"Two main characteristics stand out with his [Bernard's]
attitude to the Rule. The first is his insistence on moderation
and discretion, on kindness, indulgence, and broadmindedness.
The second is Bernard's liberty with regard to the text of
the Rule in the rare cases when a particular prescription
is in opposition to the line of conduct which he feels obliged
to adopt in order to be faithful to the promptings of the
Holy Spirit." 206
Frequently in the writings of the Cistercian Fathers
the question of the active life versus the contemplative life
wasaddressed by allusion to the scriptural account of Martha
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 and Mary. This is seen especially in relation to a theme
discussed later, the alternation of manual work and contemplative
prayer in the attempt to achieve a balanced lifestyle. Aelred
of Rievaulx made the point that both were necessary, and
further, not only did he see the necessity of both, but he
asserted that Saint Benedict also viewed the union of activities
as essential tothe monastic life. Aelred said, "Saint Benedict
certainly saw that, or to be more exact, the Holy Spirit
in Saint Benedict saw it. When he directs us to apply ourselves
to reading, he does not on that account omit work, but he
recommends both to us, reserving certain moments for the 9n« activity of Martha, others for that of Mary." This alternation
theme, particularly important to Aelred, will be developed
at length later.
Idung of Prtifening also paid tribute to the Rule of
Saint Benedict, using it as his authority for chastising the
Cluniac for abondoning the manual labor. Criticizing the
long hours spent in liturgical prayer the Cistercian contended
that time is usurped which according to the Rule should 209 be spent in manual labor. Idung of Priifening had converted
fully to the Cistercian tradition of strict adherence to the
Rule of Saint Benedict.
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MANUAL LABOR: THE CISTERCIAN VIEW IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY:
THEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENTS
Thus far, the dominant themes of the eleventh century
and the Cistercian incorporation of those themes in their
own attitudes toward manual labor have been examined. Some
other less overt themes which go beyond those dominant in
the eleventh century are also present in the writings of
the twelfth-century Cistercians. These further themes, though
they are not new to monasticism, have been treated in a
more thorough and creative way by the Cistercian Fathers
of the twelfth century than by the desert Fathers, or the
European monastic tradition preceding Citeaux. The Cistercians
encouraged manual labor ( 1) to avoid idleness; ( 2) to provide
alternation of corporal and spiritual exercises, and thus
provide a balanced life; and ( 3) to provide opportunities
for mortification. Each of these themes has appeared in the
writings of the desert Fathers, early monastic Fathers, and
even Saint Benedict. In response to the popular desire for
a more austere and ascetical religious life in the twelfth
century, the Cistercian authors of that period emphasized
and amplified the traditional themes, developing them into
a new spirituality for the monastic ascetical practice.
64
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Avoidance of Idleness
The avoidance of idleness was the classic reason the
desert Fathers and Saint Benedict gave for the performance
of manual labor. The form of manual labor in which the
ancient desert monks engaged—weaving mats and baskets,
gardening, and other crafts—kept them occupied so as not
to be tempted by the passions and devils. Thistradition,
incorporated into the Rule of Saint Benedict, formed the basis
of the Cistercian writings on manual labor as a means of
avoiding idleness.
In the letter to his cousin Robert, which has already
been cited, Bernard . chastised his cousin for leaving the
ascetical life of Clairvaux for the pampered existence at
Cluny. Bernard criticized Robert encouraging him, and all
Cluniac readers, to cease the idleness he had chosen at
Cluny and to engage in some manual labor to bring him
back to his senses:
Arouse yourself, gird your loins, put aside idleness, grasp the nettle, and do some hard work. If you act thus you will soon find that you only need to eat what will satisfy your hunger, not what will make your mouth water. Hard exercise will restore the flavor to food that idleness has taken away. Much that you would refuse to eat when you had nothing to do, you will be glad of after hard work. Idleness makes one dainty, hard work makes one hungry. It is wonderful how work can make food taste sweet which idleness finds insipid. Vegetables, beans, roots, and bread and water may be poor fare for one living at his ease, but hard work soon makes them taste d e lic io u s .210
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In this passage Bernard affirmed how deeply a part of the
Cistercian life manual labor had become. It even provided
a balance for the simple diet, making it seem like a feast.
The idleness of the Cluniacs is what led them to complicate
their diet and make it extravagant. The poverty and simplicity
of Cistercian life were maintained by manual labor.
Aelred of Rievaulx in his Rule for a Recluse quoted
chapter forty-eight of the Rule of Saint Benedict as he determined
for his sister the assigned times for manual labor, reading,
and prayer. He said, "Idleness is indeed the enemy of the
soul, the enemy which more than all others the recluse must
be on her guard against. It is the mother of all evils, it
engenders passion, fosters the urge to roam, and nourishes
vice; it nurtures spiritual weariness and encourages melancholy 211 . Never then let the evil spirit find you idle." Aelred
continued, "we will best avoid idleness by the alternation
of exercises and safeguard our peace by varying our occupa- 212 tions." The occupations to be varied were manual labor, 213 reading, and prayer.
Idung of Priifening in his Dialogue raised the question
of idleness and the monk by a quotation from Saint Augustine
when he asked, "1 would like to know what monks do who
do not want to work physically when they have nothing to 214 occupy their time?" The Cluniac monks engaged in the
illumination and copying of manuscripts and Idung's Cistercian
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. had the Cluniac under fire because the "work" that the Cluniac
did was idle work:
Just as words that do not edify are idle, so works which are not pertinent to necessary employ ment are rightfully called idle. Let me, meanwhile, keep silent about all the other things; what is grinding gold into dust and illuminating huge capital letters with that golddust, if it isn't useless and idle work? Even those works of yours which are necessary are contrary to the precepts of the Rule because you pay no attention to the time assigned to them in the Rule. But it seems to me that it is a greater infraction of the Rule not to observe either the time or the manner specified in the Rule for the work of God. “)
Idung continued in the Dialogue to extol the chief benefit
of doing agricultural labor, that it does not permit the monk
to be idle. He praised theCistercian practice in which monk,
lay-brother, and hired hands worked in common and earned
their living by their own hands.
William of Saint Thierry wrote, "In every respect our
work and our leisure should never leave us idle."^^ It
is evident that the Cistercian writers of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries were well within the desert tradition
in employing manual labor for the avoidance of idleness.
It is also apparent that, in reaction to a longstanding tradition
of genteel monastic pursuits, they exceeded the desert Fathers
in the richness of their arguments and rhetoric.
A Balanced Life
Among the desert and early monastic Fathers the alternation
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of ascetical practices was encouraged primarily to combat 218 acedia. This theme was also taken up occasionally by
the Cistercian Fathers. For instance, Saint Bernard wrote,
"The variety of holy observances drives away all tedium 219 and monotony." But the passages on alternation have
more significance than this return to an old theme. Implicit
in the theme of alternation is the twelfth - century Cistercian
anthropology. The Cistercians posited that man was both
spiritual and physical, or even, in the terms of William
of Saint Thierry: animal, rational, and spiritual; and that
the ascent to truth is an upward ascent through these stages. The
Three-fold regime of monastic practice corresponded to the
three stages of man: work and the corporal exercises addressed
the animal man; lectio and meditatio addressed the rational
man; and prayer addressed the spiritual man. Man, in his
mortal body continued to exist in both his physical nature
and his spiritual. For this reason, the ascent to truth was
accomplished by the repeated practice of the ascetical life
of work, study and lectio, and prayer.
Saint Bernard wrote in his Apologia to Abbot William,
"So too we read in one of the Psalms: 'Strike up a song,
and play on the drum.' This means, 'Take up spiritual things
but first make use of physical things.' The man in the best
position is he who makes use of both as occasion demands,
and with discernment." 220 As shall be illustrated more
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. fully later, Bernard believed that the physical preceded
the spiritual and that there continued a strong connection
between the two: so strong that it was important to emphasize
alternately the spiritual and physical practices. He placed
a rather strong premium on the monk's ability to discern
when to engage in each practice, and for what duration.
Again, Bernard's sense of moderation is evident in the following
sentence:
"A man who does all things with great delight must take care lest, by following an impulse, he destroy his health by doing too much. And then his spiritual life will suffer greatly as he finds it necessary to care for his bodily infirmity. Therefore, to keep the runner from running too much, there is need of the light of discretion, mother of all virtues and the crown of perfection*. Take my words to heart: Don't do too much."
In either the spiritual or physical exercises Bernard counselled
moderation as the best path, lest the monk ruin his health
early, prohibiting a consistent monastic observance. Bernard
seems to have come to this opinion only after having ruined
his own health, for he was plagued by severe stomach trouble 222 due to his overzealous youthful austerity.
In his sermons De diversis, Bernard again referred
to therhythm created by the alternation of work and contem
plation which enables the person to open himself to God.
He wrote, "Resting in the evening of contemplation he longs
for the morning when he will rise to action, whilst on the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. other hand, exhausted with his labors he longs for the evening,
20'X willingly turning again to the calm of contemplation." °
Of all the Cistercian authors of the twelfth century,
perhaps the one who championed the idea of alternation most
articulately was Aelred of Rievaulx. In the Rule of Life
for a Recluse, Aelred stated that the principal motivation
for the alternation of exercises was the avoidance of idleness.
"We will best avoid idleness by the alternation of exercises 22 A and safeguard our peace by varying our occupations."
He outlined the day of the recluse, encouraging her to alternate
manual labor with prayer. This was to be done between the
hours of the Divine Office. For example, he suggested, "After
dinner and grace she should again alternate, as prescribed,
between physical toil and spiritual exercises until Vespers."
For a recluse who is not able to read he suggested she give
more devotion to manual labor, with periodic intervals for
prayer, always careful to return to the original task.
Aelred believed this rhythm was essential to relieve tedium
and idleness, and also to exercise both the physical and
the spiritual.
Aelred's anthropology is evident in his writings on
this alternation theme. Charles Dumont says about Aelred's
anthropology: "Thus, Aelred tells us that the exercises of
the outer man are instruments of the interior man; melancholy
(tedium mentis) is dissipated by fatiguing labor, and the 227 body thus pacified becomes an obedient servant of the spirit."
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Aelred's anthropology is further evident in his description
of what will happen at the Last Judgment. "By his second
coming, the Lord will raise us up corporally, in order that,
having served here below in our body and our soul, we
may be able to enjoy beatitude in our body as well as our
soul." 228 With such an anthropological premise as the unity
of body and soul it is no surprise that the program of life
posited by Aelred would address both areas.
The alternation of activity and contemplation, frequently
viewed in the context of the lives of Martha and Mary, in
the words of Charles Dumont, "is one of the elements which
contributes most to giving the Cistercian life its agreeable
sim plicity."229 Aelred alluded to these two lives in an account
of Martha and Mary:
See, my brothers, if Mary were alone in the house, no one would provide food for the Lord; if Martha were there alone, no one would enjoy his presence and His words. Martha represents, therefore, action, the work accomplished by Christ; Mary, the repose which frees us from corporal works to make us taste the sweetness of God in reading, prayer, or contemplation.
• • • •
Thus brethren, during this life of misery and labors, Martha must necessarily dwell in our house: our soul must apply itself to bodily works. As long as we have need to eat and to drink, we shall have to mortify our flesh by vigils, fasts, work. Such is Martha's part. But Mary,, that is spiritual activity, must also be present. For we must not apply ourselves unceasingly to corporal exercises; we must also rest at times and taste how sweet the Lord is. 230
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. This alternation between action and contemplation was evident
in many of the writings of the twelfth century-Cistercians.
Aelred was deeply involved in the dialectic. He was in favor
of the marriage of the two lives, the active and the contempla
tive. He criticized those who neglected manual labor and
work, excusing themselves on the grounds that they were
contemplatives:
They are utterly mistaken and understand nothing when they imagine that certain ones are destined to Mary's part, while others would only share the lot of Martha.
They are idle and unoccupied; they do nothing and hide their curiosity beneath the veil of contemplation. They say: 'What need have we of working and troubling ourselves, of wearying ourselves by swinging an ax at the trunk of a tree or breaking up rocks with a sledgehammer? Mary has chosen the better part' . . . Indeed [answered Aelred], Mary has chosen the better part . . . but if the Gospel story of the two sisters is read to us on the feast of the Assumption, it is because the Virgin Mary exercised the two lives to perfection.
Aelred believed with ’ regard to the alternation of occupations
that it was of the utmost importance to be totally attentive
to whatever task was at hand, whether it were activity or
contemplation. Guided by an abbot, a Rule, and the dictates
of charity, the monk was to engage in both exercises:
At the time when we should be free for reading or prayer, the thought will come to us to go to such and such a work which seems indispensable.. It is as if Martha were calling Mary to her assistance. But the Lord who judges well and fairly does not command Martha to sit with Mary, nor does he order Mary to rise in order to serve
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. with Martha . . . He wishes that each should do her part. Have any of the holy Fathers arrived at perfection without the practice of these two lives? Clearly we must practice the life of Martha atcertain moments and that of Mary at ethers. Let us keep steadfastly to those times determined by the Holy Spirit. At the time for reading, let us be peaceful and calm, without becoming idle or sluggish, and not depart from the feet of Jesus. Let us rather remain near Him to listen to his words . . . At the times of manual labor let us be active and prompt. But we must not exchange one activity for the other save when , which knows no law, crops up unexpect-
If Aelred's biographer, Walter Daniel, is to be believed,
not only did Aelred write about the theory of alternation
and its effect on the balanced life, he lived it:
And so it was that as he wrestled in prayer, despising the earth and everything on the earth, himself most of all, he would often go up into the mountain to greet God, suspended, as it were, between heaven and earth, and saying, 'Lord, remember that 1 am dust, but the wind of thy love, the breath of thy Holy Spirit has borne me so far; turn me not back nor hurl me down; for it is good and pleasant to be here.' And God seeing and hearing him thus, would answer, 'My son, he flies easily who flies to God; be it unto thee as thou seekest. ' So comforted was he by this assurance, so drunk with the wine ofunspeakable joy, that he could scarce bring himself to come down; indeed after such prayer and such wholesome rapture he would be tired and sad, as though he had come from great toil, and lament the hurt of the descent, and sigh as he reflected on the glory of the assumption. But 'steady, steady.' He rises quickly nor sits long in the sW .e place, but hastens to some labor of his hands.
Echoing the sentiments of Saint Bernard, Aelred cautioned
that the physical exercise to be done should be done in
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. moderation. "Because man is made of both body and soul,
our actions should have both in view, so far as this is
possible. For the more each one is fervent and prudent in
this regard, so much the more will he be perfect in love
. We must be held in check by the restraint of reason,
lest the limits of bodily strength be exceeded. For some
have been ignorant of the measure of their powers, and by
heedlessly following the bent of their desire have become
weaker, not holier." 234
According to Leclercq, Isaac of Stella was a "strong
and hearty Englishman [who] worked assiduously and energetic
ally in the fields. He theorized, almost theologized, over
this work, giving it a place in his conception of the spiritual
life." 235 Isaac held that manual labor was difficult and
wearying, but should never be done to the point of exhaustion;
the soul must be attentive to God, and therefore the work
of the spirit must be alternated with the work of the body.^^ 237 In this way labor is a way to meet Jesus. So much a
part of his life was manual labor that as Leclercq points
out, "He liked to remark in his sermons that he was speaking 238 during a pause in his labor."
Idung of Priifening illustrated the perfect marriage
of contemplation and manual labor in his Dialogue. Countering
the Cluniac's contention that since they were "contemplatives"
engaged in perpetual liturgical praise, they had little time
left and were thus excused from manual labor, the Cistercian
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. appealed to the Conferences of John Cassian. He cited the
example of Abbot John the Hermit who, even during an ecstasy
lasting three days, continued unconsciously at his manual 239 labor the entire time. It seems Abbot John transcended
alternation and achieved simultaneity.
The alternation of vigils, fasts, prayer, lectio, and
manual labor is the key to the balanced life, and produces
an environment which promotes contemplation. In sermon forty-
three On the Song of Songs Gilbert of Hoyland, writing in
the early thirteenth century, made this statement, "Fasts
alternate with repasts, labors with repose, vigils with sleep.
Alternation brings refreshment, not faintness . . . Do you
desire the delights of contemplation, to enjoy at ease the
embraces of the bridegroom, to clasp him alone in the secret
of your heart? Do not run to open [the door] with empty 240 hands, with dry hands! Action precedes contemplation."
Idung of Prtifening and Gilbert of Hoyland were not "first
or second" generation writers, but were witnesses that the
Cistercian emphasis on the importance of manual labor lived
on into the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. For
these Cistercian authors, the whole of the monastic observance
was a preparation for contemplation, and ultimately heaven.
The balance of the life aided by the alternation of the exercises
offereda suitable environment in which the monk, with the
grace of God, could meet Him in contemplation.
In a study of early Cistercian liturgy, Chrysogonus
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Waddell states that "the strength of the Cistercian life lay,
9 / 1 at least in part, in balance," The balance was created
by the alternation of the physical and spiritual exercises:
manual labor, vigils, and fasts with lectio, prayer, and
contemplation. To illustrate the importance of manual labor
in this monastic balance, Waddell cites what he refers to
as a "crude" example of Cistercian hagiography from the
Exordium magnum, a thirteenth century - document describing
Cistercian life in the twelfth century:
The Novice master of Grandselve had been a champion athlete of the spiritual life. As such persons often did, he made a spectacular return appearance shortly after his death. His bodily appearance resembled nothing less than clear crystal blazing with the purest light—except, alas, for a dark blotch on the apparition's foot. Why the blotch? Well, the holy novice master, in spite of his merits, had had a single fault: he was a bit less fervant than he should have been when he went with the brethren to the daily common work. The narrator piously adds the moral: "It is certain that every practice of the Order is holy and pleasing to God, and that no one should„ be neglected without serious danger to the soul.
It is clear then, that manual labor was regarded as an
essential element in the monastic life. Above and beyond
its immediate benefits of self-support and the banishment
of idleness, it had merit in and of itself.
The Physical Bases of Spiritual Growth
As has been stated, the basic Cistercian anthropological
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. assumption was that man ascended to truth in the spiritual
life by stages: animal, rational, and spiritual. For growth
to take place in the spiritual life, a firm base had to be
established in the physical realm on which the spiritual
life could be built. The twelfth-century Cistercians, therefore,
emphasized the performance of the bodily exercises to accomplish
the establishment of this basis. Once the body had been
ordered through disciplined activities, man was ready to
ascend the levels of the spiritual life. Among these bodily
disciplines were vigils, fasts, and manual labor. Throughout
the monk's life, the continued application of these bodily
disciplines facilitated growth in the ascent to truth, union
with God in contemplation. The continued discipline of the
physical was required to insure growth in the spiritual life,
no matter what stage of perfection had been reached. As
one of these disciplines, manual labor needs to be examined
in light of its contribution to the physical basis for spiritual
growth.
Bernard of Clairvaux offered as the goal of the Cistercian
life the perfect restoration of the image of God in the soul.
This was the hope of the Christian life. Bernard was a well-
educated and articulate man. Regarding the requirements
of this restoration, he wrote extensively. What is important
to keep in mind is that he was first and foremost a monk,
a fact that colored all he wrote.
The monastic life was one avenue by which therestoration
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the image was accomplished in the Christian through the
grace of God. The monastic life was a means by which the
Christian could be transformed from unlikeness to likeness
in the perfect union with God.^^ For Bernard, the monastic
life, especially as it was observed at Clairvaux, was purely
contemplative, that is, everything was ordered to creating
an atmosphere in which the monk could experience contemplation.
Within a blanced structure of prayer, lectio, and manual
labor the monk began the ascent to truth in contemplation.
The foundation on which the ascent was based was humility.
Bernard advocated the interior renewal of man. The two steps
by which the monk achieved interior renewal were purity
of heart and voluntary poverty. This was echoed in a statement
by one of Bernard's disciples, Peter of Roye, who believed
that the renewal of the interior man was achieved through
the humility which springs from a life of poverty and con
templative solitude. Both were to be found in the humble
work of the monks and in the simplicity of their way of 245 life. This program was graduated, beginning with the
baser things and ascending level by level to perfect charity.
In his Apologia to Abbot William Bernard stated, "spiritual
things are certainly higher, but there is little hope of attaining
them or of receiving them without making use of external
exercises, as it is written, 'It is not the spiritual that
comes first but the physical; and then comes the spiritual."'
Again, in a letter to Prior Guy of the Grande Chartreuse
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. he stated, "Because we are flesh and blood born of the desire
of the flesh, our love must start in the flesh . . . we must
first bear the image that is earthly and afterwards that
which is heavenly." 247 This progressive ascension theme
was evident in Bernard's Steps of Humility and Pride, which
contained his three degrees of truth, ^48 ancj pn Loving
God in which he proposed four degrees of l o v e.249
Whereas many of Bernard's opinions concerning manual
labor were implicity in his writings, William of Saint Thierry,
as a convert to the Cistercian ideal from the Benedictine,
made explicity his evaluation of manual labor in his letter
to the monks at Mont Dieu, The Golden Epistle. This work
outlined the three-fold division of the ascent to likeness.
It was divided into sections outlining programs for animal
man, rational man, and spiritual man. Like Bernard, William
also believed the perfection of the person occurred in stages.
He believed that before the fall man was an ordered microcosm 250
in which theflesh is subject to the soul, the soul to the
spirit, and the spirit itself is naturally directed towards
God. The balance among these three had been disturbed by
sin. Asceticism is the means by which the balance may be
restored. 251 phe ascent had to begin at the bottom of the
ladder with animal man; the beginner progressed from physical
works upward. Manual labor figured prominently in securing
this basis.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80
Through devotion to good practices their flesh that is sown in corruption begins even now to rise again to glory; so that heart and flesh together may rejoice in the living God, and where the soul thirsts after you the flesh also may thirst in 0 how many ways! For the blessed meek possess the earth of their own body; which earth, made fruitful by the faithful practice of spiritual exercises, even though it has been left to go fallow, bears fruit of itself in fastings, in watchings, in labors, being ready^for every good work without contradiction of sloth.
Addressing beginners in the monastic life, William first idai- 253 tified manual labor as an occupation to avoid idleness. It was
intended to relax the mind in order to prepare it for spiritual
things. Although William recognized the fact that the fruit
of labor is pleasure and relaxation of the body, these were nc / not the primary aims. The spiritual orientation took priority.
William stated, "Physical exercise is necessary as a help 255 to spiritual pursuits." ^ Manual labor, especially hard 256 field work, led to contrition and humility of heart as well.
The monk was encouraged willingly to embrace all work,
concentrating not so much on what he is doing, as why.
This was to keep his goal, perfection, constantly before
his eyes. Manual labor enabled the monk to focus all his
energies on this primary goal.
However the serious and prudent soul is ready to undertake all work and is not distracted by it but rather finds it a means of greater recollection. It always keeps in sight not so much what it is doing as the purpose of its activity and so aims at the summit of all perfection. The more truly such an effort is made, the more fervently and the more faithfully is manual
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. work done and all the energies of the body are brought into play. The discipline imposed by good will forces the senses to concentrate: they are left without any opportunity of shaking off the weight of the work to take their pleasure, and, brought into humble subjection and service to the Spirit, they are taught to adapt themselves to it both in sharing the work and in looking forward to its reward. 257
Once the monk began this program of ascent, he had faithfully 258 to persevere so his spiritual muscles would not atrophy.
William's aim was to have the monk achieve the ability
to concentrate on spiritual matters while engaged in physical
activity.
Spiritual exercises should never be laid aside in favor of bodily ones for any length of time nor totally, but the mind should learn to return to them easily and give itself to bodily exercises while still being attached to the things of the spirit. For as has already been said it is not man who is for the sake of woman but woman for the sake of man and it is not spiritual things that are for the sake of carnal but carnal that are for the sake of spiritual. By bodily exercises in the presenl,-d:ontext we mean those which involve manual work.
Thus, for William, the physical as the basis for the spiritual
was firmly developed.. A rhythm was established in which
the physical and the spiritual were linked in a singleness
of purpose. Manual labor and the other corporal ascetical
practices— fasts and vigils—were thus essential parts of
the spiritual life at the most elementary level.
Manual Labor as Mortification/Penance
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Mortification of the body was a theme running throughout
the entire monastic tradition. Through mortification and acts
of penance, the monk was able to overcome his attachments
to the things and activities of this world. In the desert
tradition this worldliness sometimes took the form of passions,
sometimes diabolic temptations. Regardless of the form, worldliness
was to be eradicated to open a place for God. This same
theme is identifiable in the writings of the twelfth - century
Cistercians.
In Bernard's Apologia to Abbot William he extolled
manual labor as a means of mortifying worldly attachments.
He said, "You do well when you wear yourself out with all
manner of hard work. You do well when, by the austerity o£n of the Rule you put to death what is earthly in you."
It is certain that this mortification of the body or penance
was viewed as important and necessary. But it is also important
to view this statement in the context in which it was written.
Bernard believed that sometimes, for the sake of charity,
moderation had to come into play. This is also true in this
context. Whereas Bernard praised mortification accomplished
by the performance of manual labor, it was not itself of
ultimate value. Bernard warned certain members of his Order
not to criticize too loudly others who were less zealous in 26 1 the ascetical life. Bernard quoted Saint Paul saying,
"Do not pass judgment prematurely, before the coming of
the Lord. He will light up things hidden in darkness, and
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. disclose the designs of the heart. "2^2 He said to those who
criticized monks who do not engage in manual labor, "For
just as the soul is more important than the body, so spiritual
practices are more fruitful than material ones. But as for
you, if you have become so complacent about your bodily
observances that you look down on those who do not follow
suit, then it is you who are the real transgressor."^ Bernard
went on to say that in the very act of criticizing, the monk
who engaged in manual labor was lacking the greater gifts
of humility and charity. Manual labor was a necessary penance
which helped the monk to acquire the gifts of humility and
charity; it should not be an occasion to lose them. Bernard
was not saying that manual labor was unimportant; on the
contrary, he affirmed its primacy among the corporal ascetical
practices. He simply urged it be kept in perspective and
engaged in to further, not to hinder, spiritual gifts. He
asked, "Who, may I ask, keeps the Rule better? Surely it
is he who is himself better. And who is better, the humble
man or the weary man? Surely it is he who has learned
from the Lord to be gentle and humble of heart."
Often the Cistercian life of penance and mortification
was viewed as a participation in the sufferings of Christ.
Aelred of Rievaulx expressed this sentiment, citing a passage
from the Rule of Saint Benedict as his authority, in the
Speculum caritatis:
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. To share in the sufferings of Christ is to be submitted to regular observances, to mortify the flesh by abstinence, vigils, and work, to submit one's will to the judgment of another, to prefer nothing to obedience, and that I may sum up a great deal in a few words, to follow our profession, which is made according to the Rule of Saint Benedict, that is to say, to share in the sufferings of Christ as our legislator declares when he says: 'And so perservering until death in the monastery, we may share by patience in the sufferings of Christ, „^-that we may deserve to be partakers of his kingdom.
The work referred to in this passage Aelred went on to describe
as that engaged in by those "who have chosen to earn your
own living, not under the curse of the peasant (rusticorum), nCf. but by your own and the common labor of your brethren."
Again, in theaccount of Martha and Mary already
examined, Aelred affirmed that the Cistercian life was to
be a life of mortification and penance. Manual labor was
one of the penitential acts by which this was accomplished.
"Thus brethren, during this life of misery and labors, Martha
must necessarily dwell in our house: our soul must apply
itself to bodily works. As long as we have need to eat and
to drink, we shall have to mortify our flesh by vigils, fasts,
and work."
Guerric of Igny included manual labor in the ascetical
regime of the Cistercian lifein many of his liturgical sermons.
Ascetical exercises were forms of penance which allowed the
monk to escape everlasting corruption. Speaking to the monks
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the monastery in the first sermon for the Epiphany, Guerric
pointed out that most individuals were not accustomed to
the penitential life of the ascetic. "If we are to believe
those who have just come in from the world, the regular
fasts and vigils, the daily manual labor, the rough clothes
and practically everything are bitter to them because they nCQ are unaccustomed to them." Nevertheless, Guerric insisted
that the practice of mortification through manual labor along
with the other corporal exercises had to be accepted to avoid
damnation. "Although in comparison with piety, training
of the body avails but little for the perfect, such as Timothy,
how useful it is for the rough and imperfect such as we.
You yourselves, brethren, bear witness to yourselves. You
know how the bitterness of a scant diet and hard work redeems
our life from corruption. For you yourselves know how your
hearts, how your bodies would be creeping with worms if
it were not for the myrrh distilled day by day from the
manual labor."269
In the first sermon for the feast of Saint Benedict,
Guerric pointed out that wisdom was gained through the monk's
application of penitential practices. This was primarily achieved
by overcoming the restlessness of the body, accedia. By
occupying the body with daily penitential practices, the
monk would be more disposed to receive true wisdom. "It
is more important, I think, not readily to allow restlessness
or any kind of slight provocation to keep you away from
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. any of the exercises of wisdom: the divine office, private
prayer, lectio divina, the appointed daily labor or the practice 270 of silence." Not only did the application of the monk
in manual labor produce wisdom, but, as Guerric wrote in
another sermon, the third sermon for the feast of the Assumption,
the reward for diligence in work was rest in Jesus. Guerric
said that the good man is resting while he works, and the
godless man has to work even while he is resting. 271 The
rest about which Guerric wrote was the union with God in
contemplation.
Guerric, like Aelred, situated the penitential practices
of the monk inthe context of participation in the sufferings
of Christ. The monk had to be engaged not only in contemplation,
but in action. He had to toil and labor and suffer just as
Christ sufered, and his reward would be union with God:
Let them hear and rejoice who walk in the ways of justice. Let them hear, I say, for Jesus deigns to meet and manifest himself not only to those who devote themselves to contemplation but also to those who justly and devoutly walk the ways of action. Many of you if I am not mistaken, recognize what you have experienced; often Jesus whom you sought at the memorials of the altars, as at the tomb, and did not find, unexpectedly came to meet you in the way while you were working. Then you drew near and held on to his feet, you whose feet slothfulness had not held back for desire of him. Do not then be too sparing of your feet, brother in the ways of obedience and in the coming and going that work demands, since Jesus did not spare his feet on your account even from the pain of the nails, and he still allows the work of you feet to be rewarded or revealed by the embrace and kiss of his own feet. What consolation it will
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. also be if he joins you as a companion on the way and by the surpassing pleasure which his conversation gives takes away from you all feeling of toil, while he opens your mind to understand the Scriptures which perhaps you sat and read at home without understanding.^72
The basis of Isaac of Stella's writing on manual labor
as mortification was the life of Adam after he had been expelled
from Paradise. God said to Adam that since leaving Paradise
his lot, and the lot of all mankind, was to work by the
sweat of his brow. Isaac identified the work of the Cis-
9 7 / tercians with that of the penitent Adam. As a result of
the fall of Adam, mankind was destined to a life of hardship
and penance as a reparation. Isaac embraced this penitential
life as it was experienced in the monastic observance, viewing
manual labor as a participation in the penitential work of
mankind. Thus, Isaac affirmed the Cistercian monk's solidarity
with Adam and all mankind.^^
Along with the themes: the ascetical life, avoidance
of idleness, and the alternation of exercises to provide a 1 balanced life; mortification and penance added yet another
dimension to the Cistercians' well-developed writings on manual
labor.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VI
THE EXPERIENCE OF THE MONK IN THE MONASTERY:
COUNTER-INDICATIONS
At the beginning of the Cistercian Order, manual labor
was performed by all the monks in the monastery. However,
even as the "second generation" Cistercian theologians continued
to theorize about manual labor and encourage its performance,
there were developments which militated against it. These
developments were: (1) the rise of the Cistercian Lay-brotherhood;
(2) the rise of intellectual and literary work among the
Cistercians; and (3) the use and abuse of monastic sources.
These counter-indications must be examined to provide a
more thorough understanding of manual labor in Cistercian
ideal and practice.
The Rise of the Cistercian Lay-brotherhood
Well within the dominant trend of the eleventh century,
the Cistercians adopted the use of the lay-brotherhood probably
sometime under Abbot Stephen Harding in the second decade
of the twelfth century. ^76 jn t^e Exordium parvum, the Cister
cians stated, "Thereupon they decided to admit, with the
permission of their bishop, bearded lay-brothers and to treat
them in life and death as their equals, excepting only the
88
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 status as monks. These lay-brothers were admitted to
do a good portion of the manual labor so that the monastery
could function and the monks remain faithful to the liturgical
and other required monastic observances. From the monastic
horarium during the twelfth century in appendices III and
IV, compiled by Chrysogonus Waddell and based on the writings
of Julien Paris in the Nomasticon cisterciense, it is clear
that even at the beginning there was a distinction between
monks and lay-brothers at Citeaux. Lay-brothers maintained
the granges and enabled the monks to retire from traf fic
with seculars. As the Cistercians became more and more estab
lished, the burden of the manual labor fell increasingly
to the lay-brothers. There are numerous stories in the Exordium
magnum which praise the lay-brothers for their dedication
to the manual labor. One of the more beautiful stories recounted
how a lay-brother, a ploughman at Clairvaux, dreamed that
Christ appeared in the field which he was ploughing and
goaded the oxen in the field, thus sharing and easing the
9 7 ft burden of the lay-brother. That the burden of manual
labor was placed on the lay-brothers because of the choir
responsibilities of the monks was very evident in some of
the statuta issued by the General Chapter of the Cistercian
Order. For example statute sixty-eight from the year 1157
indicated, "On feastdays which had been moved to another 279 day, the lay-brothers work;" the monks are not mentioned.
It can be assumed that they would have had choir
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. responsibilities. Statute two from the year 1175 stated, "On
the feast of Saint Bernard, two masses are sung and the
brothers labor." Again, a statute from 1184 orders that
on the feast of Saint Vincent two masses be sung and the
o Q i lay-brothers work. The monks were becoming more and
more involved in choir activity, whereas the lay-brothers
remained working in the field. The term conversi is used
frequently in the legal documents such as the Statuta, but
rarely in the theological treatises. The theological works
encouraged work for the monks, yet the legal documents,
which are usually closer to lived experience, indicated it
was the lay-brothers who were doing most of the manual
labor. Since by definition conversi were illiterate, it can
be assumed that the Cistercian theoreticians were not being
read by the conversi.
Why did this shift in the performance of manual labor
by both monachi and conversi to primarily conversi take
place? The answer to that question becomes clear after examining
the reasons for the adoption of the lay-brotherhood. Jacques
DuBois argued that there were basically four reasons that
lay-brothers were adopted by the monastic orders: (1) the
monk's distaste for manual labor; (2) the monastery's growth
in wealth and prosperity; (3) expanded ornamentation of
the liturgical life since the time of Benedict of Aniane; and
(4) the increasing clericalization of the monastic life in 2g2 the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. Some of
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. these factors have already been mentioned, but a few bear
repeating. The prosperity of the Cistercian monks had a
great effect on the performance of manual labor. Jean Leclercq
cites two examples of monks from the thirteenth-century Cistercian
tradition looking at their life with a critical eye and comparing
it to the beginnings at Citeaux. Gilbert of Hoyland recalled
with a bit of nostalgia the times when, "our fathers went
in search of real solitude; they cared about holiness, not
possessions. What times! What conduct!" And in the Exordium
magnum there was an account of a consecrated virgin who
passed on a prophetic criticism about Citeaux: "There are
three things in your Order which offend God's majesty: increase
of landed property, superfluous buildings, and the sensuality
of the monk's voices." ^84- Clearly there were some adverse
reactions to the prosperity of the Cistercians. This prosperity
shifted the manual labor to the brothers' shoulders, because
the Cistercians were no longer faced with the existential
poverty of the founders. Territorial expansion, accumulation
of property, increased involvement in the administration
of the property of the Order, and ecclesiastical politics exacted
their toll on the distribution of manual labor. With
the industrious work of the lay-brothers, monks found themselves
with more time. ^85
As for the admission of liturgical accretions not found
in the Rule of Saint Benedict , Waddell states, "even in the
case of the Cistercian Fathers, there was never a question
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of 'the Ruleand nothing but the Rule.' The starting point
of their reform had been a concrete, living, complex tradition
tributary to multiple sources. What .was rejected was not
this tradition as a whole, but only those elements judged
incompatible with fidelity to the Rule and with the exigencies
of reason." Another factor Waddell cites was Bernard's
desire for the authentic in the performance of the liturgy.
In his Prologue to the Cistercian Antiphonary Bernard wrote
that the chanting of the office according to the most authentic npn version was one of the major concerns of the founers of Citeaux.
According to Waddell, by appealing to authenticity as a
criterion "a whole series of new options in the choice of OQ Q liturgical books" was possible. Appealing to the argument
of authenticity as opposed to strict literal adherence to the
Rule set a precedent that would allow for other liturgical
accretions, especially as they were perceived to have been
intended by the founders of Citeaux. The increasing clerical-
ization of the monks also demanded more attention to the 289 altar than to the field. Thisclericalization also contributed
to a class distinction which further separated the monks
and conversi and led to the decline of manual labor by monks.
According to DuBois, the creation of the lay-brothers was
not merely an attempt to solve the existing problems of the
monks. He contends it came in response to a popular movement
seeking a "lay rnonasticism" which would not be encumbered
by the duties and responsibilities of the clerical monks.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "In the older forms of monasticism, some monks had become
clerics while others remained in the lay state. In the character
istic monasticism of the twelfth century, the two groups were
completely separated. The liturgical obligations of the clerics
were stressed, while the lay-brothers were completely dispensed 290 from them." One of the reasons that the difference between
the lay-brothers and monks was expressed in the different
liturgical requirements was that, unlike Saint Benedict, the
Cistercians did not accept child oblates. Recruits came in
adulthood. If he was literate, a postulant could become a
monk, but if he could not read he was destined to be a
lay-brother, for there were no built-in schools to teach the
recruit to read and thus to learn the offices. It seems that
with the breakdown of feudal structures, there were more
and more illiterate peasants seeking the form of "lay monasticism"
in the Order of Citeaux. Not only the peasants, but members
of the nobility as well sought to enter the Cistercian Order
as lay-brothers. This is corroborated by statute eight from
the year 1188 which stated, "Noble layment coming [to the
monastery] do not become conversi but monks." 291 This would
indicate that prior to the enactment of this law, noblemen 292 were becoming conversi. ^ This was significant, in that
it would not normally be the place for nobles. Recall the
difficulty Saint Bernard encountered in manual labor because
of his aristocratic background.
The Cistercian lay-brothers of the twelfth century divided
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. their lives between hard work and simple prayer. They held
positions of importance, as administrators, grange-masters,
heads of workshops. They did not participate actively in
the liturgical office, and were not involved in intellectual
pursuits. The difference between them and the monks lay
in the fact that monks were clerics and the conversi were
laymen. This situation made it possible for a simple person
in the twelfth century to choose the monastic life, without
the difficulty of chanting in a language they did not know, 293 and probably could not read.
The Rise of Intellectual and Literary Work
As for the clerical monks, the choir office obligation
and the growing intellectual climate were significant in the
shift from manual labor. As Lekai points out, "Monks became
less and less concerned with the quality of the soil and
harvest, turning instead with much devotion to books, studies,
OQ / preaching, and missions." 7 Even as the writers of the
"Golden Age of Citeaux" were producing treatises and sermons
praising manual labor, they were, in the very act of writing,
substituting intellectual work for field work. Several factors
contributed to this development of intellectual versus field
labor. Among them were (1) the rise of the secular schools;
(2) the intellectual backgrounds of the writers of the Cistercian
Order; (3) the translation into Latin and the availability
of ancient philosophical works; and (4) the emergence of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. scholasticism. 295
In the eleventh century the monasteries were the primary
centers of Christian thought and the chief promoters of culture
and education. According to Leclercq, "the Abbeys remained 296 the repositories of the great Christian ideas." The monastic
thinkers developed their ideas and theology out of the monastic
practice of lectio divina which emphasized the Scripture and 297 the Fathers; and from the liturgy. However, in the twelfth
century a new intellectual class was coming into being. Whereas
the monks in the monastery were still engaging in intellectual
pursuits, these pursuits were not confined to the monastery.
These new thinkers called masters—magistri—formed a new
social category outside the structure of secular and ecclesiastical OQ Q feudalism. In most cases, these masters had no ties what
soever to monasteries. Chenu states that these masters, "lived
in cities where their allies, the bourgeois, were emancipating
themselves by forming communes." 299 Responding to the needs
of the new student, the masters formed schools in the cities
with clerical teachers under episcopal control. No longer
were the intellectual and social environment of the monasteries
adequately fulfilling the aspirations of the new students.
Within this milieu of growing intellectualism, the Cister
cians had members who were not only well-educated, but
in some cases were products of these schools before becoming
monks. Bernard's noble background assured him of a good
education, and from his writings it is clear that he had
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a vast knowledge of Scripture and the Fathers, as well as
many ancient secular authors. William, Abbot of Saint Thierry, 101 was accounted a learned man. Aelred of Rievaulx was
an educated man, and had participated in the court life
of David of Scotland before entering the monasteryGuerric
of Igny had not only been educated in the schools, but was
himself the Master of the Cathedral School at Tournai.'
Isaac of Stella, too, before his conversion had been educated OQ/ in the new schools. Within a climate as intellectually
stimulating and with educational backgrounds such as they
had, it is no surprise that the "Golden Age" Cistercians
should adopt, at least in part, intellectual labor while praising
manual labor.
One factor which made the twelfth century so intellectually
stimulating was the emergence of pre-scholasticism. Even
though the influence of the "monastic school" had not diminished
in the twelfth century, scholasticism was beginning to gain
a foothold. 105 The rediscovery and translation into Latin
of many ancient sources, especially Aristotle after 1150,
v/ere instrumental in the development of scholasticism.
The goal of scholasticism as applied to theology was more
systematic research and greater precision of language. Like
the Aristotelian ideal it adopted, scholastic theology took 107 on a speculative and deductive character. On the other
hand, the monastic approach to theology was one that nourished
the spiritual life by lectio, the Scriptures and the Fathers.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Saint Benedict had called the monastic life "the school of onQ the Lord's service." It was this definition of school that
the Cistercians adopted. Chenu states:
The Cistercians were to take up the word [school] again and insist on the active implementation of this old Benedictine tradition. In lively com petition with the new schools and their secular masters, the Cistercians pressed for an exclusive definition of "school" which rejected any variant conception as intolerable. The "school" of the primitive Church (schola primitivae ecclesiae)309 ideal of the Cistercian reform was plainly not a school but a certain mode of evangelical life.310
In the midst of such a debate, the Cistercian writers of
the twelfth century took up their pens, defended the monastic
position, and often used the very weapons of scholasticism
to do it.
The Use and Abuse of Monastic Sources
The use of monastic tradition and sources, to which
the Cistercians frequently appealed, could have had an effect
on the diminution of the performance of manual labor by
the monks. The Rule of Saint Benedict was ostensibly the
foundation of the New Monastery, Citeaux. The moderating
tone of the Rule itself could have had a mitigating effect
on the performance of manual labor. As has been demonstrated,
the conditions of the founders of Citeaux were primitive,
all had to work. Also, the reaction to Cluniac monasticism
provoked perhaps a zealous response in the defense, at least,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of manual labor on the part of the Cistercians. However,
as a founding principle, they adopted an attitude of strict
adherence to the Rule of Saint Benedict. It became apparent
that they were not going to be able to fulfill all the pre
scriptions of the monastic observance and still devote all
the time Benedict required for manual labor. Hence the diminution
of manual labor with the advent of the lay-brothers in the "111 second decade of the twelfth century.
It seems that the Cistercian writers of the twelfth century
were writing about manual labor in response to the desire
of many persons of that period for a Christian life of simplicity,
poverty, and seclusion. It seems doubtful that their primary
intention was to recover the pristine purity of pre-Carolingian
monasticism or of the monasticism of the early desert Fathers.
Lekai states:
In my opinion it remains highly questionable that "their purpose was a return to the sources, a rediscovery of the meaning of monastic life . to go back to the period before the Carol- ingian reformers . . . and recreate the original Benedictine structure in all its simplicity, purity and strength," and that therefore they "did not hesitate to go back beyond the Rule to rediscover the life-situation out of which the Rule grew." [This is Claude Peifer's thesis as presented in "Monastic Renewal in Historical Perspective," in the American Benedictine Review. XIX (1968), pp. 11-16T Ai I can see Tt^ the actual process was far less sophisticated. The purpose of the reformers was the creation of a life of austerity in perfect seclusion. The importance of textual references was secondary. When they quoted some convenient passages, they did so primarily in self-justification. They could not possibly go beyond the Carolingian reformers in any
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99
scholarly sense, much, less "rediscover the life- situation" of pre-Benedictine times because they were ignorant of them and, for lack of adequate libraries and archives, they were unable to approach them. Medieval authors used the few documents within their reach far more often and far more efficiently as legal weapons rather than as tools for the painstaking research of the mysterious past. The supposition that men of the eleventh century intended to execute, or could, and in fact did, execute the above quoted and exceedingly.. ^ambitious scholarly tasks smacks of anachronism.
The examination of the sources seems to bear this out. Even
though patristic and early monastic sources are consulted
and cited, the originality of the treatment of the themes
indicates that the authors were writing as a response to
the religious desire for evangelical poverty and seclusion.
Even elements in the Rule of Saint Benedict, which was to
have been observed strictly, were dismissed by the early
Cistercians. The institution of the lay-brotherhood was foreign
to the Rule of Saint Benedict, and the exclusion of child
oblates from the monastery was in violation of a significant
feature of the Rule ■ Lekai attributes this exclusion to the
fact that what the Cistercians really sought was poverty
and seclusion, and if the admission of lay-brothers and
the exclusion of children promoted solitude, then these expedients
took precedence over the Rule. As an expression of solitude
and poverty the reformers of Citeaux considered manual labor
an essential element of the Cistercian monastic observance,
and they wanted to insure that it characterized their regime.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One last factor with regard to monastic tradition and
sources was the way the Cistercians considered their own
founding documents. A unique characteristic of the Cistercians
was their consciousness of their monastic experience as an
"Order". Realizing that manual labor was an intrinsic part
of the life of the founders of the Order, the monks maintained
a desire for unity of custom throughout the Order, and this
would move them to insist on the practice everywhere of all
the ascetical disciplines of the monastic observance of early
Citeaux.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VII
Conclusion
The Cistercian Order emerged in a milieu of change
at the end of the eleventh century. Feudal structures were
beginning to give way, yielding to a less exclusively land-
tied society. Many reform groups arose in response to a
popular religious quest for simplicity, poverty, and the apostolic
life. In many respects Citeaux' founding principles were
identical with those of other contemporary communities, such
as Grande Chartreuse, Grandmont, Vallombrosa, and Camaldoli.
The ideals in which these monastic observances had their
roots were present in the tradition of the desert Fathers
and in the western European monastic tradition. The one
distinguishing factor marking the Cistercian out from the
other communities was their repeatedly articulated insistence
on the performance of manual labor. This is not to say that
manual labor was foreign to the ancient tradition, or even
the communities contemporaneous with Citeaux. But manual
labor was regarded at Citeaux as an essential element of
the monastic regime. As has been demonstrated, time and
time again the Cistercian writers returned to this theme.
Manual labor was tightly woven into the fabric of Cistercian
spirituality, especially as it expressed their belief in a
life of simplicity and poverty. But as was also evident in
101
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the counter-indications, the fact remained that the actual
performance of manual labor on the part of the Cistercian
monks was rather short-lived. Manual labor was relegated
to the sphere of the lay-brother, and intellectual pursuits,
preaching, and missions began quite early to replace physical
labor for the monks. As short-lived as the experience was,
the writings of the Cistercians continued to reflect this ideal.
These writings ranged from treatises to polemics, letters
to prayers, sermons to hagiography. All were aimed at the
preservation of manual labor as an ascetical discipline and
an essential element of the monastic life. There can be little
doubt that through the writings of the theoreticians and
the example of the monks in the fields, the Cistercians of
the twelfth century succeeded in establishing the importance
of manual labor as a fundamental element of the asceticial
life.
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APPENDIX A315
Legislation of manual labor in relationship to the monastic horarium according to the Rule of the Master: O'! £ I. From the Winter Equinox (September 24) to Easter
A. From Prime to Terce
1. Reading
2. Deacons receive work assignments from Abbot
B. Terce to Sext
1. Work (c. 3 hours)
2. Prayer preceding and following work
C. Sext
D. Sext to None
1. Work (c. 3 hours)
2. Prayer preceding and following work
E. None
F. None to Vespers
1. Work (for remaining time between two offices)
2. Prayer preceding and following work
II. From Easter to the winter equinox (September 24)
A. From Prime to Terce
1. Work
2. Prayer preceding a following work
B. Terce to Sext
1. Work
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2. Prayer preceding and following work
C. After Sext
Moderate Nap
D. Conclusion of Nap to None
Work
E. None to Vespers
Reading
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APPENDIX B317
Legislation of manual labor in relationship to the monastic horarium according to the Rule of Saint Benedict:
I. From Easter to September 1 L,
A. From the first hour to the fourth
Assigned tasks in the monastery
B. From the fourth hour to the sixth
Reading
C. None is prayed early (c. 2:30 p.m.)
D. From None to Vespers
Work
E. Legislation allows for variance as conditions such as harvets necessitate
II. From September 14 to Lent
A. Terce prayed at c. 8:00 a.m.
Reading has preceded Terce
B. From Terce to None
Work
C. Meal follows None
D. None to Vespers
Reading or studying of psalms
III. During Lent
A. Until the end of the third hour (c. 9:00 a.m.)
1. Reading
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106
2. Each monk is assigned a book at the beginning of Lent
B. From the end of the third hour until the end of the tenth hour (c. 5:00 p.m.)
Assigned work
C. Meal is taken in the evening
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107
A PPEN DIX C 318
Horarium for work days - Twelfth-century Citeaux - Summer Season
Summer Solstice 2 Mths. Later Notes End of June 20-25 ALgust
Rise 1:45 AM 2:40 AM 1 hr. 30 mins. before dawn Vigils 2 2:50 a bit after rising End of Vigils 3 4 Vigils takes an hour in summer Interval a few mins. a few mins. parvissimo intervallo
Lauds 3:10 4:10 incipiente luce include Lds. of Dead Interval 3:45 4:50 till sunrise
Prime 4 5 at sunrise (1st hour)
Chapter after Prime, lasts c. 15 minutes Work 4:40 5:40 after Chapter
End of Work 7:15 7:45 first bell for Terce (30 minutes before) Interval half hour interval
Terce 7:45 8:15 before end of third hour Mass 8 8:30 after Terce, fourth hour End of Mass 8:50 9:15
Lectio 8:50 9:15 usque ad horam quasi sextam Sext 10:40 10:50 at the sixth hour
Dinner 10:50 11 after Sext
End of Dinner, Meridienne 11:30 11:40
End of Meridienne 1:45 PM 1:30 PM a bit before mid eighth hour None 2 1:45 mediante octava hora
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108
Summer Solstice 2 Mths. Later Notes End of June 20-25 August
'Biberes' 2:15 after None
Work 2:30 PM 2:15 PM after Biberes
End of Work 5:30 4:30 towards end of tenth hour Interval 5:30 4:30 half hour interval
Vespers 6 5 during eleventh hour include Office of Dead End of Vespers, Supper 6:45 5:45 End of Supper, Interval 7:15 6:15 Reading before Compline 7:30 6:30
Compline 7:50 6:50
Retire 8 7 first hour of night
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109
APPEN DIX D 319
Horarium for work days ~ Twelfth-century Citeaux - Winter Season
Winter Solstice 2 Mths. Later Notes End of Dec. 20-25 Feb.
Rise 1:20 AM 1:25 AM eighth hour of night
Vigils 1:30 1:35
End of Vigils 2:50 2:50
Lectio accenso lumine ante armarium et _in capitul Lauds 7:15 6:20 incipiente ~Tuce
Interval till sunrise
Prime - Mass 8 7 at sunrise (first hour)
End of Mass 9:10 8:10
Interval a few mins. a few mins.
Terce 9:20 20 end of second hour
Chapter 9:35 35
End of Chapter Work 9:55 :55
End of Work 11:10 11:10
Sext 11:20 11:25 at sixth hour
Return to Work 11:35 11:40
End of Work 12:50 PM 1:20 PM first bell for None (30 mins. before) Interval half hour interval
None 1:20 2 at ninth hour
Dinner 1:35 2:15 after None
End of Dinner 2:15 2:55
Lectio till Vespers
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110
Winter Solstice 2 Mths Later Notes End of Dec. 20-25 Feb.
Vespers 2:50 PM 4:10 PM during 11th hour. incl. Office of the Dead End of Vespers 3:30 4:50
Interval very brief
' Biberes' 3:40 4:55
Reading before Compline 3:45 5 'by daylight'
Compline 3:55 5:20
Retire 4:05 5:30 beginning of night
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTES
Abbreviations
BSJ The Letters of Bernard of Clairvaux. Trans. Bruno Scott James, (London: Burns Oates, 1953).
CC Summa cartae caritatis. Trans. Bede Lackner in Louis Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977), pp. 445-450.
CCh CM Corpus Christianorum: Continuatio Mediaeualis, Tj ed. A"i Hoste and C"! H! Talbot, (Turnholti: Tupographi Brepols Editores Pontificii, 1971).
CCP Carta Caritatis posterior. Trans. Lackner in Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, pp. 461 -465"!
CF Cistercian Fathers Series, (Spencer, Washington, Kalamazoo, 1966-).
CS Cistercian Studies Series, (Spencer, Washington, Kalamazoo, 1966-).
EM Exordium magnum cisterciense. Ed. Bruno Griesser (Rome, 1961).
EP Exordium parvum. In Les Plus Anciens Textes de Citeaux, Eds. Jean de la Croix Bouton, and Jean Baptiste Van Damme, (Achel: Abbaye Cister- cienne, 1974). Translated by Bede Lackner in Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, pp. 451-45T
PL Patrologia cursus completus, series latina. Ed. J. P. Migne, (Paris, 1878-1890).
RB The Rule of Saint Benedict. La Regie de Saint- Benoit. Ed. Adalbert de Vogue, trans. Jean Neufville, Sources Chretiennes, Vols. 181-186, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1972). Translated by Abbot Justin McCann OSB, (London: Burns Oates, 1952).
Ill
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. RM The Rule of the Master. La Regie du Maitre. fid. and trans. Adalbert de Vogiie, Sources Chretiennes, Vols. 105-107, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1964). Translated by Luke Eberle OSB, Cistercian Studies Series 6, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1977).
SBOp Sancti Bernardi Opera. 8 Vols. Eds. Jean Leclercq, ~C. FT Talbot, and Henri Rochais, (Roma: Editiones Cistercienses, 1958-1977).
SC Sources Chretiennes, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1942 ff.).
SM Studi Medievali, XIII, 1. The article by R. ET CH Huygens 1 Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: "Argumentum super quatuor questionibus" et "Dialogus duorum monachorum"' . Del centro Italiano di studi sull alto medioevo, (Spoleto: Presso del sede del centro, 1972).
Statuta Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis "ab anno 1116 ad annum 1188. Vol. TJ Ed. J7 M. Canivez, (Paris, 1933 ff.).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Endnotes
1 The Collected Poems of Thomas Merton, (New York: New Directions Publications, 1977), p. 96.
2 Claude Peifer, "Biblical Foundations of Monasticism", Cistercian Studies 1 (1966: 1), p. 28.
3 Ibid., p. 28.
4 Marie-Dominique Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, ed. and trans. Jerome Taylor and Lester 1C Little, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968). For a good treatment of the subject vita apostolica in the monastic milieu, refer to a section in the chapter entitled, "Monks, Canons, and Laymen in Search of the Apostolic Life," particularly pages 205-213. Also in a chapter entitled, "The Evangelical Awakening," refer to pages 246-249.
5 The Rule of Saint Benedict, Timothy Fry OSB, ed., and Timothy Horner OSB et aTi trans., (Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1981), pp. 70-71.
6 "... artius deinceps atque perfectius . . .". Exordium parvum, Jean Bouton and Jean Baptiste Van Damme, Les Plus Anciens Textes de Citeaux, (Achel: Abbaye Cistercienne"j 1974), pT3Fi------
7 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, p. 204. 8 Apophtegmata Patrum, Poemen (called the Shepherd), trans. Benedicta Ward SLC, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers, (USA: Cistercian Publications" 1975), p. 158, paragraphs 149 and 150.
9 Arthur Turbitt Geoghegan, The Attitude Toward Labor in Early
113
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Christianity and Ancient Culture, (Washington D.C.: Catholic University Press, 1945), pi 164. Geoghegan cites in support a story from Palladius' Historica Lausiaca, chapter 22, paragraph 5. An English translation ii available in Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in Translation, ecfl Johannes Quasten, Walter J5 Burghardt, and Thomas Comerford Lawler, V. 34, Palladius: The Lausiac History, Robert T. Meyer, (West minster, TfiryTa!i37-The-T!IewmaurTreslFi 1965), p. 78.
10 Athanasius, Vita Sancta Antoni, Patrologia Graeca, Volume 26, column 916.
11 Geoghegan, The Attitude Toward Labor in Early Christianity and Ancient Culture, pp. 165-166. Geoghegan cites In evidence the many references to farming in the Regula Pachomii cf. Regula (latina Hieronymi versio) 24, 73, 76, 77, 80 ("A"! Boon, ‘'Pachomiana latina," Bibliotheque de la Revue d'histoire ecclesias- tique, Fasc. 7, Louvain, 1932, 18, 33 ff.).
12 The Lausiac History, trans. Robert Meyer, chapter 32, para- graphs 9 and 12, pp. 94-95.
13 Apophthegmata Patrum, Lucius, trans. Benedicta Ward SLG, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers, p. 102, paragraph 1.
14 The Lausiac History, trans. Robert Meyer, chapter 7, paragraph 5, p. 41.
15 Ibid., chapter 7, paragraph 4, pp. 40-41.
16 Apophthegmata Patrum, John the Dwarf, trans. Benedicta Ward SLG, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers, p. 73. paragraph
17 2 Thessalonians 3:10.
18 John Cassian, Institutes Book X, chapter 22, Sources Chretiennes V. 109, Jean Cassien: Institutions cenobitiques, ed. and trans. J.-C. Guyl (Paris: Lei Editions 3u Cerf, 19*65), pp. 420-422.
19 Adalbert de Vogue, The Rule of the Master, trans. Luke
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Eberle, Introduction by Adalbert de Vogue, trans. Charles Philippi, Cistercian Studies Series 6, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1977), pp. 73-75. Also in Rule of Saint Benedict, ed. Timothy Fry, pp. 79-83.
20 The best account in English of the early stages of the contro versy is that of D. Knowles "The Regula magistri and the Rule of St. Benedict" Great Historical Enterprises and Problems in Monastic History (London: Nelson, 1963) pp"! 137-195. A complete bibliography of the question up to 1970 was published by B. Jaspert, Regula Magistri, Regula Benedicti: Bibliographie ihrer Erforschung 1938-1970, Subsidia Monastica I (Publicaciones "3e l 1 Abadia de Montserrat, 1971), excerpted from Studia Monastica 13 (1971) pp. 129-171. From 1971 on, the current bibliography is listed regularly in the annual publication Regulae Benedicti Studia.
21 "Dum cessant in die diuina officia, interualla ipsa cessantium a psalmis horarum non ostia uolumus pertransiri, extimantes ne otium modici temporis minus lucrum saeculis generaret, quia homo otiosus mortem operatur et in desideriis est semper. Nam cum frater aliquid operatur, dum oculum in laboris opere figit, inde sensum occupat, de quod facit, et cogitare illi aliqua non uacat et desideriorum non mergitur fluctibus." La Regie Du Maitre V. II, ed., and trans. Adalbert de Vogue, Sources Chretiennes V. 106, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1964), Chapter 50, p. 222. Trans, in The Rule of the Master, CS 6, pp. 208-209.
22 "Et in quo opere semper maior fratrum laborantium numerus fuerit, quod semper in utoque tempore debet laborantibus exhiberi, cuiusuis codicis lectio cottidie ab uno litterato legatur. Ideo enim ordinauimus cottidie laborantibus legi, ut cum a malis tacemus, de bonis audimus et loquimur, numquam peccemus." Ibid., SC p. 228, CS 6, p. 210.
23 "Taciturnitas autem haec a fratribus laborantibus custodiatur: a fabulis sine lege uel saecularibus rebus uel uerbis otiosis, quae ad rem non pertinent. Nam psalmos meditari uel scribturas recensere uel Deo aliquid loqui, dumtaxat in absentia abbatis, humiliter tamen et lente, quauis hora fratres licentiam habeant." Ibid., SC p. 228, CS 6, p. 210.
24 "Otiositas inimica est." La Regie de Saint-Benoit V. II, ed. Adalbert de Vogue, transl Jean Neufville, Sources Chretiennes
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116
V. 182, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1972), Chapter 48, p. 598. Trans, in The Rule of Saint Benedict, trans. Abbot Justin McCann OSB, (London: Burns Oates, 1952), Chapter 48, p. 111.
25 "Si quis uero ita neglegens et desidiosus fuerit ut non uellit aut non possit meditare aut legere, iniungatur ei opus quod faciat, ut non uacet." Ibid., SC p. 604; McCann p. 111.
26 2 Thessalonians 3:10.
27 "Ergo debet esse et post officia Dei et opera corporalis, hoc est manuum, ut dum fuerit unde indigenti detur, super bona acta carricentur et benefacta." RM in SC 106, p. 224; CS 6, p. 209.
28 Adalbert de Vogue, "The Rule of Saint Benedict and the Contemplative Life," Cisterican Studies 1 (1966: 1), p. 72.
29 "... quia tunc uere monachi sunt si labore manuum suarum uiuunt, sicut et Patres nostri et apostoli." RB in SC 182, p. 600; McCann, p. 111.
30 "Omnes superuenientes hospites tamquam Christus suscipiantur . . . ". RB in SC 182, p. 610; McCann, p. 119.
31 Gregory the Great, Dialogues, V. II, ed. Adalbert de Vogue, trans. Paul Antin, Sources Chretiennes V. 260, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1979), Chapter 28, p. 216. Translated in Fathers of the Church: Saint Gregory the Great, Dialogues, V . 3 9 ] trans. Odo John Zimmerman 03B"J (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1959), Dialogue II, chapters 27 and 28, pp. 95-97.
32 Adalbert de Vogiie, RM, Introduction, trans. Charles Philippi, p. 20.
33 RM, SC 106, pp. 236-238; CS 6, p. 213.
34 Ibid., SC 106, p. 238; CS 6, p. 213.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 35 Ibid., SC 106, p. 350; CS 6, p. 251.
36 "... inquilinorum clamores, uicinorum lites conductor saecularis sustineat." Ibid., SC 106, p. 350; CS 6, p. 251.
37 Ibid., SC 106, pp. 224-230; CS 6, pp. 209-211.
38 Ibid., CS 6, intro, p. 55.
39 RB, SC 182, pp. 598-604; McCann, p. 113. Sick or infirm brethren are assigned tasks which will not leave them idle, but will not overtax their strength.
40 "Si autem necessitas loci aut paupertas exegerit ut ad fruges recollegendas per se occupentur, non contristentur." Ibid., SC 182, p. 600; McCann, p. 111.
41 "Si autem necessitas loci aut paupertas exergerit ut ad fruges recollegendas per se occupentur, non contristentur." Ibid., SC 182, p. 600; McCann, p. 111.
42 Bede K. Lackner, The Eleventh-Century Background of Citeaux, Cistercian Studies Series 8"j (Washington, D.C.: Cistercian Publications, 1972), p. 39.
43 Louis Lekai, "Motives and Ideals of the Eleventh-Century Monastic Renewal," in The Cistercian Spirit; A Symposium, M. Basil Pennington OCSO, e d ., (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1970), p. 32.
44 Lackner, CS 8, p. 10.
45 David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, (Cambridge: The University Press^ 1950), pp. 18-20.
46 Rowan Williams, "Three Styles of Monastic Reform," in Influence of Saint Bernard, Benedicta Ward SLG, ed., (Fairacres, Oxford: SLG Press, 1976), p. 25.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 "Dominici scola servitii." RB, SC 181, p. 422; McCann, p. 13.
48 Rowan Williams, "Three Styles of Monastic Reforms," p. 25.
49 Lackner, CS 8, p. 4. Citing in support Benedict of Aniane, Concordia regulorum, PL 103, column 359.
50 Lackner, CS 8, p. 5. Citing in support Stephanus Hilpisch, Benedictinism Through Changing Centuries, trans. Leonard Doyle, (Collegeville, Minnesota: St. John ‘ s Abbey Press, 1958), p. 34.
51 Benedict of Aniane, Concordia regulorum, PL 103, columns 351-1420.
52 Lackner, CS 8, p. 29. Citing in support Philibert Schmitz, Histoire de I'Ordre de Saint-Benoit, 2nd ed. (Maredsous: Les Editions de Maredsous, 1948), Ti 107.
53 New Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. Staff at the University of America, (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), V. 3, p. 140.
54 Ibid., p. 140.
55 Lackner, CS 8, pp. 6-7.
56 Ibid., p. 8. The Statuta murbacensia are located in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum: Tome I Initia Consuetudinis Bene- dictinae~| Kassius hallinger OSB, ed., (Siegburg: Apud Franciscum Scrnitt, 1963), pp. 443-450.
57 Lackner, CS 8, p. 8, note 23.
58 Capitulare monasticum, PL 97, column 381. Trans, in Lackner, CS 8, p. 11.
59 Lackner, CS 8, p. 12.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 Saint Gregory the Great, Dialogues, II: p. 36; SC 260, p. 242.
61 Capitulare monasticum, C. 12, PL 97, column 382.
62 Ibid., Cc. 12, 18, 46, 71; PL 97, columns 382, 383, 389, 392. Cited in Lackner, CS 8, p. 16.
63 Lackner, CS 8, p. 18.
64 Capitulare monasticum, CC. 4, 17, 39; PL 97, columns 381, 383, 388. Cited in Lackner CS 8, pp. 18-19.
65 Lackner, CS 8, p. 18. Citing in support Knowles, Monastic Order in England, p. 27.
66 Ibid., p. 29. Citing in support Charles Dereine, "Odon de Tournai et la crise du cenobitisme au Xle siecle," Revue du Moyen Age Latin 4 (1948), p. 149.
67 Williams, "Three Styles of Monastic Reform," p. 25.
68 Ibid., p. 26.
69 Lackner, CS 8, p. 43. Citing in support Guy de Valous, Le monachisme clunisien des origines des origines au XVe siecle. Vie interieure des monasteres et organization de l'Ordre. 2 Vols. (Vienne: Abbaye Saint-Martin, 1935), I: 19, note 2.
70 Knowles, Monastic Order in England, pp. 29-30.
71 Testamentum Willelmi cognomento Pii, PL 133, columns 843- 854^ Cited by Rafaello Morghen in "Monastic Reform and Cluniac Spirituality," in Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, Noreen Hunfj eH"I (London: Archon Books, 1971), pT 14. Also cited in Lackner, CS 8, p. 41.
72 Lackner, CS 8, p. 42.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 Peter the Venerable, Epistle VI, paragraph 17, PL 189, column 425. Cited in Lackner, CS 8, p. 46.
74 Georg Schreiber, Gemeinschafter des Mittelalters, (Munster: Regensberg), 1948, p. 129.
75 Apologia ad Guillelmum Abbatem, Sancta Bernardi Opera VolT TITi Tractatus et Opuscula, ed. Jean Leclercq and Henri M. Rochais~ (Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963)), pp. 81- 108. Translated in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 1: Treatises I, Cistercian Fathers Series TJ trans. Michael Casey OCSO, (Spencer, massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1970).
76 The position of Bernard of Clairvaux is best expressed in the Apolotia cited above, and in Epistle 1 to his cousin Robert, SBOp V. 77 pp* 1-11. The position of Peter the Venerable is best expressed in Epistle 28 to Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux, located in The Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 52-101.
77 The critical edition of the Dialogue is found in R. B. C. Huygens, "Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: "Argumentum super quatuor questionibus," et "Dialogus duorum monachorum", Studi Medievali, 3rd Series, 1, (Spoleto: Presso la sede del centre, 1972). Translated in Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Case for Citeaux, Cistercian Fathers Series 337 trans. Jeremiah FT O' Sullivan, Joseph Leahy, and Grace Perrigo, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1977).
78 Lackner, CS 8, p. 83. Citing in support Ursmer Berliere, "Les origine de l'Ordre de Citeaux et l'Ordre benedictine au XI Ie siecle," Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique 1 (1901), p. 275 ff.
79 Ibid., p. 86.
80 Ibid., p. 87.
81 Morghen, "Monastic Reform and Cluniac Spirituality," p. 15.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 Lackner, CS 8, p. 64.
83 Ibid., p. 64.
84 Ibid., p. 90.
85 Jean Leclercq, "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," in Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, Noreen Huntj ed., (London: Archon Books, 1971), p. 222.
86 Lackner, CS 8, p. 111.
87 Philibert Schmitz, Hlstoire de l'Ordre de Saint-Benoit, Tome Premier: Origines, diffusion et constitution jusqu’au XI Ie siecle, (Les Editions de Maredsous, 1948), Ti 110-112, 284.
88 Germain Morin, "Rainaud l'Ermite et Ives de Chartres: un episode de la crise du cenobitisme au Xle-XIIe siecle," Revue Benedictine 40 (1928).
89 Leclercq, "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," p. 222.
90 Ibid., p. 222.
91 Lackner, CS 8, p. 107.
92 Leclercq, "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," p. 222. See also Lackner, CS 8, pp. 100-101.
93 Lackner, CS 8, p. 100.
94 Ibid., p. 100.
95 Cuthbert Butler, Benedictine Monachism. Studies in Benedictine Life and Rule, (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1961), pT 294.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 96 Lackner, CS 8, p. 101. Citing in support Joannes Mabillon, Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti occidentalium monachorum patriarchae (Lucae: L. Venturini, 1739-1740), 51 W, 1431 2041 230J 4297 448, 471, 494, 499, and 577.
97 Lackner, CS 8, p. 107.
98 Marie-Dominique Chenu, The Theology of Work, (Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1963), pp. 73-74.
99 Ibid., pp. 73-75. See also Louis Lekai's The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977), p. 338.
100 Lackner, CS 8, p. 148.
101 Lekai, "Motives and Ideals of the Eleventh-Century Monastic Renewal," p. 47.
102 Lackner, CS 8, p. 139.
103 Thomas Merton, "Cassian and the Fathers: Notes for Conferences in the Choir Novitiate," Unpublished notes, (Gethsemani, 1963), p. 52.
104 John Cassian, Institutes, Book II, Chapter 14, SC 109, pp. 82-84.
105 St. Basil, Regulae fusius tractatae, 37 (PG 31, column 1176). Cited in Geoghegan, The Attitude" Toward Labor in Early Christianity and Ancient Culture, pp. 177-1'78.
106 John Cassian, Conferences, XXIV, Chapters 3-4, 11-12, Sources Chretiennes T1 57J Tean Cassien: Conferences, XVIII- XXIV, ed. and trans. Dorn IT] Pichery, (Paris: Les Editions HuTerf, 1959), pp. 174-175, and 181-184.
107 John Cassian, Institutes, Book IV, Chapter 19, SC 109, pp. 146-148.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 Ibid., Book IV, Chapter 12; and Book V, Chapter 39, SC 109, pp. 134-136, and 252-254.
109 Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, (Cambridge: University Press, 1968), p. 67.
110 Andre Louf, The Message of Monastic Spirituality, (New York: Desclee Company, 1964), p. 195.
111 Peter Damian, Opusculum 12: De contemptu saeculi, PL 145, column 278B. For Peter DamianTs discussion of labor in the ascetical regime of the monk refer to his treatise De perfect- ione monachi, C. 3, 8, 10, and 19; PL 194, columns 294-295, 303-304, 305-306, and 317-318.
112 Louf, The Message of Monastic Spirituality, p. 195.
113 Lackner, CS 8, p. 286.
114 Ibid., p. 148. citing in evidence (L') Eremitismo in Occidente nei secol I e XII, Atti della seconda Settimana internazionale 31 studio Mendola, 30 agosto - 6 settembre 1962, (Miscellanea del Centro di Studi Medievali, 4 Milano: Societa Editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1965), pp. 37-39, 65, 188, 190-197, and 232-235. He goes on to say that the nature of the hermit's work was inspired in part by Acts 18:3.
115 Ibid., p. 149.
116 Ibid., p. 144.
117 Leclercq, "The Monastic Crisis in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," p. 222.
118 Lekai, "Motives and Ideals of the Eleventh-Century Monastic Renewal," p. 39. See also an article by Ernest W. McDonnell entitled, "The Vita Apostolica: Diversity or Dissent," in Church History, 24, (1955), pp. 15-31.
119 Lackner, CS 8, p. 167.
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120 Ibid., pp. 188—196.
121 Ibid., p. 211.
122 Ibid., p. 173. Citing in support Andre Louf, The Message of Monastic Spirituality, p. 53.
123 Lackner, CS 8, p. 217.
124 Ibid., p. 218. The vita of Robert is found in PL 157, column 1268 ff.
125 Ibid., pp. 218-220.
126 Ibid., p. 220.
127 Ibid., p. 221.
128 Ibid., p. 222. Lackner cites in evidence Kolumban Spahr, Das Leben des hi. Robert von Molesme. Eine Quelle zur Vor- geschichte von Citeaux, (Freiburg in der Schweiz: Paulusdruckerei, 1944), II and XV11.
129 Ibid., p. 221. Again citing in evidence K. Spahr, Das Leben des hi. Robert, II.
130 ibid., p. 224.
131 Ibid., p. 224.
132 Ibid., p. 227. Citing in evidence Jacques Laurent and Ferdinand Claudon, Abbayes et prieures de l'ancienne France. Recueil des archeveches et prieures de France. Tome douzieme: Province ecclesiastique de Lyon' Troisieme partie: Dioceses Hi Langres it He LyorTj Archives de la France Monastique, 45, (Paris: A. Picard, 1941), I: 113.
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133 Ibid., p. 244.
134 "'Nos fratres karissimi secundum norman sancti patris Benedicti professionem fecimus: sed ut michi uidetur non earn ex integro tenemus . . . Manibus nostris non laboramus, ut sanctos patres fecisse legimus.'" Ordericus Vitalis, The Ecclesi astical History of Ordericus Vitalis, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, Oxford Medieval Text Series, Vol. 4, (Oxford: University Press, 1973), pp. 312-313.
135 "'Laudo igitur ut omnino regulam sancti Benedicti teneamus . . . Victum et uestitum labore manuum nostrarum uendicemus. Ibid., pp. 314-315.
136 Robert of Torigny, De immutatione ordinis monachorum, PL 202, column 1309.
137 Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Ordericus Vitalis, pp. 314-315.
138 " . . . de opere manuum suarum secundum regulae prae- ceptum." Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus miraculorum, Vol. I, ed. Josephus Strange, (Coloniae, Bonnae et Bruxellis: H. Lempertz and Co., 1851), pp. 5-6.
139 "... malentes cum dilecto patre Benedicto pro Deo laboribus fatigari quam vitae huius commodis." Conrad of Eberbach, Exordium magnum cisterciense, ed. Bruno Griesser SOCist, (RomeJ 1961), Dist. Tj Chapter XIII, p. 64.
140 Exordium cistercii, Bouton and Van Damme, Les Plus Anciens Textes de Citeaux, pp. 111-112. Translated by Bede Lackner in Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 443.
141 Louis Bouyer, Jean Leclercq, Francois Vandenbroucke, and Louis Cognet, A History of Spirituality, Vol. 2: The Spirit- uality of the Middle Ages, (New York: The Seabury Press, 1968), pp. 270-271.
142 Summa cartae caritatis, Bouton and Van Damme, Les Plus
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Anciens Texte de Citeaux, no. XV, p. 123. Translated by Bede Lackner in Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 449. In this section it is stated that monks are to raise their food by manual labor.
143 Christopher J. Holdsworth, "The Blessings of Work: The Cistercians View," Studies in Church History, Vol. 10: Sanctity and Secularity: The Church in t e World, Derek Baker, ed., (Oxford: University Press, 1973), pp. 61-62.
144 "Ecce hujus saeculi divitiis spretis, coeperunt novi milites Christi cum paupere Christo pauperes, inter se tractare quo ingenio quove artificio seu quo exercitio, in hac vita se hos- pitesque divites et pauperes supervenientes, quos ut Christum suscipere praecipit regula, sustenarent." EP, Van Damme, p. 77; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 459.
145 "Et quia nec in regula, nec in vita sancti Benedicti eumdem doctorem legebant possedisse ecclesias vel altaria, seu oblationes aut sepulturas vel decimas aliorum hominum, seu furnos vel molendina, aut villas vel rusticos, nec etiam feminas monasterium ejus intrasse, nec mortuos ibidem excepta sorore sua sepelisse, ideo haec omnia abdicaverunt, dicentes: Ubi beatus pater Benedictus docet ut monachus a saecularibus actibus se faciat alienum, ibi liquido testatur haec non debet versari in actibus vel cordibus monachorum, qui nominis sui ethimologiam heac fugiendo sectari debent." EP, Van Damme, p. 77; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 459*
146 "Quod si aliqua ecclesia pauperiem intolerabliem incurrerit, abbas illius coenobi coram omni capitulo hanc causam intimare studeat. Tunc singuli abbates maximo caritatis igne succensi, illius ecclesiae penuriam rebus a Deo sibi collatis, prout habuerint, sustenare festinent." Carta caritatis posterior, Van Damme, pp. 136-137; trans. Lackner in Lekai, pTI 464.
147 "Labor, et latebrae, et voluntaria paupertas, haec sunt monachorum insignia; haec vitam solent nobilitare monasticam." Bernard of Clairvaux, De moribus et officio episcoporum tractatus, 37, PL 183, column 8 5 T . Pointed out by jean Leclercq in "The Intentions of the Founders of the Cistercian Order," in The Cistercian Spirit: A Symposium, M. Basil Pennington OCSO ed ., Cistercian Studies Series 3, (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1970), p. 112.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 "... quid haec ad pauperes, ad monachos, ad spirituales viros?" Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, XII: 28, SBOp V. 3, p. 106.
149 Ibid., p. 83.
150 Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. 462 Ad Quosdam noviter conversos, SBOp V. 8, pp. 442-444.
151 "... lupus ad oviculam . . . Attrahit, allicit, blanditur, et novi Evangelii praedicatur commendat crapulam, parsimoniam damnat, voluntariam paupertatem miseriam dicit, ieiunia, vigilias, silentium manuumque laborem vocat insaniam." Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. 1, Ad Robertum, SBOp V. 7, p. 4; translated by Bruno Scott James, The Letters of Bernard of Clairvaux, (London: Burns Oates, 1953), p. 4.
152 Peter the Venerable, Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. Giles Constable, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), Epist. 28, VIII, V. 1, p. 70.
153 Peter the Venerable, Statuta congregationis cluniacensis, Cap. XXXIX, PL 189, columns 1036-1037. These illustrate changes made at Cluny by Peter the Venerable in his lifetime which gave more of a priority to manual labor than there had been in the past.
154 "Numquid infulatus? Numquid micans gemmis, aut floridus sericis, aut coronatus pennis, aut suffarcinatus metallis? Si cuncta haec, veluti nubes quasdam matutinas, velociter transeuntes et cito pertransituras, dissipes et exsuffles a facie considerationis tuae, occurret tibi homo nudus, et pauper, et miser, et miserabilis: homo dolens quod homo sit, erubescens quod nudus sit, plorans quod natus sit, murmurans quod sit; homo natus ad laborem, non ad honorem." Bernard of Clairvaux, De Consideratione, L. II: IX, SBOp V. 3, pp. 425-426; translated In The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 13, Five Books on Consideration: Advice to a Pope, Cistercian Fathers Series 37, trans. John Dl Anderson and Elizabeth T. Kennan, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976), p. 70.
155 "Eo tempore novellus et pusillus grex Cisterciensis sub abbate degens, viro venerabili Stephano, cum jam graviter
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ei taedio esse inciperet paucitas sua, et omnis spes posteritatis decideret, in quam sanctae illius paupertatis haereditas trans- funderetur, venerantibus omnibus in eis vitae sanctitatem, sed refugientibus austeritatem." William of Saint Thierry, S. Bernardi Vita Prima, Cap. Ill, PL 185, columns 236-237.
156 "... dum relinquerent post se quod illis sufficeret et ad subsidium necessitatis, et ad aliquam conscientiam voluntariae pro Christo pauperitatis . . . Loci vero ipsius solitu k inter opaca silvarum, et vicinorum hinc inde montium angustias, in quo servi Dei latebant, speluncum illam sancti Tenedicti patris nostri quodammodo repraesentabat, in qua aliquando a pastoribus inventus est: ut cujus imitabantur vitam, hab- itationem ejus ac solitudinis formam aliquam habere viderentur. Omnes quippe etiam in multitudine solitarii ibi erant. VAllem namque illam plenam hominibus, ordinis ratione charitas ordinata singulis solitariam faciebat; quia sicut unus homo inordinatus, etiam cum solus est, ipse sibi turba est; sic ibi unitate spiritus, et regularis lege silentii, in multitudine hominum ordinata, solitudinem cordis sui singulis ordo ipse defenbat. Domibus vero et habitaculis simplicibus victus inhabitantium persimilis erat." William of Saint Thierry, Ibid., Caput VIII, columns 247-248.
157 Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. 523, SBOp V. 8, pp. 486-488.
158 "Quocirca tibi omnique suae salutis sollicito elaborandum est, quaetenus haec carnis mortificatio, haec uigiliarum ac laborum sollicitudo, haec uestiumuilitas, haec ciborum asperitas, haec silentii grauitas, haec, inquam, omnium membrorum interioris et exterioris hominis quasi acceptissimum holocaustum sagimine, ut ita dixerim, lacrymarum, ac deuotissimorum affectuum suauitate pinguescat, ut in ara cordis igne caritatis admisso suaue redoleat, et sic, secundum Prophetam: Holocaustum tuum pingue fiat. Caeterum si utrumque non possis, satius est sine lacrymis in apostolica paupertate et euangelica uiuere puritate, quam cum quotidianis lacrymis quotidie diuinis obuiare mandatis." Aelred of Rievaulx, De speculo caritatis, II: 63, Corpus Christian- orum: Continuatio Mediaeualis, Fj Aelredi Rievallensis opera omnia: 1 Opera Ascetica, ed. Anselm Hoste OSB and CT H7 Talbot, (Turnholti: Typographi Brepols Editores Pontificii, 1971), pp. 95-96. Trans. Geoffrey Webb and Adrian Walker in The Mirror of Charity, (London: A. R. Mowbray and Co. Ltd., 19b2), p. 70.
159 EM, I, chapter 10; Griesser, pp. 61-62.
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160 Leclercq, "The Intentions of the Founders of the Cistercian Order," CS 3, p. 125.
161 EM, III, chapter 13; Griesser, pp. 176-177.
162 "... talique stipati comitatu, ad heremum quae Cistercium dicebatur alacriter tetenderunt. Qui locus in episcopatu Cabilonensi situs, et pro nemoris spinarumquae tunc temporis opacitate accessui hominum insolitus, a solis inhabitabatur feris. Ad quern viri Dei venientes, locumquae ilium religioni quam animo iamiamque conceperant, et propter quam illuc advenerant, tanto habiliorum, quanto saecularibus despicabiliorum et inaccessi- bilem intellegentes: nemoriset spinarum densitate praecisa ac remota, monasterium ibidem voluntate Cabilonensis episcopi, et consensu illius cujus ipse locus erat, construere coeperunt." EP, Van Damme, pp. 59-60; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 452.
163 "... suscepteros quoque terras ab habitione hominum remotas, et vineas et prata et silvas, aquasque ad facienda molendina, ad proprios tamen usus et ad piscationem, et equos pecoraque diversa necessitati hominum utilia. Et cum alicubi curtes ad agriculturas exercendasinstituissent, decreverunt ut praedicti conversi domos illas regerent, non monachi, quia habitatio monachorum secundum regulam debet esse in claustro eorum. Quia etiam beatum Benedictum non in civitatibus, nec in castellis aut in villis, sed in locis a frequentia populi semotis coenobia construxisse sancti viri illi sciebant idem se aemulari promittebant." EP, Van Damme, pp. 77-78; trans. Lackner in Lekai, pp. 459-460.
164 "Monachis nostri ordinis debet provenire victus de labore manuum, de cultu terrarum, de nutrimento pecorum. Unde licet nobis possidere ad proprios usus aquas, silvas, vineas, prata, terras a saecularium hominum habitatione semotas ". Summa cartae caritatis, Van Damme, p. 123; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p"i 449, ncT! 15.
165 "Nullam cum saecularibus societatem in pecoribus nutriendis seu terris excolendis habere permittitur videlicet dando vel accipiendo medietariam aut cressimentum." Summa cartae caritatis, Van Damme, p. 123; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p"! 44§, no. 19.
166 "Itaque antiqui uel ut uitarent periculum, uel ne paterentur
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dispendium, uel ut liberius ad Christi anhelarent et suspirarent amplexum, singulariter uiuere delegerunt. Hinc est quod plures in heremo soli sedebant, uitam manuum suarum opere sustenantes." Aelred of Rievaulx, De institutione inclusarum, CCh V. I, p. 637; translated in The Works of Aelred of Rievaulx, Vol. 1: Treatises, The Pastoral Prayer, trans. Mary Paul McPherson OCSO and Penelope Lawson CSMV, Cistercian Fathers Series 2, (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971), p. 45.
167 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, pp. 205-213.
168 2 Thessalonians 3:10.
169 Jean Leclercq, "Saint Bernard and the Rule of Saint Benedict," in Rule and Life: An Interdisciplinary Symposium, M. Basil Pennington OCSO ed ., Cistercian Studies Series 12, (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971), p. 163.
170 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diversis, Sermo 55:3, SBOp V. 6, 1; p. 282. Cited by Jean Leclercq in "Saint Bernard and the Rule of Saint Benedict," CS 12, p. 163.
171 "Ergo cura et tu tuum similiter circumdare bonorum floribus operum, virtutem exercitio, tamquam flore fructum sanctum otium praevenire. Alioquin delicato satis otio dormitare voles, sed non exercitatus quiescere appetas, et Liae fecunditate neglecta, solis cupias Rachelis amplexibus oblectari. Sed et praeposterus ordo est, ante meritum exigere praemium, et ante laborem sumere cibum, cum Apostolus dicat: QUI NON LABORAT, NON MANDUCET." Bernard of Clairvaux, Super cantica canticorum, Sermo 46, 11:5, SBOp V. 2, p. 5B1 translated Tn The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 3: On the Song of Songs 11~ trans. Kalian Walsh OCSO, Cistercian Fathers Series 7 , ("Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976), p. 244.
172 See the account of the laborers in the vineyard, Matthew 2 0 : 1- 1 6 .
173 Emero Stiegman, On the Song of Songs III, trans. Kilian Walsh OCSO and Irene Edmonds, Cistercian Fathers Series 31, (Kalamazoo,
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Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979), Introduction, p. xiii.
174 "Quo enim pacto apostolis pares non sunt, qui similem apostolis vitam ducunt, paria miracula faciunt, periter iudicabunt, pariter regnabunt, pariter unum denarium post unum unius vinae laborem habebunt? Hoc solum interest, quod in erogatione denarii, non est apud Patremfamilias personarum acceptio; sed fiunt novissimi primi, et primi novissimi; nec est inter accipientes invidia, neciactantia meritorum. Quomodo ergo Martinum apostolis parem esse invides, cum tanta sit dispensatoris veritas, tanta accipientium caritas, ut qui fuit in labore, novissimus, inveniatur in acceptione denarii primus." Adam of Perseigne, Epist. X: 106, Sources Chretiennes, V. 66, Adam de Perseigne: Lettres, t. I, ed. J. Bouvet, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, I960), pp. 172-174; translated in The Letters of Adam of Perseigne, trans. Grace Perrigo, Cistercian Fathers Series TT, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976), p. 146.
175 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo, VIII: 23-X:29, SBOp. V. 3, pp. 138-144; translated in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux Vol. 5: Treatises I I , trans” Robert Walton OSB, Cistercian Fathers Series TT, ("Washington, D.C.: Cistercian Publications, 1974), pp. 115-117.
176 Francis Derivaux, "Saint Bernard's Steps of Truth," Cistercian Studies 2 (1967: 4), p. 297-
177 "Hoc glorieris opto semper optimo genere gloriae, quod Apostoli, quod Prophetae delegere sibi, transmisere tibi. Agnosce hereditatem tuam in Christi cruce, in laboribus plurimis. Felix qui dicere potuit: Plus omnibus laboravi. Gloria est, sed nil in ea inane, nil molle, nil resupinum. Si labor terret, merces invitet. UNUSQUISQUE ENIM SECUNDUM SUUM LABOREM MERCEDEM ACCIPIET. Et si ille plus omnibus laboravit, non tamen totum elaboravit: et adhuc locus est." Bernard of Clairvaux, De Consideratione L. II, SBOp V. 3, p. 419; trans. Anderson and Kennan in CF 37, p . 60.
178 William of Saint Thierry, Epistola aurea, XXXVIII, Lettre aux freres du Mont-Dieu, ed. and trans. Jean Dechanet OSB, Sources Chretiennes T. 223, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1975), p. 266; translated in The Works of William of Saint Thierry, Vol. 4: The Golden Epistle, trans. Theodore Berkley
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OCSO, Cistercian Fathers Series 12, (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976), p. 62.
179 "Propter quod communis vitae seu conversationis ferventissimus aemulator, cum opus aliquod manuum fratres actitarent, quod seu minor usus ei, seu imperitia denegebat; fodiendo, seu ligna caedendo, propriis humeris deportando, vel quibus libet laboribus aeque laboriosis illud redimebat. Ubi vero vires deficiebant, ad viliora quaeque opera confugiens, laborem humilitate compensabat." William of Saint Thierry, S. Bernardi Vita Prima, Cap. IV, PL 185, column 240; translated in Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, trans. Geoffrey Webb and Adrian Walker, (Westminster, Maryland: Newman Press, I960), p. 41.
180 "Messis tempore fratribus ad secandum cum fervore et gaudio sancti Spiritus occupatis, cum ipse quasi impotens et nescius laboris ipsius, sedere sibi et requiescere juberetur, admodum constristatus, ad orationem confugit, cum magnis lacrymis postulans a Deo donari sibi gratiam metendi. Nec fefellit sim- plicitas fidei desiderium religiosi. Continuo namque quod petiit, impetravit. Et ex illo die in labore illo prae caeteris peritum se esse cum quadam jucunditate gratulatur: tanto in hoc opere devotior, quanto se in hoc ipso facultatem ex solo Dei dono reminiscitur accepisse." William of Saint Thierry, S. Bernardi Vita Prima, Cap. IV, PL 185, columns 240-241.
181 Ibid., PL 185, columns 240C - 241B.
182 "Sint spiritu feruentes, spe guadentes, in paupertate, in abstinentia, in laboribus et uigiliis, in silentio et quiete, per omnia patientes." Aelred of Rievaulx, Oratio pastoralis, paragraph 8, CCh CM V. I, p. 762; transl McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, p. 117.
183 "At nunc, inquam, qui mores tui, quae uita, qui actus? Et ille subridens: In promptu, inquit, est dicere: non enim ignorari se sinunt. Est quidem cibus parcior, uestis asperior, potus e fonte, somnus plerumque in codice. Denique fatigatis membris male mollis matta substernitur; dum somnus suauior fuerit, surgere carapana pulsante compellimur. Taceo quod in sudore uultus nostri uescimur pane nostro . . . ". Aelred of Rievaulx, De speculo caritatis, II: 43, CCh CM V. 1, pp. 86-87; trans. Webb and Walker, The Mirror of Charity, p. 6!.
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184 "lnsuper operi manuum suas horas hoc modo subtrahitis contra preceptum Regulae et contra preceptum apostoli." Idung of Prvifening, Dialogus duorum monachorum, II: 4, SM XIII, 1, p. 406; trans. O'Sullivan, in CF 33, p. 63.
185 "Si autem ad ista vacare servos dei certis intervallis temporum ipsius infirmitatis necessitas cogit, cur non etiam preceptis apostolicis observandis aliquas partes temporum deputamus? Citius enim exauditur una obedientis oratio quam decern milia contempnentis. Cantica divina cantare etiam manibus operantes facile possunt et ipsum laborem tamquam divino celeumate consolari." Ibid., 11:4, SM XIII, 1, p. 407; trans. O'Sullivan, in CF 33, p. 63.
186 Ibid., 11:50, SM XIII, 1, p. 432; trans. O'Sullivan, p. 92.
187 "Opus manuum non obest, sed prodest contemplativis." Ibid., 11:50, SM XIII, 1, p. 432; trans. O'Sullivan, in CF 33, p. 92.
188 "Paulus probatissimus patrum, sicut Cassianus refert, cum in heremo vastiore consistens, quae Prosyrion nuncupatur, palmarum fructibus et horto modico securus haberet sufficientem alimoniae suae victusquae substantiam nec posset aliquid aliud unde sustenaretur operis exercere, eo quod ab oppidis vel habitabiliterra septem mansionibus vel eo amplius deserti illius separetur habitatio plusque expeteretur pro mercede vecturae quam valere posset precium operis desudati, collectis palmarum foliis cottidianum pensum velut exinde sustenandus a semetipso iugiter exigebat. Cumque opere tocius anni antrum eius fuisset impletum, id quod sollicitacura laboraverat annis singulis igne subposito cremebat, in tantum probans sine opere manuum nec in loco posse durare monachurn nec ad perfectionibus culmen aliquando conscendere." Ibid., 11:50, SM XIII, 1, p. 432; trans. O'Sullivan, in CF 33, pp. 92-93.
189 Jean Leclercq, "Isaac of Stella on Monastic Economics," Cistercian Studies 4 (1969:4), p. 268.
190 Acts of the Apostles, 20:35.
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191 "Quid quotidianus manuum labor, quo corpus et satis atteritur, et tenuiter pascitur? Labores manuum suarum non soli manducant; sed de insufficienti partiuntur egenis, ut et illis sit tribulatio, dummodo aliis abundet." Gilbert of Hoyland, Sermo XXIII, In cantica canticorum, PL 184, columns 120-121; translated "by Lawrence Braceland in On the Song of Songs II , Cistercian Fathers Series 20, (Kalamazoo^ Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979) p. 287.
192 EM, I, Chapter 10; Griesser, pp. 61-62.
193 "... quia tunc uere monachi sunt si labore manuum suarum uiuunt, sicut et Patres nostri et apostoli." RB, SC 182, p. 600; McCann, p. 111.
194 " . . . ut hujus rei propalata sincera veritate, tenacius et locum et observantiam sanctae regulae in eo a nobis per Dei gratiam utcumque inchoatam ament, pro nobisque, qui pondus diei et aestus indefesse sustinuimus, orent; in arta et angusta via quam regula demonstrat, usque ad exhalationem spiritus desudent." EP, Van Damme, p. 57; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 451.
195 "... vitam suam sub custodia sanctae regulae patris Benedicti se ordinaturos pollicentes." Ibid., Van Damme, p. 57; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 451.
196 " . . . ac regulae beatissimi Benedicti quam illuc hue usque tepide ac negligenter in eodem monasterio tenueratis, artius deinceps atque perfectius inhaerere velle professos fuisse." Ibid., Van Damme, p. 58; trans. lackner in Lekai, p. 451.
197 "... ita regulae incubantes, ut nec iota unum nec apicem praetereundum putent." William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum Anglorum, L. IV, Cap. 1, PL 179, column 1288"j translated in The ""History of the Kings of England and the Modern History, (London: Longman, 1815), p. 349.
198 EP, Van Damme, p. 77; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 459.
199 Summa cartae caritatis, Van Damme, p. 123, XV; trans.
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Lackner in Lekai, p. 449.
200 "Ecclesias, altaria, sepulturas, decimas alieni laboris vel nutramenti, villas, villanos, terrarum census, furnorum vel molendinorum redditus et caetera his similia monasticae puritati adversantia nostri et nominis et ordinis excludit insti tution1 Ibid., Van Damme, p. 124, XXIII; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p. 450.
201 "Si quis vero abbas minus in regula studiosus vel saecularibus rebus nimis intentus, vel in aliquibus vitiosus repertus fuerit, ibi caritative clametur . . .". Carta caritatis posterior, Van Damme, p. 136, no. 14; trans. Lackner in Lekai, p"i 464.
202 "... quomodo Regulam tenent, qui pelliciis induuntur, sani carnibus seu carnium pinguedine vescuntur, tria vel quatuor pulmentaria una die, quod Regula prohibet, admittunt, opus manuum, quod iubet, non faciunt, multa denique pro libitu suo vel mutant, vel augent, vel minuunt?" Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, SBOp V. 3, p. 91; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 47.
203 "Statutum est ut antiquum et sanctus opus manuum, vel in claustris ipsis, aut ubi honeste remoto conspectu saecularium fieri poterit, ex parte saltern aliqua restauretur, ita ut omni tempore praeter festivos dies, quibus operari non licet, quolibet semper fratres utili opere exerceantur." Peter the Venerable, Statuta congregationis cluniacensis, XXXIX, PL 189, columns 1036-1037.
204 BSJ, p. 219.
205 "Ordo noster abiectio est, humilitas est, voluntaria paupertas est, oboedentia, pax, gaudium in Spiritu Sancto. Ordo noster est esse sub magistro, sub abbate, sub regula, sub disciplina. Ordo noster est studere silentio, exerceri ieiuniis, vigiliis, orationibus, opere manuum, et, super omnia, excellentiorum viam tenere, quae est caritatis." Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. CXLII, Ad monachos alpenses, SBOp V. 7, p. 340; trans. BSJ, p. 220.
206 Jean Leclercq, "Saint Bernard and the Rule of Saint Benedict," CS 12, pp. 166—167.
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207 The scriptural account of the Lord visiting Martha and Mary is found in Luke 10:38-42.
208 "Hoc vidit S. Benedictus, imo Spiritus sanctus in sancto Benedicto. Ideo non tantum dixit et statuit, ut essemus intenti circa lectionem, quasi Mariam, et praetermisit laborem, quasi Martham; sed utrumque commendavit nobis, et deputavit certa tempora ad opus Marthae, et certa tempora ad opus Mariae." Aelred of Rievaulx, Sermo XVII, In assumptione B. Mariae, PL 195, column 307A; translated In Charles Dumont, "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life," Monastic Studies 1 (1963), p. 29.
209 "Insuper operi manuum suas horas hoc modo subtrahitis contra preceptum Regulae et contra preceptum apostoli." Idung of Priifenning, Dilogus duorum monachorum, II: 4, SM XIII, 1 p. 406; trans5 O'Sullivan, Leahy, and Perrigo in CF 33, p. 63.
210 "Surge, praecingere, tolle otium, exsere vires, move brachia, complosas explica manus, exercitare in aliquo, et statim senties sola te appetere quae famen tollant, non fauces demulceant. Reddet quippe sapores rebus exercitium, quos tulit inertia. Multa quae respuis otiosius, post laborem sumes cum desiderio. Siquidem otium parit fastidium, exercitium famen, fames autem miro modo dulcia reddit, quae fastidium facit insipida. Olus faba, pultes panisque cibarius cum aqua, quiescenti quidem fastidio sunt, sed exercitato magnae videntur deliciae." Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. I, Ad Robertum, SBOp V. 7, pp. 9-10; trans. BSJ, p. 8.
211 "Otiositas quippe inimica est animae, quam prae omnibus cauere debet inclusa. Est enim omnium malorum parens, libidinis artifex, peruagationum altrix, nutrix uitiorum, fomentum acediae, tristitiae incentiuum. Ipsa pessimas cogitationes seminat, affectiones illicitas creat, suscitat desideria. Ipsa quietis fastidium parit, hororem incutit cellae. Nunquam proinde te nequam spiritus inueniat otiosam." Aelred of Rievaulx, De institutione inclusarum, CCh CM V. I, p. 644; trans. McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, pp. 54-55.
212 "Sed quia mens nostra quae in hoc uita subdita est uanitati, nunquam in eodem statu permanet, otiositas exercitiorum uarietate fuganda est, et quies nostra quadam operum uicissitudine
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fulcienda." Ibid., CCh CM V. I, p. 644; trans. McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, p. 55.
213 Ibid., CCh CM V. I, p. 644.
214 "Quid agant operari nolunt corporaliter, cui rei vacent, scire desidero." Idung of Priifening, Dialogus duorum monachorum, SM XIII, 1, p. 407; trans. O' Sullivan, Leahy, and Perrigo in CF 33, p. 63.
215 "Sicut verba quae non aedificant sunt ociosa, ita opera ilia quae nonpertinent ad necessarios usus recte dicuntur ociosa. Ut interim de ceteris taceam: aurum molere et cum illo molito magnas capitales pingere litteras, quid est nisi inutile et ociosum opus? Etiam ipsa necessaria opera vestra, quia tempus regulare non observatis in eis, preceptis Regulae sunt contraria. Sed in opere dei nec modum regularem nec tempus regulare observare, maior michi videtur esse transgressio Regulae." Ibid., SM XIII, 1, p. 432; trans. O'Sullivan, Leahy, and Perrigo in CF 33, p. 93. After 1134 the Cistercians were especially critical of illuminated initials in manuscripts.
216 "Rusticationi, quam desu creavit et instituit, operam damus in omnes in commune laboramus, nos et fratres nostri, unusquisque secundum suam possibilitatem, et omnes communiter de labore nostro vivimus." Ibid., SM XIII, 1, p. 433.
217 "Hoc omnibus modis agat, et labor, et otium nostrum, ut numquam simus otiosi." William of Saint Thierry, Epistola aurea, XXIV: 90, SC 223, p. 214; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 42.
218 John Cassian, Institutes, Book X, chapter 24, SC 109, pp. 422-424.
219 "Taedium et acediam procul pellit sanctarum varietas observa- tionum." Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. 78, Ad Sugerium, SBOp V. 7, p. 204.
220 "Unde rursus in Psalmo: SUM1TE PSALMUM, ET DATE TYMPANUM, quod est dicere: Sumite spiritualia, sed prius date corporalia. Optimus autem ille, qui discrete et congrue et haec operatur,
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et ilia." Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, SBOp V. 3, p. 94; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 51.
221 "Hoc ergo timendum ei, qui tanta delectatione omnia facit, ne, dum sequitur affectionem, corpus destruat per immoderatam exercitationem, ac deinde necesse habeat, non sine magno spiritualis exercitii detrimento, circa debilitati curam corporis occupari. Ergo ne incurrat qui currit, illuminari necesse est lumen discretionis, quae mater virtutum est et consummatio perfectionis. haec nimirum docet, ne quid nimis; atque haec est octava dies, in qua circumciditur puer, quia discretio vere circumcidit, ut non plus nec minus fiat." Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermo I, In Circumcisione, SBOp V. 4, pp. 290- 291; trans. Dumont in ''Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," p. 37.
222 William of Saint Thierry, S. Bernardi Vita Prima, Cap. IV, PL 185, columns 239D - 240A.
223 "Quiescens quippe in vespera contemplationis, mane desiderabat quo surgeret ad actionem, rursumque negotiis fatigatus exspectabat vesperam, libenter repetens otia contemplationis." Bernard of Clairvaux, Sermo III, De diversis, SBOp V. 6, p. 89.
224 "... otiositas exercitiorum uarietate fuganda est, et quies nostra quadam operum uicissitudine fulcienda." Aelred of Rievaulx, De institutione inclusarum, CCh CM V. I, p. 644; trans. McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, p. 55.
225 "Cibo autem sumpto, et gratiis Deo solutis, ad praescriptam uicissitudinem redeat, spiritualibus exercitiis opus corporale interserens usque ad uesperam." Ibid., CCh CM V. I, p. 645; trans. McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, p. 56.
226 "Ilia sane quae litteras non intelligit, operi manuum diligent- ius insistat, ita ut cum paululum fuerit operata, surgat et genua flectat et breuiter oret Deum suum, et statim opus quod intermiserat, resumat. Et hoc faciat tempore utroque lectionis scilicet et laboris, dominicam orationem crebrius inter operandum repetens, et si quos psalmos nouerit interserens." Ibid., CCh CM V. I, pp. 645-646; trans. McPherson and Lawson in CF 2, p. 56.
1
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227 Charles Dumont, "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," p. 30.
228 "... per secundum adventum suscitabit nos in corpore; ut sicut modo per utrumque, id est per animam et corpus servimus Deo, ita tunc et in utroque perfectam beatitudinem habeamus cum Deo." Aelred of Rievaulx, Sermo 1, In adventu Domini, PL 195, column 211C; trans. Dumont in "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," p. 34.
229 Dumont, "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," pp. 28-29.
230 "Videte, fratres. Si sola Maria esset in domo ilia, non esset qui delectaretur in sermonibus et praesentia Domini. Ergo, fratres, Martha significat actionem illam, qua homo laborat pro Christo; Maria autem requiem illam, qua homo vacat ab operibus corporalibus, et delectatur in dulcedine Dei, sive per lectionem, sive per orationem, sive per contem- plationem. Ideo, fratres, in ista misera et labriosa vita, necesse est ut martha sit in domo nostra, id est ut anima nostra studeat corporalibus actionibus. Quandiu enim necesse habemus manducare et bibere, tandiu necesse habemus vigiliis, et jejuniis, et labore corporis carnem domare. Haec est pars Marthae. Debet etiam esse in anima nostra Maria, id est actio spiritualis. Non enim debemus semper corporalibus exercitiis intendere, sed aliquandovacare et videre quam suavis, quam dulcis est Dominus." Aelred of Rievaulx, Sermo XVII, In assumptione B. Mariae, PL 195, column 306; trans. Dumont in "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," pp. 28-29.
231 "Eveniet aliquando ut martha velit in labore suo habere Mariam, sed non est ei consentiendum. . quia ipsi sunt otiosi et desidiosi nihil operantes, sed curiose agentes; ipsam otiositatem suam et curiositatem valamine contemplationis oppalliant, et dicunt: Quid opus est operari? Quid habet emolumenti, vel securi truncum, vel saxum malleo tundere? Maria optimam partem elegit. Et verum est fratres, maria optimam partem eligit. Veritas dixit: Lectum est in hac festivitate S. Mariae de illus duabus sororibus, maria et martha. Nec sine causa in hac ejus festivitate legitur, nisi quia in ipsa B. Virgine, utraque hac vita activa et contemplativa, perfecte operabatur." Ibid., PL 195, columns 307D and 359; trans. Dumont in "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," pp. 33-34.
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232 "Videte ergo, fratres, quia quando in illo tempore, quo debemus vacare lectionibus et orationibus, suggerit nobis cogitatio nostra, ut eamus ad ilium, vel ad ilium laborem, quasi hoc sit necessarium, tunc quodammodo Martha vocat Mariam, ut illam adjuvet; sed Dominus bene judicat et juste. Non jubet, ut Martha sedeat cum Maria, nec jubetut Maria surgatr, et ministrat cum Martha . . . Vult ergo ut utraeque agant suas partes . . . Aut deant quis unquam sanctorum Patrum sine utraque hac actione ad perfectionem vererit sine dubio certis temporibus debemus ea agere quae sunt Marthae, sed certis temporibus quae sunt Mariae; nisi necessitas intercurrerit, quae legem non habet. Ideo sollicite debemus ista tempora custodire, quae nobis praefixit Spiritus sanctus; ut videlicet tempore lectionis simus stabiles et uieti, nec indul- geamus otio aut tempori, neque separemus nos a pedibus Jesu, sed ibi sedeamus et audiamus verbum illius. Tempore autem laboris simus impigri et prompti, nec ullo modo per obteutum quietis omittamus ministerium veritatis." Ibid., PL 195, columns 307-308; trans. Dumont in "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," pp. 35-36.
233 "Unde factum est ut sepe in oracione agonizans et contempnens terram et ea que in terris uidentur, insuper et seipsum, ad salutandum Deum perrexit in montem, immo inter celum quodammodo et terram dependens et dicens: Domine, memento quia puluis sum, set uentes tue dileccionis, flatus uidelicet Spiritus sancti me hucusque inpulit; noli me retro repellere uel precipitare deorsum quia bonum est hie esse et uere iocundum. Hec Dominus uidens et audiens ista quodammodo respondebat: Fili, facile uolat qui uolat ad Deum; fiat tibi sicut petisti. Unde quasi hoc consolatus commonitorio et uelut inebriatus musto ineffabilis leticie uix uolebat descendere. Post oracionem uero talem et tarn salubrem eleuacionem, quasi de magno labore uenisset, lassus et tristis plangebat dampnum desccnsionis et cogitans assumpcionis gloriam suspirabat. Set modicum ibi, modicum ibi. Quid enim? Surgit in mirum cito nec diu sedet in eodem loco, set properat ad aliquid manibus laborandum." Walter Daniel, The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx, trans. F. M. Powicke, (New York! Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950), p.21.
234 "Quia uero homo et ex corpore constat et ex anima, actus utique noster, quantum facultas suppeditat, utrique debet prospicere. In his quanto quisque feruentior et prudentior, tanto utique et in caritate perfectior . . . ad uoluntarios uero actus progrediens ne metas corporeae possibilitatis excedat, rationis est moderamine coercendus. Quam mensuram uitae quidam ignorantes, ac totum affectus sui impetum importune sequentes, debiliores fiunt, quam sanctiores." Aelred of Rievaulx,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. De speculo caritatis, CCh CM V. I, pp. 130-131; trans. Dumont In "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk," p. 37, note 4.
235 Bouyer, Leclercq, Vandenbroucke, and Cognet, A History of Spirituality, Vol. 2: The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, pi 210.
236 Isaac of Stella, Sermo X, Second Sermon for the First Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany, FI 194, column 1716.
237 Ibid.
238 Bouyer, Leclercq, Vandenbroucke, and Cognet, The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, p. 210.
239 "Itaque pio domini nostri munere memini me in huiusmodi raptum frequenter excessum, ut obliviscerer me sarcina corporeae fragilitatis indutum mentemque meam ita omnes exteriores sensus subito respuisse et a cunctis materialibus rebus omnimodus exulasse, ut neque oculi neque aures meae proprio fungerentur officio, et ita divinis meditationibus ac spiritualibus theoriis animus replebatur, ut sepe ad vesperum cibum me non percepisse nescirem ac sequenti die de hesterna absolutione ieiunii penitus dubitarum. Ob quam etiam causam septem dierum cibus, hoc est septem paximatiorum paria, in prochirio, id est admanuensi sporta sequestriam die sabbati reponuntur, ut refectio pretermissa non lateat. Qua consuetudine illius quoque oblivionis error excluditur, ut expletum ebdomadae cursum ac sollempnitatem diei ipsius revolutam finitus panum inddicet numerus festivitasque diei sacra et congregationis sollempnitas solitarium latere non possit. Quod si etiam hunc ordinem ille quern prediximus mentis excessus forte turbaverit, nichilominus cottidiani operis modus, dierum numerum signans, arcet errorem." Idung of Priifening, Dialogus duorumj monachorum, 11:50, SM XIII, 1, pp. 431-4321 trans. O'Sullivan in CF 33, pp. 91-92.
240 "Interpolantur jejunia refectione, labores requie, vigiliae somno. Vicissitudo refectionem affert, non defectum. Contemplationis optas delicias, sponsi amplexibus ex otio perfrui, ilium solum cordis tui continere secreto? noli ad aperidendum vacuis, noli aridis occurrere manibus. Actio contemplationem praecurrit." Gilbert of Hoyland, Sermo XLIII, In cantica canticorum, PL 184, column 230; trans. Braceland in CF 20, pp. 524-525.
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241 Chrysogonus Waddell, "The Early Cistercian Experience of Liturgy," in Rule and Life: An Interdisciplinary Symposium, CS 12, pp. 108-109.
242 Ibid., p. 108.
243 Bouyer, Leclercq, Vandenbroucke, and Cognet, The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, p. 195.
244 Ibid., p. 195.
245 Peter of Roye, Epist. CDXCII, Petri de Roya novitii Clarae- Vallensis ad C. praepositum noviomensem, PL 182, columns 710-711; cited by Jean Leclercq in "The Intentions of the Founders of the Cistercian Order," CS 3, p. 120.
246 "Neque hoc dico, quia haec exteriora negligenda sint, aut qui se in illis non exercuerit, mox ideo spiritualis efficiatur, cum potius spiritualia, quamquam meliora, nisi per ista, aut vix, aut nullatenus vel acquirantur, vel obtineantur, sicut scriptum est: NON PRIUS QUOD SPIRITUALE, SED QUOD ANIMALE, DEINDE QUOD SPIRITUALE." [1 Corinthians 15:46] Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, SBOp V. 3, p. 94; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 51.
247 "Verumtamen quia carnales sumus, et de carnis concupiscentia nascimur, necesse est cupiditas vel amor noster a carne incipiat. . . . et prius necesse est portemus imaginem terrestris, deinde caelestis." Bernard of Clairvaux, Epist. XI, Ad car- tusienses, SBOp V. 7, p. 58; trans. BSJ, p. 46.
248 Bernard of Clairvaux, Liber de gradibus humilitatis et superbiae, SBOp V. 3, pp"! 13—59; translated by Ambrose Conway OCSO in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 5: Treatises II , Cistercian Fathers Series U] (Washington D.C.,: Cistercian Publications, 1974), pp. 25-82.
249 Bernard of Clairvaux, De diligendo Deo, SBOp V. 3, pp. 119-154; translated by Robert Walton OSB in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux, Vol. 5: Treatises II, Cistercian Fathers Series lTi (Washington, D.C.: Cistercian Publications, 1974), pp. 93-132.
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250 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, pp. 24-37•
251 William of Saint Thierry, Epistola aurea, XXIV:90, SC 223, p. 214; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 42.
252 "Sed et caro eorum studiis boni exercitii seminata in corruptionem, jam incipit resurgere in gloriam, ut pariter et cor et caro exsultent in Deum vivum, et sitiente in te anima, QUAM MULT1PLICITER SIT1AT ET CARO. Possident enim beati mites corporis sui terram, quae spiritualium exercitiorum studiis fecundata, bono usu etiam dimissa sibi et inculta, sponte fructificat in jejunis, in vigiliis, in laboribus; parata ad omne opus bonum absque contradictione, vel pigritia." William of Saint Thierry, Meditationes novitiis ad orandutn formandum spiritibus non usquequaque inutiles, PL 180, columns 247-248; translated by Penelope Lawson CSMV in The Works of William of Saint Thierry, Vol. 1: On Contemplating GodT Prayer. Meditations, Cistercian Fathers Series 3, (Spencer, Massa- chusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971), p. 176.
253 William of Saint Thierry, Epistola aurea, XXIV:90, SC 223, p. 214; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 42.
254 Ibid., XXII :83, SC 223, p. 208; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 39.
255 "Propterea sicut viro creato collatum vel comparatum est adjutorium simile sibi, et ex ipsa hominis substantia, sic cum in adjutorium spiritualis studii necessaria sint." Ibid., XXII:85, SC 223, p. 208; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 40.
256 Ibid., XXII: 86, SC 223, p. 210; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 40.
257 "Serius tamen animus et prudens, ad omnem se comparat laborem, nec in eo dissolvitur, sed per eum magis in seipsum colligitur; qui semper prae oculis habens non tarn quod agit, quam quo agendo intendit, omnis consummationis attendit finem; quo in quantum verius nititur, in tantum etiam ferventius et fidelius manibus operatur, totius sibi corporis sui in hoc subjiciens voluntatem. Coguntur enim in unum sensus a disciplina bonae voluntatis, nec lascivire eis vacat a pondere laboris, et subacti et humiliati in obsequium spiritus,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. docentur conformari ei et in laboris participation, et in expectatione consolationibus." Ibid., XXIII:87, SC 223, p. 210; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 40.
258 Ibid., XXIII :89, SC 223, p. 212; trans. Berkley in CF 12, p. 41.
259 "A spiritualibus vero exercitiis in corporalia numquam longe vel in totum recedatur; sed facile ad ea posse redire animus assuescat, et cum illis se mutuat, istis semper inhaereat. Sicut enim jam supra dictum est, non vir propter mulierem, sed mulier propter virum; nec spiritualia propter carnalia, sed carnalia propter spiritualia. Corporalia vero nunc exercitia dicimus, quae manuali opere corporaliter exercentur." Ibid., XXXII: 125, SC 223, p. 242; trans. Berkley in CF 12, pp. 52-53.
260 "Tu tuum corpus multis nimiisque laboribus atteris, ac regularibus asperitatibus mortificas mambra tua, quae sunt super terram. Bene facis." Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, SBOp V. 3, p. 93; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 50.
261 Ibid., SBOp V. 3, p. 90; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 45.
262 "NOLITE ANTE TEMPUS IUDICARE, QUOADUSQUE VENIAT DOMINUS, QUI ET ILLUMINABIT ABSCONDITA TENEBRARUM ET MANIFESTABIT CONSILIA CORDIUM." Ibid., SBOp V. 3, p. 90; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 45. In this passage Saint Bernard is Citing 1 Corinthians 4:5.
263 "Quanto enim spiritus corpore melior est, tanto spiritualis quam corporalis exercitatio fructuosior. Tu ergo cum de horum observatione elatus, aliis eadem non observantibus derogas, nonne te magis transgressorem Regulae indicas . . . ". Ibid., SBOp V. 3, p. 93; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 50.
264 "Quis, quaeso, vestrum Regulam melius tenet? Annon melius qui melior? Quis vero melior, humilior an fatigatior? Annon is qui a Domino didicit mitis esse et humilis corde ". Ibid., SBOp V. 3, p. 93; trans. Casey in CF 1, p. 50.
265 "Communicare passionibus Christi est regularibus disciplinis subdi, carnem per abstinentiam, uigilias, et labores mortificare, alieno iudicio suam subdere uoluntatem, nihil obedientiae
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. praeferre, et ut breui multa complectar, professionem nostram, quae secundum regulam beati Benedicti facta est, exsequi, hoc est, passionibus Christi participari, teste eodem legislatore nostro, qui ait: Et ita in monasterio usque ad finem per- seuerantes, passionTbus Christi per patientiam participemus, ut regni eius mereamur esse consortes." Aelred oT Rievaulx, De speculo caritatis" CCh Fj pT 73; trans. Aelred Squire, Aelred o? Rievaulx, (London: S.P.C.K., 1969), p. 35. In this passage Aelred is quoting RB, prologue, SC 181, p. 424; McCann, p. 13.
266 "... non cum rusticorum maledictione, sed proprio tuo ac communi fratrum tuorum labore uictum quaerere delegisti. .". Ibid., CCh CM, I, p. 83; trans. Squire in Aelred of Rievaulx, p. 36.
267 Cf. reference cited in footnote 230 of this study.
268 "... si credere volumus his qui nuper de saeculo venere, quibus regula ieiuniorum et vigiliarum, cotidianum opus manuum, asperitas vestium, et omnia paene amara quia insolita, velut in unum colligata fasciculum imposita sunt ad ferendum." Guerric of Igny, First Sermon for Epiphany, Sources Chretiennes 166, Guerric D1 Igny: Sermons, Tome T, trans. and ed. J. Morson"j H7 Costello, P"! Deseille, (Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1970), p. 244; translated by the Monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey in Liturgical Sermons, Vol. 1, Cistercian Fathers Series 8, (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971), p. 71.
269 "Ceterum quamquam perfectis, qualis Timotheus erat, exer- citatio corporalis ad modicum utilis sit comparatione pietatis; quantum tamen rudibus et imperfectis, quales nos sumus, utilis sit, vos ipsi fratres vobis testes estis, quomodo scilicet redimit de corruptione vitam nostarm amaritudo parsimoniae et laboris. Ipsi etenim scitis quomodo vermescerent corda, quomodo vermescerent corpora, si non cotidie de manibus laborantium distillaret myrrha." Ibid., SC 166, I, p. 246; trans. Monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey in CF 8, pp. 71-72.
270 "Sane ad hanc sapientiam morandi in sapientia illud praecipue pertinere arbitror, ut inquietudo vel quaelibet levis molestia non facile quodcumque opus sapientiae vobis excutiat, verbi gratia sollemnem psalmodiam, orationem, lectionem divinam, pensum operis diurni aut silentii disciplinam." Guerric of Igny, First Sermon for Saint Benedict, SC 166, I, p. 48;
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translated by the Monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey in Liturgical Sermon , Vol. 2, Cistercian Fathers Series 32, (Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971), pp. 5-6.
271 "Homo huiusmodi etiam cum laborat quiescit, sicut e diverso impius etiam cum quiescit laborat." Guerric of Igny, Third Sermon for the Assumption, SC 166, I, p. 444; trans. Monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey in CF 32, p. 180.
272 "Audiant et gaudeant qui in viis iustitiae ambulant; audiant, inquam; quia non solum inhaerentes studio contemplationis, sed etiam ambulantes iuste ac pie vias actionis Iesus dignatur et occursu et manifestatione sui. Agnoscit ni fallor experientia quorumdam vestrum, quia saepe Iesus, quern quaesierunt velut ad monumentum ad memorias altarium nec invenerunt, insperatus occurrit eis in via laborum. Tunc nimirum accesserunt et tenuerunt peded eius, quorum scilicet pedes non tenuerat pigritia prae desiderio eius. Noli ergo tu, frater, nimis parcere pedibus tuis a viis oboedientiae et discursibus operum; quandoquidem Iesus pedibus suis non pepercit propter te etiam a dolore clavorum, et adhuc eorumdem amplexu et osculo pedum non gravatur laborem remunerare aut revelare pedum tuorum. Nam et illud quantae consolationis erit, si se tibi viae comitem adiunxerit miraquae delectatione suae sermocinationis etiam sensum tibi laboris ademerit, aperiens tibi sensum ut intelligas Scripturas quas fortasse domi sedens legebas et non intelligebas." Guerric of Igny, Third Sermon for the Resurrection, SC 166, I, p. 254; trans. Monks of Mount Saint Bernard Abbey in CF 32, p. 95.
273 Genesis 3:19.
274 Isaac of Stella, Sermo L, In nativitate Petri et Pauli, PL 194, columns 1858-1860.
275 For a more extensive treatment of Isaac's ideas on manual labor and its relation to the life of mortification, see the article by Jean Leclercq entitled, "Isaac of Stella of Monastic Economics," cited above.
276 Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 335.
277 EP, XV, p. 459.
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278 EM, IV, chapter 18, Griesser, pp. 243-244*
279 "In festis transpositis laborent conversi." 1157, no. 68, Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1188, Vol. Tj M"i Canivez, e d ., (Paris, 1933 ff.), p. 68.
280 "De Sancto Bernardo proprium officium et due misse et fratres laborent." Ibid., 1175, no. 2, Statuta, p. 98.
281 "In festivitate s[an]c[t]i Vincentii due misse canantur et conversi laborent." Ibid., 1184, no 19, Statuta, p. 98.
282 Jacques DuBois, "The Lay-brothers Life in the Twelfth Century: A Form of Lay Monasticism," Cistercian Studies VII (1972:3), p. 162.
283 "Vere deserta a patribus nostris, qui nescierunt possessiones, sed pietatem excolere; non rebus intendere, sed religioni. 0 temporal 0 mores!" Gilbert of Hoyland, Letter to Robert, Cistercian Abbot of Byland, PL 184, column 279; cited by Jean Leclercq in "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," p. 232.
284 EM, V, chapter 20, Griesser, pp. 334-336.
285 Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 340.
286 Chrysogonus Waddell, "The Early Cistercian Experience of Liturgy," CS 12, p. 92.
287 Bernard of Clairvaux, Prologus in antiphonarium quod cisterciensis canunt ecclesiae, SBOp V. 3i pp. 515-516.
288 Waddell, "The Early Cistercian Experience of Liturgy," CS 12, p. 93.
289 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, p. 210.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 290 DuBois, "The Lay-brothers Life in the Twelfth Century: A Form of Lay Monasticism," p. 207.
291 "Nobiles laici venientes non fiant conversi sed monachi." 1188, no. 8, Statuta, p. 108.
292 There is an example cited in EM, III, chapter 29, pp. 217- 218.
293 DuBois, "The Lay-brother's Life in the Twelfth Century: A form of Lay Monasticism," p. 212.
294 Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 340.
295 Bouyer, Leclercq, Vandenbroucke, and Cognet, The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, p. 224.
296 Ibid., p. 224, note 4.
297 Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, trans. Catharine Misrahi, (New York: Fordham University Press, I960), pp. 15-22.
298 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, p. 273.
299 Ibid., p. 273.
300 Ibid., p. 273.
301 "Chronique de l'abbaye de Signy," Bibliotheque de l'ecole des chartres 55, (1894), p. 646. See also Bouyer, Leclercq, Vandenbroucke, and Cognet, The Spirituality of the Middle Ages, p. 201.
302 Ibid., p. 206.
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303 Ibid., p. 208.
304 Ibid., p. 209.
305 Ibid., p. 225.
306 Ibid., p. 224.
307 Ibid., p. 225. See also Cenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, p. 280.
308 "DOM1N1C1 SCOLA SERVITII," RB, SC 181, p. 422; McCann, pp. 12-13.
309 EM, 1, chapter 2, Griesser, p. 50.
310 Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century, p. 274.
311 Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality, p. 335.
312 Lekai, "Motives and Ideals of theEleventh-Century Monastic Renewal," CS 3, pp. 41-42.
313 Louis Lekai, "The Rule and the Early Cistercians," Cistercian Studies 5 (1970:3), p. 250.
314 Ibid., pp. 243-244. Lekai presents a case for the primacy of the Rule of Saint Benedict as the monastic Rule for western monasteries. He discusses tKe effect of canon law on the insistence that the Rule of Saint Benedict be followed.
315 This he' . arium has been drawn up in accordance with the provisions of the Rule of the Master, SC 106, pp. 222-238; trans. in CS 6, pp. 208-213.
316 de Vogue, Intro, to RM, CS 6, p. 23. See also The Rule
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of Saint Benedict, ed. Timothy Fry, p. 409.
317 Division of the day based on RB, SC 182, pp. 598-604; McCann, pp. 111-112.
318 I am indebted for this scheme to Chrysogonus Waddell who based it on material in the Nomasticon cisterciense, seu antiquores imordinis v.------cisterciensis constitutiones, by Julien Paris, (Solesme,
319 Ibid.
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I. Primary Sources:
Adam of Perseigne. Epistola X. Sources Chretiennes V. 66, Adam de Perseigne: Lettres, Tome I . Edited by J. Bouvet. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, i960 .
Aelred of Rievaulx. De institutione inclusarum. Corpus Christianor- um: Continuatlo Mediaeualis, Opera Omnia. Edited by Anselm Hoste OSB and C. H. Talbot. Turnholti: Typo- graphi Brepols Editores Pontificii, 1971.
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. Sermo 1, In adventu Domini. PL 195.
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Benedict of Nursia. La Regie de Saint-Benoft. Sources Chretiennes, Vols. 181—1861 Edited by Adalbert de Vogue. Translated by Jean Neufville. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1972.
Bernard of Clairvaux. Apologia ad Guillelmum Abbatem. Sancta Bernardi Opera, V. 3: Tractatus et Opuscula. Edited by Jean Leclercq and Henri Rochais. Rome: Editiones Cistercienses, 1963.
______. De consideratione. SBOp V. 3.
______. De diligendo Deo. SBOp V. 3.
______. De diversis. SBOp V. 6,1.
. De gradibus humilitatis et superbiae. SBOp
Epistola I, Ad Robertum. SBOp V.
Epistola 11, Ad cartusienses. SBOp V. 7.
151
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______. Epistola 142, Admonachos alpenses. SBOp V. 7.
• Epistola 462, Ad quosdam noviter conversos. SBOp, V. 8.
. Epistola 523, Ad Aelredem Abbatein. sb '0p" t ; ~ 8":------
______. Prologus in antiphonarium quod cistercien sis canunt ecclesiae. SBOp V. 3.
. Sermo 46, Super cantica canticorum. SBOp V. 2.
Caesarius of Heisterbach. Dialogus Miraculorum, V. I. Edited by Josephus Strange. Coloniae, Bonnae et Bruxelles: H. Lempertz and Company, 1851.
Canivez, J. M. Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cistercien sis ab anno 111b ad annum 1188. Paris, 1933.
Cassian, John. Institutes. Sources Chretiennes, V. 109. Jean Cassien: Institutions cenobitiques. Edited and translated by J.-C. Guy. Paris: Les Editions duCerf, 1965.
______. Conferences. Sources Chretiennes, Vols. 42, 54"i and 64. Jean Cassien: Conferences, Tomes I—III. Edited by E. Pichery. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1966, and 1971.
Carta caritatis posterior. Translated by Bede Lackner SOCist in Louis Lekai SOCist. The Ciestercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977.
Conrad of Eberbach. Exordium magnum cisterciense. Edited by Bruno Griesser SOCist. Rome, 1961.
Daniel, Walter. The Life of Ailred of Rievaulx. Translated by F. M. Powicke. New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950.
Exordium parvum. Critical edition in Les Plus Anciens Textes de Citeaux. Edited by jean de la Croix Bouton, and Jean Baptiste Van Damme. Achel: Abbaye Cistercienne, 1974.
Gilbert of Hoyland. Sermo XXIII, In cantica canticorum. PL 184.
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______. Letter to Robert, Cistercian Abbot of Byland. PL 184.
Gregory the Great. Dialogues, II. Sources Chretiennes V. 260. Edited by Adalbert de Vogue. Translated by Paul Antin. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1979.
Guerric of Igny. First Sermon for Epiphany. Sources Chretiennes, V. 166, Guerric d'Igny: Sermons. Edited and translated by J. Morson, H. Costello, and P. Deseille. Paris Les Editions du Cerf, 1970.
First Sermon for Saint Benedict. SC 166.
Third Sermon for the Assumption. SC 166.
. Third Sermon for the Resurrection. SC 166.
Idung of Priifening. Dialogus duorum rnonachorum. In 'Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: "Argumentum super quatuor questionibus," et "Dialogus duorum monachorum."' R. B. C. Huygens. Studi Medlevali, 3rd series, 1. Spoleto: Presso la sede del centro, 1972.
Isaac of Stella. Sermo X, Second Sermon for the First Sunday after the Octave of Epiphany. PE 194.
______. Sermo L, In nativitate Petri et Pauli. PL 194.
Migne, J. P. Patrologia cursus completus . . . Series latina. 221 volumes. Paris, 1844-1864.
Ordericus Vitalis. The Ecclesiastical History of Ordericus Vitalis. Edited and translated by Marjorie Chibnall. Oxford Medieval Text Series, Vol. 4. Oxford: University Press, 1973.
Paris, Julien. Nomasticon cisterciense, seu antiquores ordinis cisterciensis constituiones. Solesme, 1892.
Peter Damian. De contemptu saeculi. PL 145.
______. De perfectione monachi. PL 144.
Peter of Roye. Epistola CDXCII, Petri de R°Yg novitii Clarae- Va-lensis ad C. praepositum noviomensem. PL 182.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Peter the Venerable. The Letters of Peter the Venerable. Vol. 1. Edited by Giles Constable. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967.
______. Statuta congregationis cluniacensis. PL 189.
Robert of Toriany. De immutatione ordinis monachorum. PL 202.
The Rule of the Master. La Regie du Maitre. Sources Chretiennes, V. 106. Edited and translated 5y” Adalbert de Vogue. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1964.
Statuta murbacensia. In Corpus Consuetudinem Monasticorum, Tome H Initia Consuetudinis Benedictinaei Edited 5y Kassius Hallinger OSB. Siegburg: Apud Franciscum Scmitt, 1963.
Summa cartae caritatis. Translated by Bede lackner SOCist in Louis Lekai SOCist. The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977.
William of Malmesbury. Gesta regum Anglorum. PL 179.
William of Saint Thierry. Epistola aurea. Sources Chretiennes, V. 223, Lettre aux freres du Mont-Dieu. Edited and translated by jean Dechanet. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1975.
______. Meditationes novitiis ad orandum formandum spiritibus non usquequaque inutilesi PL 180.
. S. Bernardi Vita Prima. PL 185.
II. Primary Sources in Translation:
Adam of Perseigne. The Letters of Adam of Perseigne. CF 21. Translated by Grace Perrigo. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976.
Aelred of Rievaulx. The Mirror of Charity: The Speculum caritatis of Aelred of Rievaulx. Translated by Geoffrey Webb and Adrian Walker. London: A. R. Mowbray and Company LTD., 1962.
. The Works of Aelred of Rievaulx. Vol. 1: Treatises, The Pastoral Prayer. CF 2. Translated by Mary Paul McPherson OCSO and Penelope Lawson CSMV.
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Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971.
Apophthegmata Patrum. Translated by Benedicta Ward SLG in The Sayings of the Desert Fathers. USA: Cistercian Publications, 1975.
Bernard of Clairvaux. The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux. Vol. 13: Five Books on Consideration: Advice to a Pope. CF 37. Translated by John ET Anderson and Elizabeth T. Kennan. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976.
______. The Letters of Bernard ofClairvaux. Translated by Bruno Scott James. London: Burns Oates, 1953.
______. The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux. Vol. 3l On the Song ol Songs TH CF T. Translated by Kilian Walsh OCSO. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976.
Bernard of Clairvaux. On the Song of Songs III. CF 31. Translated by Kilian WalsK 0CSO and Irene Eclmonds. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979.
The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux. Vol. Ti Treatises ~TI CF I"! Translated by Michael Casey OCSO. Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1970.
______. The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux. Vol. 51 Treatises II. CF IT! Translated by Ambrose Conway OCSO and Robert Walton OSB. Washington, D.C.: Cistercian Publications, 1974.
John Cassian. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. Vol. XI. "The Conferences and Institutes oF John Cassian". Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm B. Eerdmans, 1955.
Exordium parvum, Carta caritatis posterior, and Summa cartae caritatis. Translated by Bede Lackner SOCist In Louis Lekai SOCist. The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977.
Gilbert of Hoyland. On the Song of Songs II. CF 20. Translated by Lawrence Cl Braceland 5J1 Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. . On the Song of Songs III. CF 26. Trans- lated by Lawrence C. Braceland SJ. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979.
Gregory the Great. Dialogues. Fathers of the Church Series, Edited by Roy Joseph Deferrari. New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1959.
Guerric of Igny. Liturgical Sermons. Vol 1. CF 8. Translated by the Monki of Mount Saint Abbey. Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971.
______• Liturgical Sermons. Vol. 2. CF 32. Translated by the Monks oT Mount Saint Bernard Abbey. Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971.
Idung of Priifening. Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Case for Citeaux. CF 33. Translated by Jeremiah F\ O' Sullivan, Joseph Leahy, and Grace Perrigo. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1977.
The Rule of the Master. CS 6. Translated by Luke Eberle OSB. Kalamazoo, Michigan: CistercianPublications, 1977.
The Rule of Saint Benedict. Edited by Timothy FryOSB. Translated By Timothy Horner OSB et al. Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1981.
The Rule of Saint Benedict. Edited and translated by Abbot Justin McCann OSB. London: Burns Oates, 1952.
William of Malmesbury. The History of the Kings of England and the Modern History. Translated by John Sharpe. London: Longman, 1815.
William of Saint Thierry. The Works of William of Saint Thierry. Vol. 4: The Golden Epistle. CF 1 2 . Translated by Theodore Berkley OCSO. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1976.
______The Worksof William of Saint Thierry. VoHTi On Contemplating God. Prayer. Meditations'. CF 3. Translated by Penelope Lawson CSmV. Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971. ■
Saint Bernard of Clairvaux. Translated by Geoffrey Webb and Adrian Walker. Westminster, Maryland: Newman Press, I960.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. III. Secondary Sources:
Bouyer, Louis. The Cistercian Heritage. London: A. R. Mowbray and Company Limited, 1958.
Bouyer, Louis;Leclercq, Jean OSB; Vandenbroucke, Francois OSB; and Cognet, Louis. A History of Spirituality. Vol. 2: The Spirituality of the Middle Ages. New York: The Seabury Press, 1968.
Bulletin signaletique du Centre Nationale de la Recherche scientifique: Science religieuses. Paris, 1947 ff.
Bulletin de Theologie ancienne et medievale. Louvain, 1929 FE
Butler, Cuthbert. Benedictine Monachism. Studies in Benedictine Life and Rule. New York: Barnes and Noble, 19bl.
______. The Lausiac History of Palladius. Cambridge: The University Press, l8$8.
Campenhausen, Hans von. "Early Christian Asceticism" and "The Ascetic Idea of Exile in Ancient and Early Medieval Monasticism." In Tradition and Life in the Church. London, 1968.
Chadwick, Owen. John Cassian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968.
Chenu, Marie-Dominique OP. Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century. Chicago! University oT Chicago Press, T9571 ______. The Theology of Work. Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1963.
Dictionnaire de Spiritualite. Paris, 1937 ff.
Donnelly, James S. The Decline of the Medieval Cistercian Laybrotherhood. New York: Fordham University Press, WS.
Geoghegan, Arthur Turbitt. The Attitude Toward Labor in Early Christianity and Ancient Culture. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University Press, 19451
Holdsworth, Christopher. "The Blessings of Work: The Cistercian View." Studies in Church History Vol. 10: Sanctity and
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Secularity: The Church in the World. Derek Baker, ed. Oxford: University Press, 1973.
Knowles, David. Christian Monasticism. London: World University Library, 1969.
______. "Cistercians and Cluniacs: The Controversy Between Saint Bernard and Peter the Venerable." The Historian and Character. Cambridge: University Press, T3UT.
______. "The Humanism of the Twelfth Century." The Historian and Character. Cambridge: University Press, 1963.
______. The Monastic Order in England. Cambridge: University Press, 1950.
______. "The Primitive Cistercian Documents." Great Historical Enterprises. Problems in Monastic History. London: Thomas Nelson and Sons Limited, 1963.
Lackner, Bede SOCist. The Eleventh-Century Background of Citeaux. CS 8. Washington, B.C.”! Cistercian Publications, 197^
Leclercq, Jean OSB. "The Intentions of the Founders of the Cistercian Order." In The Cistercian Spirit: A Symposium. M. Basil Pennington OCSO, ed. Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1970.
Leclercq, Jean OSB. "Isaac of Stella on Monastic Economics." Cistercian Studies IV (1969:4).
______. The Love of Learning and the Desire for God. Translated Ey Catharine Misrahi. New York: Fordham University Press, I960.
. "The Monastic Crisis of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries." In Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle ages. Noreen Hunt, ecH London: Archon Book's, 1971.------
______. "Saint Bernard and the Rule of Saint Benedict." In Rule and Life: An Interdisciplinary Symposium. CS 12. M. Basil Pennington OCSO, ecT Spencer, Mass- achusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971 •
Lekai, Louis SOCist. The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1977.
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"Motives and Ideals of the Eleventh- Century Monastic Renewal." In The Cistercian Spirit: A Symposium. CS 3. M. Basil ’ Pennington OCSO, ed. Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1970.
______. "The Rule and the Early Cistercians." Cistercian Studies 5 (1970:3) pp. 228-242.
Louf, Andre OCSO. The Message of Monastic Spirituality. New York: Desclee Company, 1964.
McDonnell, Ernest W. "The Vita Apostolica: Diversity or Dissent." Church History. Vol. 24 (1955).
McNulty, Patricia. Peter Damian. London: Faber and Faber, 1959.
Merton, Thomas OCSO. The Collected Poems of Thomas Merton. New York: New Directions Publications, 1977.
. "Cassian". From the unpublished notes given in the choir novitiate at Our Lady of Gethsemani Abbey, 1963. Mimeographed.
Morghen, Rafaello. "Monastic Reform and Cluniac Spirituality." In Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages. Noreen Hunt, ed. London: Archon Books, l97l.
Morin, Germain. "Rainaud 1'Ermite et Ives de Chartres: un episode de la crise cenobitisme au Xle-Xlle siecle. Revue Benedictine 40 (1928).
New Catholic Encyclopedia. Staff at the Catholic University of America, eds. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966.
Pennington, M. Basil OCSO. "Towards Discerning the Spirit and Aims of the Founders of the Order of Citeaux." In The Cistercian Spirit: A Symposium. M. Basil Pennington OCSlb ecH Shannon, Ireland: T rish University Press, 1970.
Scmitz, Philibert. Histoire de l'Ordre de Saint-Benoft, Tome Premier: Origines, diffusion et constitution jusqu'au Xlle siecle. Les Editions de maredsous, 1948.
Squire, Aelred OP. Aelred of Rievaulx. London: S.P.C.K., 1969.
Stiegman, Emero. "Action and Contemplation in Saint Bernard's on the Song of Songs." Introduction. The Works of Bernard
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of Clairvaux: On the Song of Songs III. CF 31. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1979.
Waddell, Chrysogonus OCSO. "The Early Cistercian Experience of Liturgy." In Rule and Life: An Interdisciplinary Symposium. M. Basil Pennington OCSO, iH"] CS 12~. Spencer, Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications, 1971.
Whitney, James Pounder. "Peter Damiani and Humbert." Hilde- brandine Essays. Cambridge: University Press, 1932.
Williams, Rowan. "Three Stylesof Monastic Reform." In Influences of Saint Bernard. Benedicta Ward SLG, ed. Fairacres, Oxford: SLG Press, 1976.
IV. Periodical Literature:
Derivaux, Francis OCSO. "Saint Bernard's Steps of Truth." Cistercian Studies 2 (1967:A) pp. 286-311.
de Vogue, Adalbert OSB. "The Rule of Saint Benedict and. the Contemplative Life." Cistercian Studies 1 (1966:1) pp. 54-73.
DuBois, Jacques. "The Laybrother's Life in the Twelfth Century: A Form of Lay Monasticism." Cistercian Studies 7 (1972:3) pp. 161-213.
Dumont, Charles OCSO. "Saint Aelred: The Balanced Life of the Monk." Monastic Studies 1 (1963).
Leclercq, Jean OSB. "Isaac of Stella on Monastic Economics." Cistercian Studies 4 (1969:4) pp. 267-274.
McMurry, James. "Poenitentiam Agere: A Study of Penance in Monastic-Patristic Writings." Cistercian Studies 1 (1966:1) pp. 74-89.
Monks of Nuestra Senora de Los Angeles; Azul, Argentina. "The Monastic Community in the Movements of Cluny and Citeaux." Cistercian Studies 4 (1969:2) pp. 101— 141.
Peifer, Claude, OSB. "Biblical Foundations of Monasticism." Cistercian Studies 1 (1966:1) pp. 7-31.
Salmon, Pierre. "Monastic Asceticism and the Origins of Citeaux." Monastic Studies III (1965).
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