Pg. 01 Written by Barak Herscowitz, Manof Forum, Likud
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Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Likud Places a Strong Emphasis on Security and Presents
IDEOLOGICAL STATED POLITICAL POSITIONS PARTY PARTY LEADER ORIENTATION AND KEY FACTS Likud Benjamin Netanyahu Right Likud places a strong emphasis on security (Prime Minister) and presents Prime Minister Netanyahu as the only viable leader with a proven track record on security. Netanyahu has been on record in 2009 in support of the two-state solution although more recently he has displayed ambivalence. The party has a fiscally conservative economic agenda, though this is secondary to security-diplomatic issues. United Right Rafi Peretz Right Comprised of Jewish Home, the National Union, and Jewish Power, the party includes religious-Zionists and territorial nationalists, is staunchly opposed to a Palestinian state, and actively promotes the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank. In December 2018, party leader Naftali Bennett announced he and Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked would be leaving to form The New Right. In February 2019, the Jewish Home formed a technical merger with Jewish Power, who are adherents to the teachings of Meir Kahane. Kahane’s party Kach were banned from the Knesset in the 1980s for racism. Hayemin Hachadash Naftali Bennett Right New party formed by former Jewish Home (Education Minister) & (The New Right) ministers Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Ayelet Shaked Shaked due to their long-held ambition to (Justice Minister) win more secular, middle-class Israeli voters – a mission hampered by Jewish Home’s affiliation with the National- Religious sector and the influence of settler Rabbis. Bennett and Shaked are opposed to a two- state solution, support the expansion of settlements and Israeli annexation of Area C in the West Bank Yisrael Beiteinu Avigdor Lieberman Right Nationalist party dominated by its leader, (former Defence (Israel is our home) Avigdor Lieberman. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
Israel's Do-Over Election
Your Shabbat source of Israeli News– September 6th 2019 Israel’s Do -over Election: A Guide to All the Parties Israeli politics has been reshaped by new alliances after the entire political firmament learned a harsh lesson from the April election just five months earlier: Unity among ideological allies is crucial. Smaller parties flying solo learned the hard way that independence meant risk falling below the electoral threshold and not making it into the Knesset. By doing so, they not only hurt themselves but mortally wound their entire political camp by “wasting” votes that could help them build a bloc large enough to construct a government. With only nine parties seemingly in a position to cross the electoral threshold, the next Knesset is set to feature the fewest number of parties in Israel’s history. Here are the main contenders: • Likud: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - fighting a second re-election campaign under the shadow of pending corruption indictments, moved early to reinforce Likud by merging it with Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s party giving himself one less party to wrestle with in governing coalition negotiations. Later in the race, he convinced Moshe Feiglin, leader of the far-right Zehut party, to pull out of the elections in order to give larger right-wing parties the precious votes he was taking. In exchange, Feiglin was promised a ministry in a future Likud-led government. • Kahol Lavan: The largest of the multi-party players in the race, Kahol Lavan has continued with its four man alliance formed ahead of the April election. -
What Is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? What Is Avigdor
Factsheet: The Challenge of Avigdor Lieberman and Yisrael Beiteinu Factsheet Series No. 57, Created March., 2009, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East The February 2009 general elections saw Yisrael Beitenu receive 15 seats in the Israeli Parliament (Knesset), amounting to roughly 11% of the popular vote. As a result of coalition bargaining, Avigdor Lieberman, leader of the party, will likely assume the role of Foreign Minister of Israel. His appointment will present a dilemma for Canadian policy makers who may be encouraged by their political duties or constituencies to interact with him. Elected leaders and public servants, however, are bound by Canadian laws and treaty obligations and required to temper their relations with representatives of other states accordingly. Yisrael Beiteinu’s ideological commitments are beyond the pale of the Canadian political spectrum. Not only does Mr. Lieberman pose a grave threat to the Israeli/Palestinian peace process and to the rights of Arab citizens of Israel, but his views are anathema to the very nature of the Canadian project of a bi-national, inclusive, multi-cultural, and rights-based society. What is the Yisrael Beiteinu Party? Founded in 1999 by Avigdor Lieberman, Yisrael Beiteinu (hereafter Beiteinu) is translated as Israel is our Home. When said in Hebrew, the emphasis is placed on the ‘our’ - the connotation of which is understood in negative relation to ethnic Arab citizens of Israel. The party’s base is predominantly comprised of immigrants from Russia and ex-Soviet states; roughly one million of which immigrated to Israel in the early 1990s. Beiteinu’s platform, “to actualize the Zionist vision of a Jewish State for the Jewish People” is one of ultra- right wing ethnic nationalism,1 whose tenets relating to citizenship, military service and land allocation can accurately be described as fascist. -
The Increasingly Polarised and Fragmented Party System in Israel Will Make It Difficult for a Stable Government to Emerge from This Month’S Elections
blo gs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/01/14/israel-elections-2013-israeli-party-system/ The increasingly polarised and fragmented party system in Israel will make it difficult for a stable government to emerge from this month’s elections. Blog Admin Israel’s next parliamentary elections are due to be held on 22 January. As part of EUROPP’s coverage of the European neighbourhood, André Krouwel and Daniel Rajmil give an overview of the country’s highly fragmented party system, noting that the results are likely to be significantly different from those in the last election in 2009. New parties have emerged in the last four years, while the largest party in the current parliament, Kadima, could well lose all of its seats. Of all established democracies, Israel has the highest electoral change per election over the post-war period. Only new democracies in Eastern Europe are more electorally volatile. On average almost a quarter of the Israeli electorate shif ts party allegiance per election. One of the main reasons f or this exceptional electoral volatility is that Israeli elections are held under a system of proportional representation (PR). This means that many political parties will enter the f ray, as it is relatively easy to enter parliament compared to majoritarian electoral systems. Parties will gain a number of seats equal to the proportion of the vote they gained in the election, albeit that Israel has introduced a 2 per cent threshold to avoid too much parliamentary f ragmentation. Nevertheless, over the last decade between 12 and 15 parties entered the Knesset in each election. -
Strategic and Non-Policy Voting: a Coalitional Analysis of Israeli
Strategic and Non-policy Voting: A Coalitional Analysis of Israeli Electoral Reform Ethan Bueno de Mesquita Department of Government Harvard University Forthcoming in Comparative Politics, October 2000. Strategic and Non-policy Voting: A Coalitional Analysis of Israeli Electoral Reform Abstract I examine why a majority of Israel’s legislators voted for direct election of the prime minister, reforming the electoral system that vested them with power. The analysis incorporates coalitional politics, strategic voting, and voter preferences over non-policy issues such as candidate charisma. The model generates novel hypotheses that are tested against empirical evidence. It explains five empirical puzzles that are not fully addressed by extant explanations: why Labour supported the reform, why Likud opposed it, why small left-wing parties supported the reform, small right-wing parties were split, and religious parties opposed it, why the Likud leadership, which opposed reform, lifted party discipline in the final reading of the bill, and why electoral reform passed at the particular time that it did. Strategic and Non-policy Voting: A Coalitional Analysis of Israeli Electoral Reform On March 18, 1992, Israel’s twelfth Knesset legislated the direct election of the Prime Minister, fundamentally altering Israel’s electoral system. Such large-scale electoral reform is rare in democracies.1 This is because electoral reform requires that those who have been vested with power by a particular system vote for a new system whose consequences are uncertain. Efforts to explain the political causes of Israeli electoral reform leave critical questions unanswered. A theory of electoral reform must explain both the interests of the political actors involved as well as why reform occurred at a particular time; it must specify the changes in the actors’ interests or in the political system that led to reform. -
The Dynamics of a Right-Wing Coalition. How the Failure of The
www.ssoar.info The dynamics of a right-wing coalition: how the failure of the peace process encourages domestic populism in Israel Lintl, Peter Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Stellungnahme / comment Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Lintl, P. (2016). The dynamics of a right-wing coalition: how the failure of the peace process encourages domestic populism in Israel. (SWP Comment, 45/2016). Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und Sicherheit. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-48905-0 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. -
Right Wing Survey Press Release
For more information or interviews: Danae Marx, Director of International Communications +972-52-4334557 | [email protected] PRESS RELEASE Special IDI Survey of Right-Wing Voters: Overwhelming Support for Retaining Judicial Review The Israel Democracy Institute published today (August 12th) a special survey today examining attitudes of right wing voters on a number of issues related to September's election including the possibility of a unity government and recent proposals that would limit judicial review and oversight of Knesset and government decisions. The poll reveals that 42% of right-wing voters support a unity government and that 43% oppose additional political power for elected officials at the expense of the Judicial Branch of government. The survey was conducted among right wing voters from April's election who supporter the following parties: Likud, Shas, UTJ (United Torah Judaism), Yisrael Beitenu, URP (United Right Parties), Kulanu, the New Right, Zehut, and Gesher. Highlights of the Findings: 42% of those surveyed support the establishment of a unity government, compared to 44% who oppose (14% have no opinion). A breakdown of the supporters by party reveals that: Gesher voters constitute - 83% of the supporters, Kulanu - 71%, Yisrael Beitenu - 61% and the New Right - 51%. In two other parties, the proportion of opponents of the establishment of a unity government is significantly greater than that of supporters (URP - 78%; UTJ - 67%). In the Likud, 42% support a unity government while 44% oppose; in Shas-- 36% support and 43% oppose; in Zehut - 44% support and 46% oppose. Judicial Review: 43% of right-wing voters do not agree that politicians should be given more power at the expense of the justice system, compared to 47% who agree. -
Elections in Israel 2021
Elections in Israel 2021 7 February, 2021 Israel is scheduled to hold general elections for a new Knesset on March 23, 2021. The elections were triggered automatically when the outgoing Knesset and government did not manage to agree on and pass a budget within the legally required time. See here for a detailed explanation of how Israeli elections work prepared by JFNA’s Israel office. Midnight on February 4, 2021 marked the deadline for all parties to submit their final lists of candidates ahead of Election Day. With that milestone now passed, a clearer picture has emerged of who the leading parties will be and the possible election outcomes. One of the most significant aspects of these elections continues to be the notion of the “electoral threshold.” Under this rule, any party that does not receive at least 3.25% (currently around 130,000 votes) of the national vote is disqualified, and all votes cast for that party are thrown out. With numerous parties polling fairly close to that number, and the overall political map so close, whether or not various parties make it over the 3.25% line will likely determine who emerges from the election with the greatest chance of patching together a coalition and thus forming the new government. Once final results are known, there are currently three scenarios that are most likely to take place: 1. Current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud, and the other parties that support him, will receive enough support (a majority; 61 or more seats in the 120-seat Knesset) be able to form a government. -
Macro Report Form: Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Israel- Elections 2003
1 Macro Report Form: Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Israel- Elections 2003 Part I: Data Pertinent To the Election at Which the Module was Administered 1. Name of political party and No. of portfolios – prior to elections Likud – 13 (9 ministers with portfolios, 3 ministers without portfolios and P.M Sharon with 4 portfolios) Labor (Avoda) – 6 Shas – 5 Israel Baaliya –2 Mafdal – 2 1a. 28 ministers. 2. Name of political party and No. of portfolios – after the elections Likud – 14 (11 ministers with portfolios and P.M Sharon with 3 portfolios) Mafdal – 2 Shinui – 5 National Union –2 2a. 23 ministers. 3. Political Parties: Party Year party founded Ideological family Likud (Herut) Herut -1948 ; became Right liberal parties “Likud”- 1973 Labor- “Avoda”, (Mapai)* Mapai-1920 ; became Social-democratic parties “Avoda”- 1968 Shinui 1974; renewed 1999 Liberal parties Shas 1984 Religious parties (Ultra-orthodox) Meretz (Civil rights Civil rights movement- Left socialist parties movement) 1973; became “Meretz”- 2 1992 National Union (Moledet- Moledet-Tkuma-1988; Extreme nationalist parties Tkuma) National Union- 1999 *Belongs to the Socialist International. 3a. No. 3b. No. Labor Party- with electoral support of 19 seats out of 120. 3c. No. 4a. Ideological positions of parties: Likud-7 Labor-3 Shinui-5 Shas-8 Meretz – 2 National Union-9 4aa. Yes. 4b. The respondents were not asked to rank political parties on an alternative dimension. 5. The five most salient factors that affected the outcome of the elections: 1. Intifada- Terrorism- Arafat. 2. Sharon’s leadership. 3. The weak Labor alternative. 4. Shinui as a protest vote; religious tensions.