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Constructing Time and Space in the Garden Suburb

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Constructing Time and Space in the Garden Suburb 1 Constructing Time and Space in the Garden Suburb lon Hoskins Allan Ashbolt began his contribution to Me anj in' s 1,9 6 6' G o dzone' symposium with a portrayal of Australian 'reality': Behold the man-the Australian of today-on Sunday morn- ings in the suburbs, when the high decibel drone of the motor- mower is calling the faithful to worship. A block of land, a brick veneer, and the motor-mower beside him in the wilder- ness-what more does he want to sustain him. In Ashbolt's suburbia we have wilderness and garden, the pioneer and his Victa, linked-albeit ironically-to material and spiritual sustenance. The mowers proceed to drown out 'the plaintive clanging of the church-bells . [and] swell into a mechanised pagan chorus'.l They become both literally and symbolically the intrusive machines in the Edenic garden of Ausrralian radicalism, which Ashbolt maintains 'went up a cul-de-sac in the first decade of this century'. The growth and shaping of suburbia, rhen, becomes indicative of the hardening 'pattern of conformity', while the Victa-that symbol of 'personal property . demo- cratic rights . [and] power'-has subdued rhe pre-war ideal of 1 B¡nsrs or Su¡un¡n (orsrnucltc I llmr lto Srlc¡ rn rx¡ Glnor¡ Su¡un¡ 'Australian radicalism, mixed as itwas with the inchoate spirit of connected to a program of reform which is sophisticated nationalism'.2 but fundamentally conservative of capitalist social relations.5 For Allan Ashbolt, the developmenr of suburbia after'$íorld ,logic, IØar Il.represented the loss of something identifiably Austral- A key factor here is rhe element of which .rrrd"ríi'e, "rry ian-th'e healthy radicalism linked to the left-wing nationalism of metonymic and metaphoric relation between word and subject. the pre-war years. The admirable characteristics of the Australian It is importanr ro remember that it is ideology which informs the working class (referred to in masculine terms) had given way to 'logic' of the figurative association between suburb and social the self-deluding search for respectability and the mundanity of relations, whether rhat be positive or negative. For Ashbolt, the middle-class life. Ashbolt used imagery relating ro rhe Australian spatial features of suburban culture were self-evidendy material- landscape to press home his point. The wilderness-synonymous istic and therefore antipathetic to radicalism. Johnston presented with the pioneering spirit-gives \May to manicured lawns- the suburban garden as a site of a feminine, claustiophobic synonymous with bourgeois respectability. respectability. For Boyd, the suburban spatial aesthetic was These ideas were not new. Ashbolt was echoing the sentiments indicative of vulgarity and national immaturity. of a series of primarily masculinist, anti-domestic, 'anti-respect- But the suburb with its constituent elements, the quarter-acre ability' jeremiads which appeared at leasr from the turn of the block, the cul-de-sac, the garden and its plants, is a spatial form century through to World nØar II and after.3 In these, the suburb shaped by social forces within and beyond the control of its and suburban culture frequently figured as both symptoms and inhabitants. I would agree with Manuel castells's suggestion that causes of national enervation. The suburb stood as a negation of 'cities and space are the unfinished products of historical debates the symbolic honesty of 'the bush'. and conflicts involving meaning, function, and form'.6 It is the I would like, then, ro draw artention ro this focus on the combination of ideas of identity, social well-being and spatial meaning and function of spatial form. Ashbolt has â particular form that is interesting in this Australian contexr. My foco, h.r" difficulty with the type of space represenred in the Ausrralian is on the function of space in the formation of social reiations, and suburb-the block and the garden. He is confronted by the specifically on norions of respectability. It is useful to follow the manner in which people shape, quite literally, their surroundings; suggestion of Henri Lefebvre and Edward soja that 'social and the meaning and emotional investment located in that space. His spatial relâtions are dialectically interactive, interdependent; that attack is aimed quite pointedly at suburban conformity and social relations of production are both space-forming and space respectability. Again, Ashbolt was not alone in this. George contingent'.7 Johnston and Robin Boyd, to name just two, made similar unlike chara*erisations of the generic suburb-imagined specific associations between the shape of suburban space and the suburbs which float about in time and space and exist so-.-h.r. pursuit of respectability.a All equated suburban space with con- between working class and upper middle class-I will focus .model, formity, control and some sense of false consciousness. specifically on the development of one suburb: Dacey Tim Rowse has pointed to the figurative, but varying, use of Garden Suburb or Daceyville as it became known. My concern the word 'suburbia' in ongoing summations of Australian iden- here is with various Australian perceptions of the suturb and tity. Something which began as identity-figurative and materi al-'t a particularly formative time in both the sparial development of sydney and the accompa- an abstract Nietszchean dismissal . enjoyed a caÍeer as the nying nationalist discourses advancing representations of iden- metonym of a half-accepted civilisation-stolid electorate or tity, asserting national efficiency and establishing social stability: satirical object . with the writings of Hugh Srremon [passing the period immediately preceding'!íorld IØar I, through ,o ,ú" and others] into a much more acceptable sociological usage, 1920s.'sØithin the discourse of this period, the 'model' oi'garden' 1 3 B¡lsrs o¡ Su¡un¡ln I (oxsrnucrnc Trm¡ lxo Srlc¡ lx rn¡ Glno:x Su¡uns suburb became the idealised material spatial form, while assum- successively improving the conditions of life that its good stock, ing a metonymic place in ideological representations of identity. if we are fortunate enough to get it, can realise itself and produce It was at this time that the ideology of the modern suburb the results expected of it. Every breeder knows this . the became indelibly linked to an Australian identity. But unlike the problem of howto produce a superior civilisation is both biologi- pejorative associations of suburb and social type which chatac- cal and sociological'.13 terised the commentaries outlined above' this linkage celebrated For a reformer such as Irvine-and his attitudes are by no the idealised respectability and stability of suburban culture. means exceptional in this respect-the spatial configuration Australia was seen as a spacious land with the potential to avoid represented by the garden suburb was the best means to improve the problems of the'old world'. And as the best utilisation of this the conditions of life, particularly for the urban working class. spatial potential, the suburb was linked in a variety of ways to The planned suburb provided space, which in turn facilitated the nationalidentity. Thecommissioners of the 1909 Royal Commis- circulation of air, the reception of sunlight, recreation, self- sion for the Improvement of Sydney and its Suburbs rejected sufficiency and spiritual uplift through the contemplation of European and American models of urban housing, concluding nature. The ideal suburb was a combination of quantitative and that 'the tenement or flat system of housing would not meet the qualitative space. requirements of Australian workmen, and we recommend that The removal of urban working-class communities to planned onìocial and hygienic grounds, workmen should be eniouraged and controlled suburban space outside the city itself was instru- to live in separate houses in the suburbs'.8 This suggested provi- mental in the control-and elimination-of those working-class sion of detached houses in the suburbs was in keeping with the cultures. Irvine's proposals were progressive in their advocacy of tenets of the 'Progressive' reformism which combined notions of 'co-partnership housing', but like many of his more conservative respectability and social progress.e An examination of planning contemporaries he condemned the 'street and lane life' of the literature in Sydney in the period outlined reveals the extent to inner city. The link between space and culture was explicitly which space, and more specifically spatial regulation, was inte- made in his 1913 parliamentary report on the condition of gral to 'Progressive' ideas of racialhealth, identity, efficiency and workers'housing: 'decent family life'could not exist in a domes- over- the maintenance of stable social relations. Congestion, the tic environment where there were 'no front gardens and [only] intensive and counterproductive use of urban space' was blamed small backyards'.1a 'VØhen for avariety of social ills, both physical and metaphysical. It was Irvine wrote pejoratively of women sitting on 'kerb- the 'chief evil to be combated'.10 Minimum space provisions were stones' reading 'comic cuts and penny dreadfuls' while 'gossip- quoted with scientific certainty in numerous reports' plans and ing' and bringing their babies up 'literally in the gutters', he was legislative measures. John Sulman, one of the original planners of describing an urban culture where activity occurred outside the Daceyville, noted approvingly that that suburb, with thirty hallowed space of 'the home'. Irvine's domestic ideal involved people per âcre, had half the maximum agreed density for the gender-defined space. The feminised house in the garden suburb, residential suburb.11 separated from the masculine world of work, would 'enable them This reformist planning ideology was informed by a strong [women] to play the part of mother better and to devote them- environmental determinism-albeit one invested with a gender, selves to making their homes pleasant and attractive'.1s racial and class-specific hereditarianism.l2 The Australian urban '!?hile And it was in the unhygienic-and uncontrolled-spaces of reformer R.
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