The Defense of Monastic Memory in Bernard of Clairvaux’S

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Defense of Monastic Memory in Bernard of Clairvaux’S CORRECTING FAULTS AND PRESERVING LOVE: THE DEFENSE OF MONASTIC MEMORY IN BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX’S APOLOGIA AND PETER THE VENERABLE’S LETTER 28 A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Master of Arts Whitney Mae Mihalik August, 2013 CORRECTING FAULTS AND PRESERVING LOVE: THE DEFENSE OF MONASTIC MEMORY IN BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX’S APOLOGIA AND PETER THE VENERABLE’S LETTER 28 Whitney Mae Mihalik Thesis Approved: Accepted: __________________________________ _________________________________ Advisor Dean of the College Dr. Constance Bouchard Dr. Chand Midha __________________________________ _________________________________ Co-Advisor or Faculty Reader Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Michael Graham Dr. George R. Newkome __________________________________ _________________________________ Department Chair or School Director Date Dr. Martin Wainwright ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................1 II. HISTORIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................6 III. THE REFORMS OF BENEDICTINE MONASTICISM ...............................26 IV. BERNARD’S APOLOGIA ..............................................................................32 V. PETER’S LETTER 28 .....................................................................................58 VI. CONCLUSIONS..............................................................................................81 VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................85 iii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In twelfth-century France, Benedictine monasticism was greatly contested. Most orders followed the Benedictine Rule, a set of monastic rules written in the sixth century. This Rule, written by Saint Benedict of Nursia, created a set of guidelines based on the scriptures and ancient sources on desert monasticism, including the writings of John Cassian and the collection of stories in The Lives of the Desert Fathers. Benedict’s Rule, inspired by ancient models, was to be the standard for medieval monasticism for centuries to come—a monasticism that believed whole-heartedly in the lifestyle it portrayed. However, monks often created their own version of the Rule based on what they interpreted the Rule to really say. This thesis will address how twelfth-century monks, specifically Abbots Bernard of Clairvaux (1113-1153) and Peter the Venerable of Cluny (1122-1156), remembered the Benedictine Rule, and how those versions differed. Each abbot grounded himself in the Rule as well as the very same ancient works as Benedict himself; however, they adopted very different interpretations. Peter’s version was based on nearly two centuries of former interpretation by Cluniac abbots. His version, therefore, included a history of other men’s interpretations. Bernard, on the other hand, did not have this luxury. The abbot of a new order, he did not have the former interpretations of many abbots that Peter did. The Cistercian Order was created under the 1 premise of a strict interpretation of the Rule. By trying to follow it exactly, the Cistercians did not look to traditions of former centuries, but looked to the Rule literally. Therefore, these men, living contemporarily, followed very different interpretations of the Rule because they had different visions of it. This led to a correspondence between the two abbots that is still to this day one of the most famous in all of history. Benedict writes in his Rule: “But if, by recommending a matter of fairness, on account of the correction of faults or the preservation of love, any little thing will have seemed rather restricting, you should not be dismayed by fear and abandon the way of salvation, which is not to be begun except by a narrow entryway.”1 Here Benedict was asking men not to leave the monastic life simply because it would be hard. He was arguing that in order to gain eternal salvation, life must not be easy, there must be rules and these rules would most certainly be difficult. The narrowness he discussed was the basis for his Rule, and the reason he created it. The Rule was a tool for discipline, and therefore anyone who followed the Rule must be disciplined. However, this line also suggested that someone would be enforcing this “narrow entryway” in order to correct “faults.” Therefore, someone must be interpreting the Rule. It was here the basic premises of Bernard’s Apologia and Peter’s Letter 28 were revealed. As abbots, they were in charge of not only enforcing the Rule, but of interpreting it as well. This thesis is primarily concerned with not only the way each man defended his order, but the way in which he used the Rule and ancient sources to defend his created memory of Benedictine monasticism. How they interpreted and remembered the ways in 1 Benedict, The Rule of St Benedict, edited by Abbot Justin McCann (London: Sheed & Ward Ltd, 1972), 12. Though the Latin comes from McCann’s edited and translated volume, the translation of the Latin for the Rule will be my own throughout the paper. Here the Latin reads: Sedet si quid paululum restrictius, dictante aequitatis ratione, propter emendationem vitiorum vel conservationem caritatis processerit, non ilico pavore perterritu srefugias viam salutis, quae non est nisi angusto initio incipienda. 2 which monasticism was created and had been used throughout the early Middle Ages was the true essence of their arguments. They were trying to correct the other’s Order because they were so sure that their own house followed true monasticism and that the other house was in turn following a system that would lead them nowhere. Each of these abbots believed the way in which he was interpreting the Rule was the correct way. Because of this, they felt the need to address the ways in which the other orders were not following the Rule correctly. By doing this, they assumed they could discipline each other into adopting their specific memory of Benedictine monasticism. But, because each was so adamant about his own memory and interpretation, a compromise was out of the question. Therefore, the Apologia and Letter 28 were written as not only defenses of Bernard’s and Peter’s memory of the Rule and ancient monasticism, but they were also accusations about which specific aspects of each other’s practices were wrong. Each abbot dedicated himself to a specific memory and interpretation, and because of this believed the other Order had failed to follow the Rule. In each of their writings, they made it clear that their own interpretations and Order were following the Rule the way it was intended, and that the other abbot and his monks were not. Bernard was the more subtle of the two. He was not on the defensive when he wrote the Apologia, so he did not have to explain why he was right, only how Peter was wrong. He made it seem as though he would have been happy for a Cluniac to offer any criticisms against his own Order—if they could have reasonably found one: This is what I think about your Order and ours. This is the sort of thing I say to our monks, and this is what I say, not about you but to you, as you yourself, and anyone who knows me as you do can best testify. Whatever is praiseworthy in your monks I praise and extol. On the other hand, to you and to my other friends I 3 point out whatever is worthy of reproach, in order that it may be corrected. This is not slander, but candor, and I ask you very earnestly, always to do the same for us. Goodbye.2 And so ends Bernard’s Apologia. Bernard was not slighting the Cluniacs, but disciplining them as Benedict calls for in the earlier passage. Bernard, as an abbot, was concerned with the souls of his brothers, whether Cistercian or Cluniac. He made it clear that it was how he treated the monks in his own house, and therefore he was treating his other brothers no differently. Of course, this infers that Bernard was scolding the Cluniacs on matters in which the Cistercian way of following the Rule disagrees with the Cluniac, therefore, making it clear that he found his way the true way in which the Rule should be followed. However, Peter was not going to let his own Order go undefended. After offering several criticisms to Bernard about the Cistercians, Peter wrote that the Cluniacs followed the Rule as they were supposed to: And we say in order that we may refute the accusations in the order in which they have been placed by you in observation of our rules, by no means do we have a distorted course, by no means do we pursue footpaths which were strange and devious, but through rectitude we follow what is decent of all rules. We do not substitute personal laws for the sayings of the fathers since they were discovered by the saints themselves and they have pleased God, as sacred life and many miracles testify. He allowed and will always allow, that shepherds may take His sheep which they have ruled, and that sheep may obey the shepherds by God. You argue to show us transgressors of our vows, thus we show ourselves as true observers.3 2Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia, translated by Michael Casey (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1970), 69. 3Peter Venerable, Letter 28, edited by Giles Constable (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1967), 58. The translations of Peter’s words throughout this paper will be of my own translation, with Constable’s Latin in the notes. The
Recommended publications
  • The Excellence of the Knowledge of Jesus Christ"
    "THE EXCELLENCE OF THE KNOWLEDGE OF JESUS CHRIST" Philippians 3:8 INTRODUCTION 1. Prior to his conversion to Jesus Christ, the apostle Paul was on the "fast track", a "rising star" in the religion of Judaism - cf. Ga 1: 13-14; Ph 3:4-6 2. But once he came to know who Jesus Christ really was, all the power, all the prestige, all the position of influence that he once had, meant nothing - cf. Ph 3:7-8 3. What mattered now was for him to "know Jesus Christ": "...I also count all things loss for the excellence of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord..." (Ph 3:8) 4. What is there about the knowledge of Jesus Christ that makes it so desirable for people like Paul and countless others? And should we desire this "knowledge," how do we gain it? [To answer these questions, let's first make some observations about...] I. THE KNOWLEDGE OF JESUS CHRIST THAT IS "EXCELLENT" A. IT MUST BE A "PERSONAL" KNOWLEDGE... 1. We cannot come to know Jesus solely through another person's acquaintance with Him 2. While we may initially learn about Jesus from others, especially the authors of the New Testament, we must come to know Him for ourselves a. Like Paul, we must speak in the first person: "that I may know Him" (Ph 3:10) b. The "faith of our fathers" must become OUR faith, for God does not have any "grandchildren" B. IT MUST BE AN "INTELLIGENT" KNOWLEDGE... 1. Jesus does not expect us to commit "intellectual suicide" to know Him, He desires us to use our minds as well - Mt 22:37 2.
    [Show full text]
  • On Jesus' Eschatological Ignorance
    On Jesus’ Eschatological Ignorance Edwin K. P. Chong Version: July 25, 2003 1 Jesus’ ignorance of His return One of the most difficult passages in the New Testament is Mark 13. Epitomizing the difficulty of this chapter is verse 32, which explicitly teaches that Jesus does not know when He will return:1 No one knows about that day or hour, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but only the Father. An identical verse appears in Matthew 24:36. How is this compatible with the orthodox view that Jesus is God and hence is omniscient? Over the centuries, groups like the Ebionites, Arians, and Nestorians2 have used this verse to argue that Jesus was not fully divine.3 In response, the church fathers developed interpretive approaches to Mark 13:32, which today continue to form the basis for theological solutions to this problem. In 451 A.D., the Council of Chalcedon, in Act V, defined the union of the divine and human natures in the person of Christ.4 According to this definition, Christ is “truly God and truly man.” This Chalcedonian formula has since become a hallmark of orthodox Christology. How exactly does this orthodox view reckon with Mark 13:32? In this essay, I outline the prevalent solutions to the controversy surrounding Mark 13:32, the major proponents of each solution, and its basis. I also provide some evaluation of these solutions, indicating which have garnered mainstream acceptance, and why. 1Mark 13:32, New International Version. 2Over the centuries, a number of heresies on the divine and human nature of Christ have emerged.
    [Show full text]
  • A Christian Understanding of Property: Spiritual Themes Underlying Western Property
    A paper presented at the Pacific Rim Real Estate Conference, Melbourne, January 2005 A Christian Understanding of Property: Spiritual themes underlying Western property Garrick Small, PhD University of Technology, Sydney [email protected] Abstract: Interest in customary title has raised awareness of the cultural dependence of property and its relationship to spirituality. Western culture has a historical connection with Christian spirituality, yet its property institution is seldom related to it. Property is found within Christian thought from the very beginning of the Old Testament and shares several important commonalities with customary peoples. The notion of property is evident in the gospels along with repeated comments on the correct application of riches. Early Christianity can be viewed as a development of the Old Testament property institution consistent with other aspects of Christian moral thought. Changes in the institution of property through the Christian era can be seen to parallel changes in Christian thought eventually leading to present day property. Overall, property can be linked to the spiritual roots of Western culture in a manner that has the capacity to inform the development of dialogue with customary peoples in their endeavours to assert the validity of their property conventions. Keywords: property theory, customary title, moral theology, social economics, property and culture Introduction The current institution of property was initiated in the sixteenth century as the former conditional notion of private property was replaced by absolute property (Anderson 1979). That century also saw radical changes in other human institutions. Modernity began with Machiavelli’s (d.1527) option to replace classical realism with empiricism in political science1 (Machiavelli and Mansfield 1985).
    [Show full text]
  • What They Wear the Observer | FEBRUARY 2020 | 1 in the Habit
    SPECIAL SECTION FEBRUARY 2020 Inside Poor Clare Colettines ....... 2 Benedictines of Marmion Abbey What .............................. 4 Everyday Wear for Priests ......... 6 Priests’ Vestments ...... 8 Deacons’ Attire .......................... 10 Monsignors’ They Attire .............. 12 Bishops’ Attire ........................... 14 — Text and photos by Amanda Hudson, news editor; design by Sharon Boehlefeld, features editor Wear Learn the names of the everyday and liturgical attire worn by bishops, monsignors, priests, deacons and religious in the Rockford Diocese. And learn what each piece of clothing means in the lives of those who have given themselves to the service of God. What They Wear The Observer | FEBRUARY 2020 | 1 In the Habit Mother Habits Span Centuries Dominica Stein, PCC he wearing n The hood — of habits in humility; religious com- n The belt — purity; munities goes and Tback to the early 300s. n The scapular — The Armenian manual labor. monks founded by For women, a veil Eustatius in 318 was part of the habit, were the first to originating from the have their entire rite of consecrated community virgins as a bride of dress alike. Belt placement Christ. Using a veil was Having “the members an adaptation of the societal practice (dress) the same,” says where married women covered their Mother Dominica Stein, hair when in public. Poor Clare Colettines, “was a Putting on the habit was an symbol of unity. The wearing of outward sign of profession in a the habit was a symbol of leaving religious order. Early on, those the secular life to give oneself to joining an order were clothed in the God.” order’s habit almost immediately.
    [Show full text]
  • The Doctrine of Biblical Sufficiency in the Writings of Clement
    Diligence: Journal of the Liberty University Online Religion Capstone in Research and Scholarship Volume 1 Article 2 September 2016 The Faith Delivered Unto the Saints: The Doctrine of Biblical Sufficiency in theritings W of Clement of Rome and Ignatius of Antioch Elijah M. Cisneros Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/djrc Part of the Biblical Studies Commons, Christianity Commons, History of Christianity Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Cisneros, Elijah M. (2016) "The Faith Delivered Unto the Saints: The Doctrine of Biblical Sufficiency in the Writings of Clement of Rome and Ignatius of Antioch," Diligence: Journal of the Liberty University Online Religion Capstone in Research and Scholarship: Vol. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/djrc/vol1/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Divinity at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Diligence: Journal of the Liberty University Online Religion Capstone in Research and Scholarship by an authorized editor of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Faith Delivered Unto the Saints: The Doctrine of Biblical Sufficiency in the Writings of Clement of Rome and Ignatius of Antioch Cover Page Footnote 1. Ron J. Bigalke Jr., “The Latest Postmodern Trend: The Emerging Church,” JDT 10, no. 31 (December 2006): 20-30; David Cloud, The Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement: The History and Error, 4th ed. (Port Huron, MI: Way of Life Literature, 2011). 2. Suggested reading: James King, “Emerging Issues for the Emerging Church,” JMT 9, no.
    [Show full text]
  • The Excellence of the Knowledge of Christ Philippians 3:7-8 7 but What Things Were Gain to Me, These I Have Counted Loss for Christ
    The Excellence of the Knowledge of Christ Philippians 3:7-8 7 But what things were gain to me, these I have counted loss for Christ. 8 Yet indeed I also count all things loss for the excellence of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord, for whom I have suffered the loss of all things, and count them as rubbish, that I may gain Christ Paul had given up on all that he had achieved in life. His reward was now he can know Christ Jesus as only God can reveal Him. Some might say that it was a lousy trade. Many will not give up their situation here in this life so that they might know Christ. Weather it is drugs, money, fame, position or a hundred other things that keep people away from Jesus. But here is Paul, not sorry at all of what he has done. As a matter of fact he is telling us that it was well worth it. He compares what he has in Christ with the “rubbish” which he had before. Well of course you say, it makes perfect sense, even a rich man would throw away his gold to save his life. And of course that is true, but Paul here does not seem to have eternal life as the goal. But if the goal is not eternal life, a place in heaven, a mansion over the hill-top, then what is it that Paul has now that he did not have before? It is the knowledge of Christ Jesus his Lord.
    [Show full text]
  • LIVING in CHRIST SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL— “God Does Not Require Us to Give up Anything That It Is for Our Best Interest to Retain
    Family Bible Studies - 24 page 1 What the Bible says about – LivingLiving inin ChristChrist SCRIPTURE READING: JOHN 15:1-11 EPHESIANS 1:1-8 One evening a student asked Phillip Brooks a serious question: “Is conscious personal fellowship with Jesus Christ a part of Christianity?” The great preacher replied decisively: “It is Christianity—personal fel- lowship with Jesus Christ is Christianity. That is what differentiates the religion of the Bible from all others. A man is a Christian so far as he knows Jesus Christ.” This agrees with the words of Christ who said, “And this is life eternal, that they might know Thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom Thou hast sent” (John 17:3). When a person knows Christ and is truly converted—when he repents of his sins, confesses them to God, and trusts in the merits of Christ for salvation—something very definite happens in his life. He is a dif- ferent man. The apostle Paul explains what happens to the one who goes through this experience: Galatians 2:20—“I am crucified with Christ; nevertheless I live; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me: and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by the faith of the Son of God, who loved me, and gave Himself for me.” By this figure, Paul wishes to teach that the old life has been crucified and buried and that a new life has begun. And that life is Christ’s life— “Christ liveth in me.” And of course the kind of life that Christ will live in the new believer is quite different from the sinful life of the uncon- verted man.
    [Show full text]
  • Knowing Jesus Experientially Philippians 3:8-11, NRSV Massanetta Springs Conference Center, July 19-21, 2013
    Knowing Jesus Experientially Philippians 3:8-11, NRSV Massanetta Springs Conference Center, July 19-21, 2013 8 More than that, I regard everything as loss because of the surpassing value of knowing Christ Jesus my Lord. For his sake I have suffered the loss of all things, and I regard them as rubbish, in order that I may gain Christ 9 and be found in him, not having a righteousness of my own that comes from the law, but one that comes through faith in Christ, the righteousness from God based on faith. 10 I want to know Christ and the power of his resurrection and the sharing of his sufferings by becoming like him in his death, 11 if somehow I may attain the resurrection from the dead. INTRO: • Review: We have looked at the passion and drive of Paul with his deep desire to know Christ above anything else. • Today we ask the question, what does mean to know Christ personally, experientially? How is this done? • ILL: David Loleng story about knowing CS Lewis. 1. A Better Knowledge of Christ’s Person (vv. 8-9) "In order that I may gain Christ and be found in him" A. Know that God found you and offers His righteousness to you. 1. Reformed understanding is that God is sovereign, and God is continually reaching out to humanity, all we need to do is to reach to God's extension of love through faith. not having a righteousness of my own that comes from the law, but one that comes through faith in Christ, the righteousness from God based on faith.
    [Show full text]
  • Saint Anselm, Blessed John Henry Newman, and the Idea of a Benedictine University
    Saint Anselm, Blessed John Henry Newman, and the Idea of a Benedictine University Fr. Daniel Patrick Moloney, Ph.D. John Henry Newman's "Benedictine Essays" develop a strong thesis that Benedictine spirituality is necessarily at odds with the methods of the modern university. Benedictine spiritual life encourages the monk to mortify his intellect, not to satisfy it or to stir it up. It is best suited to grammar school, to the study of literature and history and Scripture, while rejecting the value of studying worldly topics that don't prepare a person for union with God in the next life. Newman's account makes the project of a Benedictine university like St. Anselm's College seem deeply problematic, even oxymoronic. St. Anselm of Canterbury, a transitional figure on Newman's account, shows some ways of reconciling a speculative intellectual life with Benedictine spirituality, but Newman's challenge to the project still remains. It’s a great honor to be here. When I was invited to give this lecture, that is to give the Saint Anselm Lecture at Saint Anselm College on the Feast of Saint Anselm, I thought I noticed a theme. I’m an expert on Saint Anselm, having written my dissertation on your patron saint and having been studying him since I was a senior in college more than twenty years ago. So I figured that the topic of my talk was going to be Saint Anselm. But then I read the fine print of the invitation, and realized that because this year is the anniversary of the College, that I was being asked to talk not just about Saint Anselm and his continued significance, but about something I didn’t know anything about, namely “distinctively Benedictine Catholic higher education.” I’m sure that’s a topic of some reflection here, at a Benedictine College, but it’s not something I’ve ever thought about.
    [Show full text]
  • John Cassian and the Creation of Early Monastic Subjectivity
    University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2019 Exercising Obedience: John Cassian and the Creation of Early Monastic Subjectivity Joshua Daniel Schachterle University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the History of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Schachterle, Joshua Daniel, "Exercising Obedience: John Cassian and the Creation of Early Monastic Subjectivity" (2019). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1615. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1615 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Exercising Obedience: John Cassian and the Creation of Early Monastic Subjectivity A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the University of Denver and the Iliff School of Theology Joint PhD Program In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Joshua Daniel Schachterle June 2019 Advisor: Gregory Robbins PhD © by Joshua Daniel Schachterle All Rights Reserved Author: Joshua Daniel Schachterle Title: Exercising Obedience: John Cassian and the Creation of Early Monastic Subjectivity Advisor: Gregory Robbins PhD Date: June 2019 Abstract John Cassian (360-435 CE) started his monastic career in Bethlehem. He later traveled to the Egyptian desert, living there as a monk, meeting the venerated Desert Fathers, and learning from them for about fifteen years. Much later, he would go to the region of Gaul to help establish a monastery there by writing monastic manuals, the Institutes and the Conferences.
    [Show full text]
  • Of the Desert Fathers. the Relationship with the Other in Apophthegmata Patrum
    The “Ecumenism” of the Desert Fathers. The Relationship with the Other in Apophthegmata Patrum Paul Siladi* Ecumenism is a 20th century concept that cannot be directly transposed in the everyday reality of the Desert Fathers, but the authority of the desert ascetics is still crucial to the monastic milieu of the Orthodox Church as well as other denominations. For this very reason, the present paper intends to investigate the stories recorded in the alphabetical collection of the Egyptian Paterikon in order to understand to what extent they may actually offer a guide to the complex relations with the Other. How do these stories illustrate denominational or even religious alterity? What types of rapports can one identify therein? Rejection? Separation? Acceptance of the other’s difference? These are all legitimate questions and their significance is amplified in the context of our times – a period in which we see an increase in fundamentalist movements and tendencies, including in the Orthodox community. Keywords: Ecumenism, Desert Fathers, Paterikon, Apophthegmata Patrum, asceticism, spirituality. The recent concept of ecumenism dates back to the beginning of the 20th century and as such it would be difficult to transfer it into the reality of the every-day lives of the Desert Fathers. Even so the ancient ascetics of the desert still exert significant authority in the Orthodox monastic milieus and not only there; for this very reason the present paper sets out to investigate the stories recorded in the alphabetical collection of the Egyptian Paterikon in order to see if they may contain elements for a guide to relationships marked by confessional1 or religious alterity.
    [Show full text]
  • THE SAYINGS of the DESERT FATHERS
    Selections From THE SAYINGS Of THE DESERT FATHERS With Kind Permission Of Cistercian Publication Title of the book - The Sayings of the Desert Fathers Name of the translator - Sister Benedicta Ward SLG Publisher - Cistercian Publication Address of the published - WMU Station, Kalamazoo, Michigan 19008/USA Copyright, 1975 2 Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ King of Kings and Lord of lords Icon designed by Dr. Yousef Nassief and Dr. Bedour Latif H.H. Pope Shenouda III, 117th Pope of Alexandria and the See of St. Mark ABBA ANTHONY THE GREAT Anthony the Great, called 'The Father of Monks' was born in central Egypt about AD the son of peasant farmers who were Christian. In c. 269 he heard the Gospel read in church and applied to himself the words. 'Go, sell all that you have and give to the poor and come . .’ He devoted himself to a life of asceticism under the guidance of a recluse near his village. In c. 285 he went alone into the desert to live in complete solitude. His reputation attracted followers, who settled near him, and in c. 305 he came out of his hermitage in order to act as their spiritual father. Five years later he again retired into solitude. He visited Alexandria at least twice. Once during the persecution of Christians and again to support the Bishop Athanasius against heresy. He died at the age of one hundred and five. His life was written by Saint Athanasius and was very influential in spreading the ideals of monasticism throughout the Christian World. 1.
    [Show full text]