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The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800

Thesis

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McGrattan, Alexander (1999). The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800. PhD thesis The Open University.

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The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800

Thesis

How to cite:

McGrattan, Alexander (1999). The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800. PhD thesis The Open University.

For guidance on citations see FAQs.

c 1999 The Author

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

Version: [not recorded]

Link(s) to article on publisher’s website: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21954/ou.ro.0000e281

Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk Open Research Online The Open University’s repository of research publications and other research outputs

The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800

Thesis

How to cite:

McGrattan, Alexander (1999). The trumpet in Scotland from 1488 to 1800. PhD thesis The Open University.

For guidance on citations see FAQs.

c 1999 The Author

https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

Version: Version of Record

Link(s) to article on publisher’s website: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21954/ou.ro.0000e281

Copyright and Moral Rights for the articles on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. For more information on Open Research Online’s data policy on reuse of materials please consult the policies page. oro.open.ac.uk THE TRUMPET IN SCOTLAND FROM 1488 TO 1800

BY

ALEXANDER McGRATTAN B. Mus. (Hons.), ARCM

VOLUME 2

SUBMITTED TO THE OPEN UNIVERSITY IN CANDIDATURE FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

JANUARY, 1999 CIO7 hOV-IZ) NO', rYV700iSýý) CQTZ 0ý Ckjf--M\zS)cW. laq wmt-i lq(:ýoý MTF OP

AVAILA L

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THE SPINE ii

CONTENTS OF VOLUME 2

Page

2. INSTRUMENTS 248 Nomenclature 248 Trumpet 248 Clarion 249 Tubicine 256 'Draucht' trumpet and 'tube ductilis' 258 Trumpet making 263

3. TRUNTETERS IN ROYAL SERVICE UP TO 1603 269 Trumpeters at the Scottish court before the reign of JamesIV 269 The 'Scottish' trumpeters: 1488-c.1522 269 Italian minstrels and Italian trumpeters at the court of JamesIV 272 The Italian 'tubicinis': 1513-1560 277 French trumpeters and the trumpeters 'of weyre' 285 From wind band to trumpet ensemble:The re-emergenceof a royal trumpet corps 287 Scandinaviantrumpeters in royal service 291 The Drummond family 292 Duties and repertoire 295

4. TRUMPETERS IN ROYAL SERVICE: 1603-1800 302 The office of Royal Trumpeter 302 Duties 307 Personnel 313

5. TIFIETRUMPET OUTWITH ROYAL SERVICE: CEREMONIAL AND MILITARY 330 Trumpeters in municipal service 330 Trumpeters in aristocratic and military service 338 Military and municipal wind bands 342

6. CONCERTSAND TIHEATREc. 1690-1800 348 The earliestconcerts: c. 1695-1728 348 Concerts:1728-1800 351 Theatres 369 Players 376

7. THE FIRST AND LAST BLAST OF THE TRLJMPET: SYMBOLISM AND CEREMONIAL PRACTICE 380 iii

Glossary 393

Illustrations

I Trumpetersin an early seventeenth-centuryScottish aristocratic funeralprocession. 394 2 Trumpetersin the processionat the funeralof John,Duke of Rothes, 1681, from an illustrationby RoderickChalmers, heraldpainter to JamesVII and 11.395

Appendices

I Extract from the Royal Treasurer'saccounts for 6 August 1506- 6 September 1507.396 2 Entry in the Register of the Privy Seal, recording the appointment of JosephReinagle, the younger, to the office of H. M. trumpeter in ordinary. 397 3 Programme of the St. Cecilia!s Day concert presentedin Edinburgh on 22 November 1695.398 4 Facsimile of the first page of 'The Volunteers Fly to Arms' (Edinburgh, c, 1795). 400

BIBLIOGRAPHY Published Sources 401 Manuscript Sources 432 248

Chapter2

INSTRUMENTS

Nomenclature

Trumpet

Variousterms deriving from the words 'trompe'or 'trump'were usedduring the Middle Agesto denotemetal lip-vibrated instruments. The Englishword 'trumpet'derives from the French'trompette', the diminutiveof 'trompe'.Literary andarchival sources from the Middle Ages often distinguishbetween 'trompes' and 'trompettes'.

Iconographicalevidence suggests that, prior to the late fourteenthcentury, straight trumpetsof two distinctlengths were commonlyused. Etymologically, it would appear that when 'trompes'and 'trompettes' were pairedtogether, the latter denotedthe shorterinstruments. As Bainesnotes, however, these terms gradually became analogous,and the shorterinstrument was more often referredto as a'clariorf (see below).I

Tarr statesthat in Englandand France the word 'trompe'often referredto a hunting hoM.21n his Scotstranslation of Virgil's Aeneid (c. 1513),Gavin Douglas refers to a variety of brassinstruments. Although the translationfrom the Latin is relativelyfree, words suchas 'tuba'and 'tubarud normallyappear as 'trumpet'or'trumpettiSI, 3 whereas those deriving from 'concha' and 'cornua! are translated as'trump'or ItrUMpiS'.4

In his Dictionarie of 1611 Cotgrave defines 'Trompe' as 'A Trump or Trumpet; also, a writhen, and brazen Hunter's horW.5 The words 'trumme' and 'trumbis' appear in entries

113aincs,1993, p. 87. 2TArr,1988, p, 42. 3Douglas,1874, ii, p. 230,232;iii, pp.126,247; Virgil, 1930,pp. 172,173,286,360. 4Douglas,1874, iii, pp.20,117,125,149; Virgil, 1930,pp. 218,280,285,299. 5DaM1968, p. 74. 249

in the Treasurer'saccounts of the Scottishroyal court for February1548/9.6 The entriesare cited in 7he OxfordEnglish Dictionary asvariants of 'trump. The glossary to the publishedvolume of Treasurer'saccounts defines the termsas 'drum'and 'drums' respectively.7 From the sixteenthcentury onwards the word'trump'in Scotsoften referredto the Jews'harp.

By the reign of JamesIV the word 'trumpat'was normallyused in the court records both to denotea trumpeterand the instrument,which by the late fifteenthcentury had assumedits twice-foldedformat that was to remainstandard throughout the period by covered this study.The customaryScots plural ending-is gavethe word 'trumpatis'. From the 1530sonwards the term'trumpetoue(plural, 'trumpetouris')was often used to denotea trumpeter.By the last quarterof the sixteenthcentury the Englishword 'trumpet'appears more often, but the earlierterminology is still encounteredin seventeenth-centurysources. After the removalof the royal court to London, English beganto replaceScots in official documents.The Scotsterminology survived in less formal writing, however,as seenin the diary of the Edinburghlawyer John Nicoll. 8

During the eighteenthcentury, English replaced Scots as the principalwritten language in Scotland.

Clariott

'Clarion!is one of severalwords derivingfrom the Latin'clarus9which was usedfrom the twelfth centuryonwards to designatea trumpetor a trumpetcall. The term

'clarion',or one of its variants,sometimes appear as a substitutefor 'trumpet'.10 More commonly,'clarions' were mentionedalongside 'trumpets' (or 'trumps'),suggesting that distinct instrumentswere beingreferred to. A balladtelling of the defeatof the Scotsat

6TA,ix, pp. 281,283. 7jamiesongives for the word Trum: 'Apparently,drum. ' (Jamieson,1879-82, s. v. Trum. ). Nicoll, 1836;see the numerousentries in the calendarbetween 1650 and 1664. 9Definitionsfor 'clarus-a-unfin OLD include 'loud!, 'sonorous',bright' and'clear'. 1OForexample, see I August 1503. 250

the battle of HalidonIEll by the Englishforces of EdwardIII in 1333includes the passage:

This was donewith merriesowne With pipis, trompesand tabers thereto And loude clarionisthei blew also."

Illustrationsof trumpetensembles from the first half of the fifteenthcentury depict straighttrumpets alongside either s-shaped or twice folded trumpets.In most casesthe folded trumpetsappear to be the instrumentsof greaterlength. A fifteenth-century

Frenchillustration of a royal processiondepicts four trumpeters,two performingon s- shapedtrumpets and two on straighttrumpets. 12 The straighttrumpets are approximatelyhalf the lengthof s-shapedinstruments. Baines assigns the terms

'clarion'and'trumpet'to the straightand folded trumpetsrespectively. 13 Downey suggeststhat in German-speakingparts of Europeduring the fifteenthcentury,

'clareten',which performedin the high register,were the s-shapedor twice-folded instruments,and 'trumpten', which playedthe low partsin ensemblemusic, were straighttrumpets. 14 Although this would haveincreased the melodicpotential of the upperpart, thereis no evidencethat the upper parts of fifteenth-centurytrumpet ensemblemusic were playedon instrumentsof greaterlength than those sounding the lower parts.

I lReese,1940, p. 409. Reesedefines 'clarion! as'a shorterform of the buisineýThe term 'buisine', deriving from the Latin buccina!,was a standardterm for a long straight trumpetthroughout much of Europeduring the Nfiddle Ages. 12Reproduced in Bowles, 1983, pl. 3 1. If trumpets of different lengths were incorporated into a single ensemble, it seems Uely that they would have been pitched either a fifth, or an octave apart. In most illustrations that depict both straight and folded trumpets the former are of short length, but an accurate ratio between the two is often difficult to ascertain. 1313aines, 1993, p. 90. Tarr and Dahlqvist also surmise that the shorter trumpets were referred to as clarions during the fifteenth century, on account of their shrill sound (Grove Musical Instruments, sx. 'Clarino. '). 14Downey, 1993, P. 313. 251

Among the instrumentsillustrated by SebastianVirdung in hisMusica Getutschtof

1511are the 'Clareta!and the 'Felttrumet.15 Both instrumentsare trumpets in the twice-foldedformat. It appearsfrom Virdung's illustrationsthat the'Clareta!was

shorterin lengthand of narrowerbore thanthe 'Felttrumet',but sincethe instruments

are clearlynot presentedto a uniform scalethis is inconclusive.In his trumpetmethod (written in the 1580s),Bendinelli refers to thetrombetta antiqua!,pitched in F, and providesa table of notesplayable on this instrument.16Downey identifies the

'trombettaantiqua! as the 'claret'trumpet andthe 'Felttrumet',delineated by Virdung, as the 'Italian!trumpet. He suggeststhat the 'claret'trumpet was often suppliedwith a

'claretpiece'to lower its pitch by a fourth, enablingit to be usedin ensemblemusic

with Italian trumpetspitched inC. 17Whilethis hypothesisis plausiblefor the regions

wherethe Italian trumpetand Italian-styletrumpet ensemble music took hold during

the courseof the sixteenthcentury: principally Italy andthe territoriesof the Holy

RomanEmpire (see Chapter 3), it doesnot explainthe distinctionbetween trumpets and clarionsthat appearin sourcesemanating from other parts of Europe.

Accountsof ceremonialevents in Englandand France during the sixteenthcentury often distinguishbetween trumpets and clarions;this suggeststhat in thosecountries the termsstill denoteddifferent instruments. 18Archival documents from this period do not normallydistinguish between players of the trumpet andthe clarion;in this respect

the list of personnelattached to the Englishmilitary forcessent to Scotlandin 1544is

exceptional.19 That the designationscontinued to denotetwo distinctinstruments in

Franceup to the closeof the sixteenthcentury is evidentfrom an accountof the

consecrationceremonies for Henry IV at Chartresin 1594,which recordsthe

participationof 'all sortsof musicalinstruments, including clarions, oboes, trumpets,

15Virdung, 1993, p. 108. 16Thetutor by Bendinelli is discussedin Chapter 3. 17Downey, 1984, p. 3 1. In Syntagma Musicum H of 1619, Practorius remarks that the pitch of the trumpet had been lengthened'not too many years ago' (see Bcndinelli, 1975, p. 10). 18SeeStevens, 1961, pp. 236,237; and Cazeaux, 1975, pp. 43,56,125,130,144,229. 19SeeMay 1544. 252

and drums.20 Although trumpets and clarionsare often pairedtogether, passages such asthis (and otherscited below) suggestthat the instrumentsdid not belongto a single ensemble.

The trumpet(ortrump') is referredto alongsidethe clarionin severalsixteenth-century

Scottishliterary works, includingfour poemsby Sir David Lindsayof the Mount (c. 1486-155 5). In TheDeploratioun of the Deith of QueneMagdalene Lindsay describesthe preparationsbeing made in Edinburghin 1537for the entry of JamesVs Frenchbride:

Thow sawthe peplelabouring for thareIyuis To mak triumphewith trump and Clarioun.

Thow suldhaue hard the din of Instrumentis, Of Tabrone,Trumpet, Schalme & Clarioun,21

In YheHisforie of... Squyer,William Meldrum (c. 1550)Lindsay narrates episodes in the life of one of friends,including his exploitson the battlefield:

Thanfordward raid this Campioun, With soundof Trumpetand Clarioun

Micht no mansee ane fairer sicht Than clariounisand trumpettis blew

Than Trumpotis blew & Clariounis22

Ae Testamentof... Squyer Williame Meldrum (c. 1550) is a sequalto Ae Historie andincludes a contemplativeaccount by Meldrurnof his funeralprocession:

2OCazeaux,1975, p. 229. 2ILindsay, 1931-36, i, pp. 109-10. In the first edition of 1558, published in France, this line appears as: 'To mak triumphe with triurn and clarioun' (Lindsay, 1931-36, iii p. 122). Hamer's main source is a version published in Edinburgh in 1568. In a version included in one of the manuscrips consulted by Mackay for his edition of Pitscottic's Histofie, the line appears as: 'To mak trywmphe with trumpat and clarioun! (Pitscottie, 1899-1911, i, pp. 373-74). 22Lindsay, 1931-36, i, pp. 156-58. 253

Amangthat bandmy banersalbe borne, Of siluerschene thrie Otterisinto sabill, With tabroun,trumpet, clarioun, and horne'23

Mocking the traditionalfuneral service which would follow, Meldrum proposes celebrating

With organe,Timpane, Trumpet, & Clarion24

Lindsay'sAne Dialogue Betuix Experience and ane Courteour (c. 1553) tells of the clergymaking their way to churchon their annualfeast day

With talbrone,trournpet, schalme, and Clafioun.25

JohnRolland of Dalkeith,in Ae SevenSages (1560), describesa weddingprocession in which the nobility proceeded

With trumpet, schalme,drum, squasche& clarioun.26

The entry of QueenAnne into Edinburghin 1590is describedin a poemby JohnBurel, which refers to both 'Trumpets' and 'ClaTion'.27

William Horman,in his text book Vulgaria, publishedin 1519,translated extracts from the writing of Vegetius.The chapterentitled De Bellicis' includesthe passage'Tuba directaest / buccinain seipsamwreo fle ctitur circulo'. This is translatedas 'A

23Lindsay,1931-36, i, p. 191. 24Lindsay,1931-36, i, p. 193.These passage are discussedmore fully in Chapter3. 251,indsay, 1931-36,i, p. 273. 26ROlland, 1932, p. 27. 27See19 May 1590. 254

trumpetteis streyght:but a clarionis wounde:in andout with an hope'.28 The same passageby Vegetiusappears in a manuscripttranslation dated 1408:

Buccina,the clariounis in alle thingesas a trompe,saue where the trompeis eueneforth right of schap,the clariounis crokedand bowyd bakwardeto the visageof hym that bolwith, and summethen tormed andretormed as double croked.29

In the samemanuscript an earlierpassage reads:

What differenceis bitwenetrompours, claryoners and hornbloweres.30

Bainesrejects HormaWs definition of 'clarion'on accountof the fact that it is from a free translationof Vegetius.Tarr andReine Dahlqvist concur with Baineson this and discardthe earliersource on the samegrounds. 31 The importanceof thesepassages lies not in the fact that 'clarion'is equatedwith the Latin 'buccina!but in the descriptionof the instrumentsto which the termsare assigned.In neithersource does it appearthat the instrumentreferred to as a'clarion'was a trumpetin eitherthe s-shapeor twice- folded form. It seemsmore likely that they are describinga type of helicalhorn. 32 Polk hasnoted that the short straighttrumpets ('clarions) possessedcharacteristics of horn- type instruments,being less ornate than the longerinstruments and having a more pronouncedbell-flare. 33 Both Lindsayand the anonymousearly fifteenth-century translatorof Vegetiusallude to trumpets,clarions and borns in a singlephrase. It can be conjecturedthat in both instancesthe hom was an instrumentmade from animal horn. That metalhorns attained nomenclature associated with the trumpetis not

281-lorman, 1519/(1975), p. 255v. 29MED, sx. 'clarioun. ' 30MED, s.v. 'clariouner. ' 31Grove Musical Instruments, sx. 'Clarino. '; Baines, 1993, p. 90. Taff previously interpreted Horman! s remarks as indicating that in England the clarion was a folded trumpet (raff, 1988, pp. 54- 55). 321nstruments of this type are depicted in a mid fifteenth-century French illustration of a hunting ball (reproduced in Baines, 1993, pp. 148-49). 33Polk, 1992, p. 46; Polk, 1997, p. 42. 255

surprising,since the materialin which the instrumentwas fashionedmay well have beenmore significantthan the conicity of the instrument'sbore.

In 1593Claude Desainliens (De Sainliens),a teacherof Frenchin London, publisheda dictionaryof the Frenchlanguage. The entriesfor 'Clairon'and 'Trompeou Trompette' are:

Clairon,a home or trumpetlike Corneilishorne: m.

fem. 34 Trompe ou Trompette, a trumpet,

An earliertext book on the Frenchlanguage, by JohnPaIsgrave, a Frenchtutor at the

Court of Henry VIII, was publishedin 1530.This book givesthe Frenchnames for a numberof musicalinstruments including:

Claryon trumpet cleron s ma.

Horne cor, come s fe. Home to blowe with cor s ma. comet ma. trompe s fe. Horne to hunte with cor s ma.

Trumpe an instrument cleron s ma. fe. 35 Trumpet trupette s fe busine s

The exactnature of the instrumentsreferred to in this list is difficult to ascertain.It is evident,however, that the English'Claryontrumpet'was differentfrom the'Trumpet'.

The Englishterms 'Cleryon trumpet' and 'Trumpe',both of which are given in French as Ocleron'may havereferred to the same,or a similarinstrument. If this was the case, andthe instrumentstermed 'Trumpe' in Englishand 'trompe' in Frenchwere also similar,it is possiblethat the English'Claryontrumpet'was related to the'Horn to blowe with', an instrumentevidently distinct from the huntinghorn.

34Desainlicns,1593/(1970). 35Palsgrave,1530/(1969). The book is unpaginated;references cited appearin The table of substantyucs.' 256

In his Dictionarie of 1611, Cotgrave translatesthe word 'Clairon' as:

A Clarion;a kind of small,strait-mouthed, and shrill-soundingTrumpet, vsed (commonly) Treble 136 as a vnto the ordinarieone ...

This definition is cited verbatim by Thomas Blount in his dictionary of 1656.37By the seventeenthcentury trumpet ensemblesemployed instruments of uniform length and terms such as 'clarin' normally referred to the high register of the trumpet or the treble part in trumpet ensemblemusic. JeanNicot, in his Tr9sor de la Langue Eranqaise of

1606, statesthat the term 'Clairon! previously denoted a trumpet of narrow bore which was used for the treble part in trumpet ensemblesbut now referred to the high register

of the trumpet.38 It can be assumedthat Cotgrave was referring to an earlier meaning

of the term'clarion' and he may even have used Nicot's dictionary as a source of

reference.

The term clarioncontinued to be usedinto the eighteenthcentury to denoteto the soundingof trumpets.The soleexample I havecome across of its usein this contextin Scottishsources during this period is in an accountof laying of the foundation-stoneof

the New Royal Infirmary of Edinburghin 1738.39

Tubicine

Tubicen',the Latin term for a playerof the Roman'tuba!, 40was used throughout

Europeduring the Middle Ages andRenaissance to denotea trumpeter.In Latin

documentsfrom the Scottishcourt during the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies the

terms'tubicini'l 'tubicinis','tubecini', 'tubicine' and 'tubicinibus'are used to denote

trumpeters.From the reign of JamesIV until the mid-1550s'tubicini'andits variants

36Dart, 1968, p. 74. 37BIount, 1656/(1969), s.v. 'Clarion. ' 38Nicot, 1606/(1979), sx. 'Clairon'; Grove Musical Instruments, s.v. 'Clarino. ' 39Sec2 August 1738. 40OLD, s,v. Itubiccn.'; Baincs, 1993, p. 65. 257

alsoappear in the Scottishsources as a genericterm for playersof wind instruments.

Entriesin the Registerof the Privy Sealduring the final decadeof the reign of James IV, recordingthe appointmentof wind instrumentaliststo royal serviceand letters of passageto instrumentaliststo cometo Scotlandfrom Italy and Scandinavia,refer to the playersas'tubicinis'. Although it is not possibleto determinethe instrumentationof eachof the groupsactive at court duringthis period,it is clearthat someof the players referredto as 'tubicini'were trumpeters,whereas others were membersof wind bands.

The term 'tibicinis!,the normaldesignation for playersof the shawrnin sourcesfrom other partsof Europeduring this period,appears only in the record of appointmentof JamesDrummond, the younger,to the positionoftube ductilis'in 1556(see below).

William Dauney,writing prior to the publicationof the principaldocumentary sources, observedthat the word'musician!is written in the marginbeside 'tubicinis' in the entry in the Registerof the Privy Sealrecording the appointmentof Henrici Rudemanin

1524.He deducedthat "'tubicen"was not heremeant to imply "trumpeter",it's primitive andmore limited signification,but "minstrel"'.41 The genericuse of the word is madeclear in the entry in the Registerof the Privy Sealrecording the appointmentof

JohnKempt in 1548,in which the appointeeis describedas 'tubicinislie schawmarie'.42 The word'lie', meaning'inthe vernacular',routinely appears in official Scottish documentsof the period to clarify a Latin term.43

The editorsof the publishedtranscriptions of the Registerof the Privy Sealand

ExchequerRolls consistentlydefine 'tubicinis' in the indexesas'trumpetee. Most of the accountsrecording payment to the wind instrumentalistsin the ExchequerRolls between1550 and 1561are given as a summarytranslation in the publishedtranscripts and refer to trumpeters.The original rolls havebeen consulted for this period. In each

41Dauncy, 1838, pp. 75-76. 42See 9 April 1548. 43DOST, sx. U, Lie. ' 258

set of accountsthe playersare describedas 'tubicinibuS'.44 Although members of the group receivedpayment on a regularbasis for servingas trumpeters,it will be shown in Chapter4 that the group was not a trumpetensemble but functionedessentially as a wind band.The instrumentalistscontinued to be designated'tubicinis' during the reign of Mary Stewart,but from this period on they servedprimarily as trumpeters.By the late sixteenthcentury many of the court documentspreviously written in Latin began to be written in Scots.

'Draucht'trumpetand 'tubeductifis' Referencesto a'draucht'trumpet appear in Scottishsources from the first half of the sixteenthcentury. The 'draucht'trumpet is mentionedin four entriesin the Treasurer's accountsbetween 1504 and 1507/8and in two literary works: the translationof Virgil's Aeneidby GavinDouglas, and YheHistorie and CroniclesofScotland by

RobertLindesay of Pitscottie(c. 1532-c.1578-92). It is generallybelieved that the

'draucht'trumpet was a slidebrass instrument. Anotherterm thought to mean trombone,'tube ductilis, appearsin entriesin the Registerof the Privy Sealrecording the appointmentof JuliusDrummond and James Drummond to the principal instrumentalgroup in royal servicein 1547and 1556respectively. The hypothesisthat the terms'draucht' trumpet and'tube ductilis' denotedslide brass instruments was postulatedin the nineteenthcentury by Dalyell.45 The editorsof the published transcriptionsof the Treasurer'sAccounts and the Registerof the Privy Sealdefine the termsas 'trombone'.While agreeingthat this is the most credibleinterpretation from the evidenceavailable, Herbert points out that 'the evidencethat analogisesdraucht trumpetwith sackbutor tromboneis slender'and'nosixteenth-century British source

44Forearlier examplesof the useof this term, see25 August 1509and 10 September1524. 'Tubicinibus'was one of the wordsused in the civic recordsof Bolognaduring the early sixteenth centuryto denotetrumpeters in the city's ConcertoPalatino (seeGambassi, 1989, p. 133).The addition of the suffix -bus doesnot appearto havealtered the meaningof the word. 45Dalyell,1849, p. 176. 259

placestuba ductilis or draucht trumpetside by sidewith one of the primarynames for a trombone.46

Threeof the four entriesfrom the Treasurer'saccounts cited by Dalyell are includedin the publishedtranscripts of the recordS.47The fourth entry,that dated I August 1507, is not quoted.This entry,as cited by Dalyell, omitsthe word'toyr,. Jamiesondefines

'toyer (tother)' as 'anothee.This word is crucialto our understandingof the term

'draucht'trumpet, sincethe previousentry in the accountsrecords payment of quarterly feesto the four Italian minstrels,who, it will be shownlater, constituteda wind band. Clearly,the referenceto another'draucht' trumpet implies that a 'draucht'trumpet was includedin the existingfour-piece wind band.Interestingly, the entry appearsnot to havebeen recorded sequentially, but insertedlater. 48

As mentionedabove, Gavin Douglas refers to variousbrass instruments in his translationof Virgil's Aeneid (c. 1513).In Book VII of Aeneid,Douglas translates the passage'classica iamque sonant, it bello tesserasignum' as:

The drauchttrumpett blawis the brag of weir.49

An early eighteenth-centuryglossary to Douglas'Aeneid,by ThomasRuddiman, defines'draucht' trumpet as a trumpet'which by it's sounddraws the Souldiersto their

Colours,or Standards.'50 This defenitionis cited by Jamieson,who callsthe instrument

'the war trumpet'.51 Craigie similarly defines the term as 'A war trumpet or trumpetee.52

46Herbert,1984, p. 349. 47SeCJuly 1504,November 1504 and 26 February1507/8. 48Afacsimile of this entry in the Treasureesaccounts is reproducedin Appendix 1. 49Virgil, 1930,p. 286; Douglas, 1874,iii, p. 126. 5ORuddiman,1710. This publicationis unpaginated. 51jamicson,1879-82, s. v. Draucht trumpet! 52DOST,S-v- Draucht trumpet! 260

Pitscottie's account of the celebrationsfor the arrival in Scotland of Mary of Guise in

1538, which is the only known referenceto 'draucht' trumpets performing at a specific event, supports the hypothesisthat the 'draucht' trumpet was a trombone.53 Herbert has noted, however, that Mackay, in his edition of Pitscottie's Historie, defines

'draucht' trumpets as 'trumpets drawn in and out' in a note to the text, but as 'a war trumpet'in a glossary to the samework. 54The mention of'schallmes draught trumpattis and weir trumpatis' suggeststhat a wind band and a trumpet ensemble performed in the celebrations.A trumpet ensemble,the membersof which were designated'trumpatour of weyre' at their appointment, was appointed to royal service in 1538. It can be surmised,therefore, that the 'draught trumpattis' and the shawms performed together and constituted the royal wind band.55

Iconographicalsources from variousparts of Europereveal that the trombonedid not immediatelyreplace single-slide trumpets as the chromaticbrass instrument in wind bandsafter its introductionaround the middleof the fifteenthcentury and that the latter continuedto be depictedinto the sixteenthcentury. As Herberthas pointed out, however,by the time of Mary of Guise'sarrival in Scotlandin 1538the single-slide trumpetwould havebeen anachronistic. 56

The term 'tuba ductilis' appearsin the Vulgate bible of the fourth century AD. Galpin suggeststhat the word 'ductilis'referred to the mannerin which the metalwas forged during construction.The fifteenth-centurywriter Jeande Gersonalludes to this feature

53SeeJune 1538. 54Pitscottie,1899-1911, ii, p. 406; iii, 35, 55Theterin'trompettes de guerreappearsin sourcesfrom Frenchspeaking areas of Europeduring the fourteenthand fifteenth century.Archival documentsfrom the Burgundiancourt from the early fifteenth centuryonwards often distinguishbetween a 'trompettedes menestrels', who was normally linked to the playersof the shawrn,and'trompettcs de guerre'.It is generallyagreed that the former was a player of a slide brassinstrument, most probably a single-slidetrumpet, and the latter were playersof the fixed-lengthnatural trumpet (seeBaines, 1993, pp. 95-96;Polk 1992,p. 49; Duffin, 1989). 56Herbert,1984, p. 351; Herbert, 1997,pp. 69-70. 261

of the'tuba ductilis'in his Tractatusde Canticis.57 Sixteenth-century Latin to English dictionaries define'tuba ductilis'as a brass' or 'brasen'trumpet. 58

The earliestsource to identify the 'tubaductilis' as a slidebrass instrument comes from Ferrara to the 'tubaductili the court at and recordspayment a playerof ... trombonus vulgo dictus'in 1439.59 In the introductionto Musica Getutscht,Virdung describesthe modemequivalents to instrumentsmentioned in the Bible. Referringto the passagein

Psalm97 v.6: 'In tubis ductilibuset voce tubaecomeae iubilate in conspecturegis

Domini',,he writes:

PraiseHim in the slidetrombone (in den zehendenBusaunen) and in the sound hoM. 60 of the trumpet [made]of

That the instrumentreferred to by Virdung as'Busaunen!was a slidetrombone is evidentfrom the illustrationsincluded in the treatise.An entry in the archivesof Bolognareferring to the recruitmentof a replacementfor one of the municipal musicianson temporaryleave to servethe Popebetween 1519 and 1521and who performedon the 'fibia!,'tuba ductilis'and'COMU. 61 A numberof seventeenth-century sourcesindicate that the term 'tubaductilis' meant trombone. 62

Sinceit is almostcertain that playersof the trombonewere employedat the Scottish court from the reign of JamesIV onwards,the hypothesisthat referencesto 'tube ductilis'in the Registerof the Privy Sealrelate to the tromboneseems plausible. It will be shownin Chapter4 that the group to which the playerswere beingappointed was essentiallya wind bandcomprising shawms and trombones but that certainmembers appearto haveserved primarily as trumpeters.It is possiblethat the term 'tube ductilis'

57Page,1978, pp. 346-47. 58SecElyot, 1538/(1970);Cooper, 1565/(1969), and Thomas,1587/(1972). 59Citedin Downey,1993, p. 315. 60Virdung,1993, p. 98. 61Gambassi,1989, pp. 13940; cited in Lasocki, 1995, pp. 4-5. 62HerbeM 1984, p. 345. 262

referredto a memberof this group irrespectiveof the instrument,or instruments,he played.The strongestevidence that this was the caseis the descriptionof James Drummond,the elder,as 'tubeductilis' in the entry in the Registerrecording the appointmentof his son,James Drummond, the younger,in 1556to the positionof

'tubeductilis' previously held by his uncle,Michael Drummond. The court records suggest,however, that JamesDrummond, the elder,served exclusively as a trumpeter

(seeChapter 4). In the sameentry, James Drummond, the younger,is designated

'tibicinis!,a word often usedto denotethe playerof a shawm.While it was commonfor wind instrumentaliststo performon morethan oneinstrument and it is plausiblethat this playerperformed on shawrnand trombone, the anomalyis noteworthy.Similarly, the office to which Julio Drummondwas appointedin 1547was designated'tube ductilis',despite the fact that his grandfather,Julian Drummond, who he succeeded, servedas personaltrumpeter to JamesV andis mentionedas a playerof the shawrnin a singleentry in the Treasurer'saccounts.

In summary,it seemsalmost certain that the drauchttrumpet was a trombone.The fact that the playersdesignated 'tube ductilis'were membersof the royal wind band suggeststhat the term 'tubeductilis' was understoodas meaningtrombone. It remains opento conjecture,however, whether 'tube ductilis' referred exclusively to playersof the tromboneor if the designationmerely signified membership of the wind band,in muchthe sameway as the term 'sackbut'referred to playersof the shawmand trombonein the Englishcourt recordsfrom the reign of Henry VIII until the early seventeenthcentury. 63

63Lasocki,1995, p. 174. 263

Trumpet making

The Scottish court records list paymentsto, and the provision of liveries for, trumpeters and wind instrumentalistsin royal service. Unfortunately, they reveal nothing about the provision of instruments. Following the removal of the royal court to

London in 1603 the officials in Scotland occasionally petitioned for new liveries for the royal trumpeters, but none of this correspondencerelates to the supply of instruments.

The petition from the Earl of Rothes to the Earl of Lauderdale, Charles II's Scottish secretary,in 1664, requesting silver trumpets for his newly raised troop of Life Guards, is the only document I have come acrossthat refers to the provision of instruments by the royal administration for trumpeters in Scotland.64

Two silvertrumpets made in Glasgowduring the secondhalf of the seventeenth centuryby the goldsmithsThomas McCuir andRobert Brock havesurvived. One bears the inscription'THOMAS McCUIR GLESGOWE1669', and the other, 'ROT BROCK

GLASGOW. The instrumentswere examinedby Eric Ha4enny, who noteda number 65 of featurescharacteristic of Englishtrumpets of the period. Whereasseveral of the

Englishtrumpet makers who havebeen identified also servedas royal trumpeterS,66 neitherMcCuir nor Brock held that office in Scotland.No link hasbeen found between the Scottishtrumpet makers and their Englishcounterparts and none of the Scottish royal trumpeterswere goldsmiths.

That trumpetswere madein Scotlandduring the seventeenthcentury is not in itself surprising,since the productionof silverwarewas one of Scotland'smain cultural achievementsof the seventeenthcentury. "' It is curious,howeverP that both instrumentswere madein Glasgow,a city with a lessestablished tradition of the

64See 15 November 1664. 65Halfpenny, 1969. 66See Byme, 1966. 67SMOUt, 1969, pp. 183-84. 264

productionof silverwarethan Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Dundee, and one which did not havestrong links with trumpetplaying. 611 The Incorporationof Goldsmithsin Edinburghwas formedin, or shortlybefore, 158 1. Goldsmithsin Edinburghhad previouslybelonged to the Incorporationof Hammermen.691n 1586 the Edinburgh goldsmithswere grantedauthority by JamesVI to overseethe quality of gold and silverwareproduced in Scotland.70Surviving correspondence between the Edinburgh goldsmithsand the harnmermenof other Scottishburghs attests to the stringencywith which this prerogativewas upheld.71

Thomas McCuir was admitted as a goldsmith burgess of Aberdeen in 1643 after serving his apprenticeshipin that burgh. Six years later he was elected Deacon of the

Harnmermen,a position which would have afforded him considerablestatus in the burgh. A measureof his financial successis the fact that he owned land in the burgh in the 1650S.72 Around 1660 McCuir moved from Aberdeen to Edinburgh where he served as aj oumeyman. This is stated in an entry in the Glasgow burgh register, dated

29 December 1664, granting him permission to set up a booth to practise his craft:

in ansuerto the supplicatiounegiven in be ThomasMontcuir, goldsmith, showingthat he had servit his prentishipin Aberdein,and that sensyne he had servit four yearjurnayman in Edinburghwith dacone[blank], andthat now he was atteinedto be a perfectcraftisman and was of intentiouneto transport himselfeto this burgh andtak up anebuith therin, the toune makinghim burges andgildbrother for his better incuragment,it was concluditthat so soonehe takis wp anebuith and setleshimselfe here he sall be madeburges without paymentof any fyne, andyit to be holdin as payit, that the benefeittherof mayredound to him and his childerin,and alsopromissis wpon his guid behaviourhe sall be therafteradmittit gild brother.73

681n1687 five goldsmithswere activein Glasgow,compared to twentyfive in Edinburgh(Colston, 1891,P. 36). 69COISton'189 1, p. 27. In other Scottishburghs goldsmiths were includedin the Hammermens'guild (Ibid., pp. 36-37). 7OColston,189 1, p. 3 1. 7113urns,1892, p. 536. 72jaMeS, 1981, pp. 33-34. 73GIasgowBurgh Records:1663-1690, p. 49; quotedin James,1981, p. 34. 265

We can only speculateas to why McCuir movedfrom Aberdeento Edinburgh.It is possiblethat, as a well establishedsilversmith in Aberdeen,he was attractedby the opportunityof economicand socialadvancement available in Edinburgh.Many of the Edinburghgoldsmiths were involvedin bankingand speculativeventures in additionto working as craftsmenand were amongthe most affluentmembers of the burgessclass. McCuir's petition to the Glasgowburgh councilmay have been prompted by the realisationthat gainingburgess-ship in Edinburghas a goldsmithwas more difficult than he had anticipated.Indeed, if it was not for the possibilityof eventualentry to the

Edinburghincorporation it is difficult to conceivewhy he enduredthe rank of journeymanin Edinburghfor four yearsafter havingheld a more exaltedposition in Aberdeen.

The minute-bookof the GlasgowIncorporation of Hammermenrecords the admission of membersto the guild from 1616onwards. The first memberregistered is a goldsmithby the nameof JohnKirk-wood. 74A]though it cannotbe ascertainedif he was the solerepresentative of his craft in the burgh at that time, no further goldsmiths ThomasMcCuir in 166571 The listed is are entereduntil was admitted . next goldsmith RobertBrock, who was registeredas apprenticeto ThomasMcCuir in 1673.76 Between1667 and 1670McCuir receivedvarious payments from the Glasgowburgh councilfor supplyingitems of gold and silverware.77Robert Brock was commissioned by the councilto producesimilar items between 1679 and 1685.78A silver quaichand a wine tasterby McCuir, which datefrom his periodin Aberdeen,and a set of spoons by Brock arethe only examplesof their work to havesurvived, apart from the trumpets.71 The dateof McCuir's deathis not known, but it may havebeen around the time of Brock's admittanceto the craft guild, sincethe former is not mentionedin the

74Lumsdenand Aitken, 1912,p. 286. 75Lumsdenand Aitken, 1912,p. 288. 76Lumsdenand Aitken, 1912,p. 289; Byrne, 1966,p. 79. 77GIasgowBurgh Records:1663-1690, pp. 95,100,140,494. 78GIasgowBurgh Records:1663-1690, pp. 303-4,378,502,509. 79Finlay,199 1, pp. 109,111,118,123. 266

burgh recordsafter 1670.In 1690Brock was appointeda baillie of the burgh.He was strippedof office threeyears later for assaultingthe provost and died in November 1698.80

Sincewe know that ThomasMcCuir practisedhis craft in Aberdeenand Edinburgh beforesettling in Glasgow,it is possiblethat he learnedthe art of trumpetmaking beforesettling in Glasgow.The recordsof the EdinburghIncorporation of Goldsmiths containno referencesto trumpetmaking; since the Edinburghgoldsmiths held a pre- eminenceposition among members of their craft throughoutScotland, however, it is possiblethat trumpetswere producedin Edinburgh,perhaps for useby the royal trumpetcorps. 81 Byrne hasnoted that seventeenth-centurytrumpet makers in Britain were not necessarilyapprenticed to trumpetmakers and that trumpetmaking generally only accountedfor a portion of their work. He surmisesthat trumpetmaking was not regardedas being essentially different from other forms of silver work.82 It is worth noting that no referencesto McCuir or Brock as trumpetmakers have been found; if it was not for the fortuitous survivalof their instrumentsthere is no documentary evidencethat eithergoldsmith produced trumpets.

The most conspicuousfeature of the trumpetsby McCuir andBrock is the largeball, positionedon the bell, which is piercedin eachof its three sectionsto accommodate the mouthpipe.With this methodof constructionthe ball stabilisedthe instrumentand serveda similarfunction to the block of wood which was positionedbetween the mouthpipeand bell-section on continentaltrumpets of the sameperiod. The only other survivingtrumpet constructed in this way is the anonymousinstrument presented to

Queen'sCollege, Oxford, in 1666.83Halfpennyconsiders this to be the earliestphase in

80SRO CC 9/7/51, ff. 119v.-120r. The testament-dative for Robert Brock was not recorded until January 1720. 8' SRO GD 1/482/1. Although the minute-book commences in 1525, Colston assertsthat the guild was not formally constituted until later in the century (Colston, 1891, p. 27). 82Byrne, 1966. 83HalfpCnny, 1963, p. 53-54. 267

a peculiarlyBritish form of trumpetdesign. On other extantEnglish trumpets of the periodthe ball is eitherpierced in its centralsection and grooved on the outer two sections,or groovedonly in its centralsection. The latter designbecame standard with

Englishmakers during the eighteenthcentury.

The Scottishtrumpets are both highly ornateand were presumablyintended for

ceremonialuse. It hasnot beenpossible to establishfor whom they were produced.

Halfpennyobserved that an attempthad been made at somepoint to repair one instrumentusing parts from the other and concludedthat the two instrumentswere associatedfrom an earlydate. 84Both instruments have survived with what appearto be contemporarymouthpieces; that belongingto the trumpetby McCuir is of brass,

while the mouthpiecewith the Brock trumpetis of solid silver.85They are similarto the mouthpiecesbelonging to the instrumentby SimonBeale of 1667and the Queelfs

Collegetrumpet in that they consistsof a tubular shankof sheetmetal onto which a

castcup was soldered.86Consequently, they arevirtually devoidof the tapered backborefound with later seventeenth-centurymouthpieces cast from a singleblock of metal.

Thereis no evidencethat trumpetswere producedin Scotlandafter the deathof Brock andMcCuir until the final decadeof the eighteenthcentury. In 1798the horn and trumpetmaker Richard Curtis movedhis businessfrom London to Edinburgh.Curtis

tradedin the city until 1814and is listed in Edinburghtrade directoriesbetween 1801

and 1808as aMusical InstrumentMaker andMusic Seller.87None of Curtis'trumpets

havesurvived and his only extantbrass instrument is a bass-horn,held in the National

Museumof Scotland.88

84Halfpenny,1969, p. 54. 85Halfpenny,1967, p. 79. 86Halfpenny,1967, pp. 78-79; Halfpenny,1969, pp. 53-54. 87Cranmer,1991, p. 303. Curtis is describedas a horn and trumpetmaker in an advertisementin The EdinburghAdvertiser, 15-19June, 1798. 88Waterhouse,1993, sx. 'Curtis, Richard! 268

The newspaperadvertisement of 1799for the music-sellersGow and Shepherdreveals that military instrumentswere importedfrom London. It seemslikely that until the closeof the eighteenthcentury trumpeters in Scotlandnormally obtained their instrumentsfrom London.89

Farmerasserts, without revealinghis source,that the 'Trumpet-makerto the Board of

Ordnance'around 1800was a Scotsmanby the nameof William Napier.90 This maker is identifiedby Langwill asWilliam Napier,the London basedmusic publisher. 91 It is highly unlikely that William Napier,the publisher,manufactured trumpets, but it is possiblethat he suppliedinstruments to the military. The possibilitythat William

Napier,the Scottishroyal trumpeterand trumpet soloist, and nephew of the music publisher,was the individualreferred to by Fannerhas not previouslybeen considered.

No evidencehas come to light, however,to suggestthat this trumpetermanufactured or suppliedtrumpets.

89See3 August, 1799.Two french hornswere procured for the EdinburghMusical Societyby Robert Bremnerfrom the Londonbrass instrument maker GeorgeRodenbostel in 1771(SRO GD 113/5/210/l/34). 90Farmer,1954, p. 39. 9ILangwill, 1980,s. v. 'Napier,Williarn'; seeChapter 4 for biographicalinformation on William Napier. 269

Chapter3

TRUMPETERS IN ROYAL SERVICE UP TO 1603

Trumpeters at the Scottish court before the reign of James IV

The Scottishcourt recordscontain references to trumpetersin royal servicefrom the fourteenthcentury onwards. Prior to the reign of JamesIV (1488-1513),however, the documentationis scant.Three Scottishtrumpeters accompanied Edward I on the first leg of his returnjourneyto Englandafter conqueringScotland in 1304,1and during the first half of the fifteenthcentury royal trumpeterswere remuneratedby the Customars of royal burghs.2Chronicles, such as that believedto havebeen written by a visitor from the court of Charlesthe Bold, which refersto the soundingof trumpetsat a joust betweenScottish and Burgundian knights at Stirling in 1448,3complementthe documentarysources by sheddinglight on particularevents at the royal court.

A singlevolume of Treasurer'saccounts has survived from the reign of JamesIII. This volumecovers the period from August 1473to December1474 and recordsPayment to trumpetersat Yule andPasch (Easter), as well as for travellingon royal business. Paymentfor liveriesfor royal trumpetersand four trumpetbanners are alsoincluded. 4

The 'Scottish' trumpeters: 1488-c.1522

Treasurer'saccounts have survived for mostyears of the reign of JamesIV. During the first half of the reign four trumpeterswere normallyemployed and paymentsgenerally mirror thoserecorded in the accountsfrom the reign of JamesIII. In additionto

I CDS,iv, p. 476. 2ER,iv, p. 203; v, pp. 15,219,263,267,302,339,378,502,622; vi, p. 203; vii, p. 501. 3Brown, 1891,p. 34. The delegationfrom Burgundywas in Scotlandto negotiatethe termsof the forthcoming marriageof James11 to Nbry of Guelders. 4TA,i, pp. 14,49,57,61,68,69. 270

attendingthe King andhis officialson journeysaround Scotland, the royal trumpeters accompaniedembassies to Flanders,Denmark and France. 5

In 1489a portion of the revenuedue to the crown from the landsof Ballincrieffwas assignedto the trumpeterThomas Pringle as his annualsalary. The following year, similarprovision was madefor William Carrick from the landsof Strathearn.The practiceof assigningincome from holdersof crown land, or Customarsof royal burghs,to the salariesof royal officialsand servants,or grantingpossession of crown land in liferent as a rewardfor royal service,was establishedduring the fifteenth century.6The royal trumpeterAlexander Castlaw was grantedland in Stewartonin liferent in 1498.7From1498 Thomas Pringle received part of his salaryin cashand the remainderin barley.Between 1503 and 1508he receivedan additionalstipend from the customsof Edinburgh.An assignmentof the incomefrom the customsof Perth was madein 1502to JohnAnderson (commonly referred to as JohnTrumpet in the accounts)as his annualsalary. Additional paymentsto the royal trumpeterswere occasionallymade by grantingthem an 'unlaw'(fine) collectedat justice ayres.8

From aroundthe turn of the sixteenthcentury five or six playersare normallyrecorded as receivingliveries and payments at New Year andPasch. The report of the ceremony at the arrival of the Englishentourage for the weddingof JamesIV to MargaretTudor in 1503,written by one of the Englishguests, the SomersetHerald, reveals that the five trumpetersperformed as an ensemble.The evidencefrom the paymentrecords, however,suggests that the trumpetersperformed their more routine dutiesindividually or in pairs.9

5Sce 1494, [171 September 1502; January 1507/8. 6Murray, 1973, p. 21. 7Scc 23 April 1498 and 7 February 1499/1500. 8SceDecember 1488 and [261 March 1489. Volk has noted that trumpeters were often employed in pairs at courts and in cities across Europe from the thirteenth century onwards (Polk, 1997, pp. 41-44). 271

Severalmembers of a family by the nameof Pringleserved as royal trumpetersduring the reign of JamesIV. 10It is not alwayspossible to ascertainwhich family memberis beingreferred to in the accountssince numerous entries merely refer to the playersby their surname.It is possiblethatPetite Johne'wasa memberof this family, sincehis aliasis revealedas JohnHope at his admittanceto the guildry of Edinburghin 1516/17.11Members of the Pringlefamily were sometimesstyled Hopringill, a name which was often abbreviatedas Hope. The appointmentof 'Pryngill'as King of Bean for the UphallyDay festivitiesin 1491provides an insightinto the intimacyof the royal

court, at leaston certainoccasions in the court calendar.12

The expansionof the royal musicalestablishment during the reign of JamesIV cameto

an abrupthalt after the King's deathat the Battle of Floddenin 1513.The Treasurer's

accountsfor the minority of JamesV do not mentionthe 'Scottish!trumpeters as a

group. Onemember of JamesIV's erstwhiletrumpet corps,John Anderson, continued to receivehis annualsalary from the incomefrom the customsof Perthfor several

yearsand Petit Johnestablished business interests outwith the sphereof the royal court.13 What becameof the otherstrumpeters is not known. It is possiblethat one or more perishedat Flodden,along with JamesIV and a great numberof the Scottish

aristocracy.It would appearthat the preceptof 1522to remunerateJohn Anderson! s successor,George Litilljhone, from the customsof Perthwas not adheredto, sincehe is not mentionedin subsequentaccounts from that burgh. Apart from the paymentto JohnGraham from the Receivers-Generalin 1515for servingdaily in Stirling Castle,

the occasionalreferences to trumpetersin the accountsduring the minority of JamesV

in which the playersare namedrelate to the group of Italian 'minstrels!that was

establishedon a permanentfooting at court during the reign of JamesIV.

IOAmember of the Pringle family, probablyeither Thomasor JohnPringle, also servedas a drummer at the start of the reign (seeMay 1489). 1IFor biographicalinformation on the Hopefamily, seeHope, [1983]. 12Sce 6 January 1491/2. The Uphally Day celebrations, which were presided over by a specially appointed King of Bean, traditionally involved the king and his courtiers reversing roles with the royal servants. 13See Hope, [1983]. 272

Italian minstrels and Italian trumpeters at the court of James IV

During the final decadeof the reign of JamesIV at leastthree groups of Italian musiciansarrived in Scotlandto serveat the royal court. The earliestreference to such a group appearsin the Treasurer'saccounts for September1503 and records payment to 'four Italian menstral&. Entriesin the accountsfor Septemberand October 1503, recordingpayment to a minstrelto purchasea shawrnand'four lowd menstrales!, almostcertainly relate to the Italian minstrels.Confirmation that this group formed a wind bandis found in an entry in the accountsfor March 1505recording payment to 'four Italien schawmiris'.

The Italian minstrelsbegan to receiveregular salaries from the Treasurerearly in 1505, shortlybefore their appointmentto permanentpositions as royal musicianswas recordedin the Registerof the Privy Seal.The establishmentof a wind bandas a permanentfixture at the royal court is of particularrelevance to this study,since this group was the precursorto the royal trumpetcorps that emergedduring the second half of the sixteenthcentury.

Mention of the Italian minstrelsin the Treasurer'saccounts first appearless than a month after the weddingof JamesIV to MargaretTudor. A group of shawmsand sackbutsaccompanied Princess Margaret to Scotlandbut returnedto Englandsoon after the wedding.14 It seemslikely that the recruitmentof the Italian minstrelswas connectedto the royal wedding.The Treasurer'saccounts testify to the lavish preparationsfor the eventand it is possiblethat Jamesaugmented his musical resourcesfor the occasion.The recruitmentof six Italian 'sacquebuteset j oueurs d'instrumentsde hautbois'byLouis XII of Francein 1502may havebeen a factor in

14See30 June 1503. 273

JamesIV's decisionto hire an Italian wind band.15 Alternatively, the minstrelsmay havearrived with a papalenvoy sometime prior to the wedding.The completelist of visitors to Scotlandfor the royal weddinghas not survived,but a papalblessing was readduring the marriageceremony. Entries in the Registerof the Privy Sealrecording lettersof passageto other Italian wind instrumentalistsduring the next few yearsstate that they camefrom Bologna.A family link betweenone of the membersof the original group, JulianoDromont, and SebastianoDormon, who arriveda few years later from Bologna,16 along with evidencefrom the recordsof the city of Bologna, confirmthat the first group to arrive alsocame from that City.17 A delegationfrom Rome,travelling to Scotlandfor the royal wedding,would havepassed through

Bolognaon its journey.

JulianoRichetto, one of the minstrelsappointed to a regularposition at court in 1505, probablybelonged to an establishedBolognese family of musicians.A'pifarus' by the nameof JohannesJulliani Richetti was a memberof the city's civic wind ensemblein the early sixteenthcentury. 18An account book of one of Bologna!s governingcouncils, the Anziani consoli,which lists the annualsalaries paid to the civic musiciansbetween

1500and 1506,records payment to JohannesJulliani Richetti at the birth of a child

sometimebetween 1477 and 1488.Weiss conjectures that this musicianwas relatedto a shawrnplayer named Mattio Richetti,who receivedpayment from the civic authoritiesin 1477.19

"Chaillon, 1956, p. 65. 16See26 January 1508/9. Bernardo Dromen, who arrived from Bologna in 1507, was probably a member of the same family, but this has not been established conclusively. "Purser erroneously statesthat the Italians came from Mantua (Purser, 1992, pp. 86-87). 18Gambassi,1989, p. 131; Weiss, 1987, p. 712. The payment list cited by Weiss records Johannes Julliani Richetti, 'pifarus', as receiving an annual salary between 1500 and 1506, whereas a document cited by Gambassi attests to his membership of the ensemblebetween 1503 and 1505. Another set of civic records appears to refer to the same player by the name Giovanni Richato and reveals that he was a member of the ensemble until 1522 (Gambassi, 1989, pp. 612-14). 19Weiss,1987, pp. 704-5,712,713. Weiss identifies two other musicians who may have been members of the same family: Fazio Richetti, a member of the choir at the cathedral of San Petronio in the early 1500s, and Bartolomeo Julliani, the highest paid member of the Bolognese wind band in 1505. That the latter was a member of the Richetto family is speculative, since he is also referred to as 'Bartolomcus Julliani Cestami, trombonus' (Ibid., p. 712). 274

The secondgroup of wind instrumentaliststo receivea letter of passageto cometo

Scotland,with their'tubis et instrumentismusicalibus', was not employedon a regular basisat court. This may havebeen the group of young minstrelsreferred to in the Treasurer'saccounts as playersof shawms.It is significantthat the letter to Bernardo Dromen,a memberof this group, is datedthe day after the ceremonyof the presentationof the Silver Sword andHat to JamesIV. The envoydelivering the gifts, bestowedon the ScottishKing by PopeJulius II, set out from Bolognaand was headedby Antonio Inviziati, an official of Bologna!s papaladministration. 20

Unlike many northern Italian cities, Bologna was not a courtly city, but a commune, ruled during the fifteenth century by membersof the Bentivoglio family. From the early fourteenth century eight trumpeters were employed by the municipal authorities of

Bologna. In 1417 three pipers and a kettle drummer were added to the civic musical establishment.21 By the early sixteenth century the musical establishmentof Bologna comprised four trumpeters (trombetti), three players of the shawm (piffari), two trombonists (tromboni), as well as a harpist (arpista) and kettle drummer (naccarino), and the city was recognised as an important centre for training wind instrumentaliStS.22

Under Bentivoglio rule, music played an important part in the fife of the city, and the civic instrumentalists performed in the numerous public festivals; they were also employed by the various religious and secular institutions in the City.23

By the reign of JamesIV links betweenScotland and Bologna were well established.

The Universityof Bolognawas one of the principalEuropean centres of learning during the fifteenthcentury. A numberof Scotsmenare known to havestudied there, andthis institution servedas the modelfor the Universityof Glasgowat its foundation

2OBurns,1969. Inviziati was appointedCapitano defla Giustizia in Bolognafollowing the overthrow of the governingBentivoglio family by PopeJulius Il in 1506. 2ITarr, 1988,pp. 45,64. 22Gambassi,1989, p. 612; Weiss, 1987,p. 705; Lasocki, 1995,p. 5. 23SeeWeiss, 1987,p. 704. The wind instrumentalists'duties included performing at matins and Mass. 275

in 1451.24Bologna was also visited by many Scotsmenon clerical and diplomatic

missions to Rome.

The Treasurer'saccounts for 1511 and 1512 record payment to a group of Italian

trumpeters. The players were not officially appointed to royal service, but received

regular salariesequal to that of the principal group of Italian minstrels. The Italian

trumpeters are not named in the records, but evidencefrom the English court records

suggeststhat this was the group led by JennanRestane, which was sent a letter of

passageto come from Bologna in February 1507/8. In recording payment to one of the

Italian trumpeters in April 1513 it was noted that a member of the group had died and

his other two companionshad departed to England. Payment records of the English

court for the samemonth list Jenyn Restanesand Benedic Browne as new membersof

the royal trumpet corps.25 Jenyn Restanesis not included in subsequentlists of royal

trumpeters in England. He may have remainedin England, however, since a certain

John Reston, describedas a born subject of the Emperor, received denization in

England in 1537.26A trumpeter by the name of Peter FrancesRestan is first mentioned

in the English court records of 1541.27It is possible that this trumpeter was a relative

of Jenyn Restane,since the record of his denization in 1542/3 describeshim (Peter

Restam) as a native of Bologna, 'in the Emperor's dominions'.28 Benedict Browne

(Brume) was granted denization at the sametime as Peter Restam and is referred to as a native of Pavia.29 By 1542 Benedict Browne was SergeantTrumpeter at the English

court and remained in this post until his death in December 1566.30Although the

Scottish court records do not mention Benedict Browne by name, the circumstantial

evidence points to both he and Jenyn Restanearriving in Scotland from Bologna in

24jaCk,1972, p. 4. 25AShbCC,1986-96, vii, p. 205. 26AShbee,1986-96, vii, p. 74. 27AShbee,1986-96, vii, p. 83. 28AShbee,1986-96, vii, p. 87. 291bid. 30AShbee,1986-96, vi, p. 92.Foreign influences on the English trumpet corps are discussed in Downey,1996. The Italian origin of BenedictBrowne indicates that Continental influences may have beenexerted earlier than suggested byDowney. 276

1508and moving to the Englishroyal court shortlybefore the deathof JamesIV in 1513

The letter of passagesent to SebastianoDormon in 1508/9appears to havebeen an openinvitation to wind instrumentalistsfrom Bolognato cometo Scotland.It is not known, however,if other musiciansaccepted the offer. By 1515Sebastian Drummond

(as he was then styled)had takenup a positionin the principalensemble employed at court.

From 1511 the Treasurer'saccounts regularly refer to the Italian minstrelsbeing joined by the Scotsman,George Forest. The termsof Forest'sappointment as a'tubicinis' in

1507do not stipulatethat he was to join the wind band,but the monetary arrangementswere similarto thosegranted to the Italian minstrelstwo yearsearlier. It canbe conjecturedthat GeorgeForest was the secondplayer of the 'draucht'trumpet alludedto in the Treasurer'saccounts for August 1507,31since the paymentwas recordeda meretwo monthsprior to his appointment.32Shire suggests that George Forestmay havestudied in Italy andthat the name'Forest' derives from the Italian word 'forestieri',meaning'one come from abroad',which, shecontends, was often appliedto immigrantmusicianS. 33

Severalentries in the Treasurer'saccounts link the Italian minstrelswith a More taubronar'.34 On eachoccasion, payment is recordedfor expensesincurred while travellingon royal business.Numerous other referencesto a Moorish drummerappear in the accountsaround this time. The linking of a drummerwith the minstrelsreflects the fact that theseplayers travelled with the King and doesnot necessarilymean that they performedas a singleensemble. Various types of drumsthat appearto be of

31See Chapter 2 for a discussion of this entry. 32polk 1992, 83. Polk has that from the the fifteenth five-part 4 p. shown middle of century, wind bands,comprising three shawnisand two slide brassinstruments, existed throughout much of Europe. 33Shire,1996, pp. 120-21. 34SCeSeptcmber-october 1504,25 March 1505.For other references,see TA, ii, p. 45 1; iii, p. 163. 277

Muslin origin were usedwith trumpetsin Europefrom aroundthe twelfth century onwards.35As mentioned above, a kettle drummerwas employedin Bolognafrom the early 1500s;however, kettle drumswere not incorporatedinto a trumpet ensemblein royal servicein Scotlanduntil the secondhalf of the seventeenthcentUry. 36Archival andinconographical sources suggests that drumswere not routinelyincorporated into wind bandsduring the fifteenthor sixteenthcenturies; it is conceivable,however, that they were addedfor ceremonialoccasions and for performingdance music.

The Italian Itubicinis': 1513-1560

The deathof JamesIV in 1513plunged Scotland into the first of severalperiods of royal minority which besetthe kingdomduring the sixteenthcentury. In the immediate aftermathof the King's death,Queen Margaret was appointedregent. In 1515she was replacedby the King's cousin,John Stewart, Duke of Albany,who arrivedfrom France to assumepower. 37The Treasurer's accounts for the minority of JamesV contrast sharplywith thosefor the reign of JamesIV. Whereasthe latter provide an insightinto an exuberantRenaissance court, thosefor the minority of JamesV are mainly concernedwith mattersrelating to the governmentof the kingdom.

During the minority of JamesV the Italian minstrelsappointed to permanentpositions

at court in 1505were retainedin service,but the long lists of minstrelsencountered in the accountsfor the final decadeof JamesIVs reign no longer appear.The four

Italiansrewarded at their departurein 1517may havebeen the playerspreviously

referredto in the accountsas the 'younger'minstrels. The first extantvolume of

35Drumsof varioussizes were depicted along with trumpetsduring the Middle Ages,but small kettle drums,known as 'nakers',appear to havebeen most prevalent; by the mid-fifteenthcentury these were supersededby larger kettle drums(Taff, 1988,p. 47; Polk, 1997,p. 4 1). 36SeeChapter 4. The Bologneserecords do not link the kettle drummerwith either the trumpetersor the wind band (Gambassi,1989, pp. 612-15).A report of civic ceremoniesin Bolognaat the beginning of the seventeenthcentury mentions a player of 'Moorish drums'accompanying the eight city trumpeters.(Smithers, 1973, pp. 77-78). 37TheDuke of Albany servedas Governoruntil November1524 but paid two extendedvisits to Franceduring this period (1517-20and 1522-23). 278

Treasurer'saccounts for the minority of JamesV recordspayment of the Italian n-finstrels'monthly allowances. Subsequent accounts record the provisionof liveriesfor the n-finstrels,but the responsibilityfor the paymentof their regularsalaries was transferredfrom the Treasurerto the Comptroller.The accountsof the Customarsof Edinburghfor 1515include a paymentto 'sexhistrionibus et tubicinis'.The

Comptroller'saccounts for the following yearrecord payment to 'histrionibusYtalis dominigubernatoris'. From 1518a portion of the incomefrom the crown landsof

Gariochand Kintore was assignedto the Italian minstrels'salaries. The list of playersin the accountsof Gariochfor 1518confirms that this was the group of Italian minstrels referredto in the Treasurer'saccounts. The earliestset of accountsfor Gariochto includepayment of the instrumentalists'salaries describes them as 'tubiciniset histrionibusItalicis et Scotis'.In subsequentaccounts the designation'histrionibus' is dispensedwith andthey are normallydesignated 'tubicinis'. The group is againreferred to as'Italis histrionibuset tubicinibus'atthe appointmentof Henry Rudemanin 1524.38

As mentionedin Chapter2, the term 'tubicinis'is translatedby the editorsof the publishedtranscripts of the court recordsas 'trumpeter'.The word 'histrionibus'is given in the sametranscripts as 'actor.391t is possiblethat in usingthe term 'histrionibuset tubicinis'the scribewas attemptingto find a Latin equivalentto the word 'minstrel'.40 References to 'Italian trumpeters'and 'Italian trumpetersand schawmaris'in the Treasurer'saccounts almost certainly refer to this group of players and suggestthat their dutiesextended beyond performing exclusively as a wind band.41

Thereis no evidencethat membersof the royal wind bandserved as trumpetersduring the reign of JamesIV. It canbe assumedthat the 'Scottish!trumpeters recorded in the

ExchequerRolls during the minority of JamesV continuedto servein that capacity,

38See10 September 1524. 39Dictionariesof ClassicalandMedicval Latin define 'histrio' as 'actor' or 'jester'(OLD, s.v. 'histrio.'; Howlett, 1989,s. v. 'histrio.'). 40Murraytranslates the word'histrioncs',which appearsin the ExchequerRolls for 1508,referring to individuals attendingthe Lords of Exchequer,as 'minstrels'(Murray, 1961, p. 92). 41See1522,1530 & 1534. 279

despitethe fact that they are not referredto in the Treasurer'saccounts. With the disappearanceof thesetrumpeters from the court recordstowards the end of JamesVs minority, the responsibilityfor performingthe trumpetingduties was allottedto the

membersof the wind band.The group is referredto collectivelyas 'Italiantrumpeters' in the Treasurer'saccounts of 1522and 1534,but the vast majority of referencesto

membersof the group as trumpetersmention individuals serving in a solitarycapacity,

andthe evidencethat they performedas a trumpet ensembleis scant.

Playersof the shawrnand trombone are known to haveserved as trumpeters in certain

parts of Europeduring the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies. 42Downey has challenged the perceptionthat sixteenth-centurytrumpeters were musicallyilliterate, performed only on trumpet,and fulfilled a ceremonialand military functionwhich was distinct

from that of other instrumentalists.He hasproduced evidence from the Danishcourt

recordsto showthat by the mid-sixteenthcentury certain Italian trumpeterswere able to readmusic and were proficient on other instrumentS.43 In a recentstudy he has shownthat at a numberof German-speakingcourts the trumpet corpswas the sole instrumentalensemble employed and doubledas a wind band.44

Entries in the Treasurer'saccounts and Exchequer Rolls between 1515 and 1516

appear to allude to a six-part wind band in royal service. The minstrels are named in

the Treasurer'saccounts for 1515 and include the five previous membersof the group

plus an individual by the name of Anthone.45 Anthone received payment as a trumpeter

in 1517/18. In the Comptroller's accounts for 1518 he is designated'tubicini' but listed

independently of the five 'tubicinis Italicis'. It is possible that Anthone was the sole

remaining member of the Italian trumpet ensembleemployed at the royal court

42polk, 1992,p. 70. Tarr refersto wind instrumentalistsdoubling on a variety of instrumentsbut confineshis discussionto playersin municipal service(Taff, 1988,p. 64). USeeDowney, 198 1. 44SeeDowney, 1997(a). 45Sce[September] 1515. Polk has notedthe existenceof six-part wind bandsfrom the late fifteenth centuryonwards (Polk, 1992,p. 83). 280

between1511 and 1512.46Anthoneis regularlymentioned in the Treasurer'saccounts during the reign of JamesV. He receivedpayment as a fiddle playerin 1526,but the vast majority of entriesdescribe him as a 'talbonar.47 It seemslikely that Anthonedid not performin the wind bandbut was merelylisted alongsideits membersfor the purposeof remuneration.48

Althoughthe paymentrecords list the Italian instrumentalistsas a group, it is not certainthat they routinelyperformed as a singleensemble. During periodsof royal minority the royal court did not alwaysexist as a unified institution.For example,

JamesV residedin Edinburghfor most of his minority with a modesthousehold, while the Governormaintained a separatecourt. During the regencyof JamesHamilton, Earl of Arran (1543-1553/4),James Drummond was assignedto the Earl as his personal trumpeterand servant.49At aroundthe sametime, JohnDrummond served as trumpeterto the Earl of Lennox.50 An entry in the Treasurer'saccounts for 1515 suggeststhat the minstrelsmay haveperformed duties unrelated to thosepertaining to their office. In July 1515'Auld Juliane,Italiane' received payment of 112 12s.for six thousandtiles, madeby him, for buildinga new furnacein EdinburghCastle 'for the foundingof gunnys'.51 It is not clearif 'Auld JulianewasJulian Drummond or Julian Richetto.He is more likely to havebeen the latter, sinceJulian Richetto died in 1524 andJulian Drummond survived until 1547.From the yearbefore the commencementof JamesVs reign,Julian Drummond served as the King's personaltrumpeter and served consistentlyin this capacityover the following decade.An entry in the Treasurer's accountsfor 1538. recordingpayment to 'Julianethe shalmerat the kingis grace

46SeeApril 1513, 47Thefinal paymentto Anthoneis recordedin the accountsfor 1542,when he is describedas the minstrcls"maister'(TA, viii, p. 150). 48Shireinfers that Anthonewas a memberof the Drummondfamily (Shire, 1996,p. 120);however, he is not referredto by this namein the court records. 49See19 April 1546. 5OSee3 November1544 and 1545. 51TA, v, p. 18. 281

comandto by anegoun [gown], providesthe strongestevidence that Julian

Drummonddid not abandonhis activitiesas a memberof the wind band.52

The descriptionof the office grantedto JohnKempt in 1548as 'tubicinislie schawmarie'- Kempt had previouslyheld office as a trumpeter'of weyre'(see below) - andthe referenceto JamesSavoy as a'trumpetourand schamar'athis appointmentin

1548/9,suggest that membersof the group continuedto performas a wind band during minority of Mary Stewart.53Descriptions of two eventsat the royal court, one during the reign of JamesV andthe other shortly after his death,attest to the performanceof a wind band.In his accountof the celebrationsin St Andrewsat the arrival of Mary of Guisein Scotlandin 1538,Pitscottie does not confirmthat the playersof shawms,'draught' trumpets and 'weir' trumpetswere thosein the serviceof the ScottishKing, but this complementof musiciansaccords with the instrumental forcesemployed in royal serviceat that time. The accountof the Massperformed at the signingof the Treaty of Greenwichin 1543,by which the infant QueenMary was betrothedto PrinceEdward of England,is containedin a letter from Sir Ralph Sadler, Henry VIII's ambassadorto Scotland,to the EnglishKing:

That this Day the Treatieswere ratified and confirmedhere in Edinburgh, and the Govemour,in my Presence,hath renounced and sworn accordingto the Proprt of the same,which was solemnlydone at the high Mass,solomnly sung with Shalmsand Sackbutsin the Abbey-Churchof the Holy-rood-house.54

Again, the author doesnot confirm that the wind playerswere thosebelonging to the royal court. Recentresearch has established that wind instrumentswere usedto accompanysingers in sacredmusic in certainparts of Europefrom the late fifteenth centuryonwards. 55 Herbert has argued that the use of wind instrumentsto accompany

52SROE 21/34, f, 32v. This entry in cited, but not quoted in full, in TA, vi, p. 405. 53SCe9 April 1548. 54Sadler,1720, p. 339; cited in Inglis, 1991,p. 20. 55Manyof the sourcesthat attestto the inclusion of wind instrumentsin churcharc equivocalin denotingwhether the voicesand instrumentscombined to perform as a single ensemble;see Brown, 1989,pp. 151-52;Reynolds, 1989, pp. 193-95;Herbert, 1993. 282

singersin church,although customary on festiveoccasions at the Frenchroyal court during the early sixteenthcentury, was anathemato Englishreligious practice before the deathof HenryVIII. 56Thefact that the Englishambassador referred to the instrumentalaccompaniment of the Massperhaps indicates that he regardedthe practiceas being unusual.

The only evidenceto suggestthat JamesDrummond, the elder,performed in the royal wind bandis the designation'tube ductilis' at the appointmentof his sonto the same office in 1556.It was suggestedin Chapter2 that the term'tube ductilis'mayhave beenapplied to membersof the maingroup of wind instrumentalistsirrespective of the instrumentsthey playedand their musicalrole. In 1526James Drummond was

appointedto royal serviceon similarterms to the Italian minstrels.57He is not listed in

subsequentpayment lists relatingto the group andpresumably served in an

independentcapacity. It seemsthat JamesDrummond served exclusively as a trumpeter.At his appointmenthe is referredto as a'tubicinis',in contrastto his father,

JulianDrummond, who is designated'Italici musici'.Subsequent to his appointment, JamesDrummond is not mentionedagain in the court recordsuntil his recruitmentas a trumpeterof 'weyre'in 1538(see below). He is mentionedin the accountson a regular

basisafter the disintegrationof the trumpetensemble and continuedto receivehis

quarterlyfee until 1547.58Presumably in that year he was incorporatedinto the group

of wind instrumentalistsfor the purposeof payment.James Drummond is one of the four membersof the Drummondfamily listed in the charterof 1553confirming the

assignmentof their salariesfrom the landsof Gariochand Kintore. After servingas

personaltrumpeter to the regent,Earl of Arran, he fulfilled the samerole for Mary of Guisefrom 1554and appearsto havebeen the leaderof the trumpet corpsthat

56Herbert,1993. This study was based on accounts of thereligious ceremonies performed atthe meetingof HenryVIII andFrancis I of Franceat the Field of theCloth of Goldin 1520,and at the declarationof the English king as Defender of theFaith! the following year. 57See9 June 1526. 58SeeJuly and August 1547. 283

emergedduring the personal reign of Mary Stewart.59 James Savoy is mentioned in the

Treasurer'saccounts as a trumpeterduring the 1550s,and in 1555,along with James Drummond,he accompaniedMary of Guiseto justice ayresin the Borders.60

Informationon the natureof the group of wind instrumentalistsretained in the royal serviceafter the deathof JamesIV up to the reign of Mary Queenof Scotsis inconclusiveand often ambiguous.By piecingtogether the fragmentaryevidence from the court recordsand taking into accountreports of musicalactivities centred on the royal court, it canbe deducedthat the group continuedto performas a wind band. Certainmembers of the group servedprimarily astrumpeters; the hypothesisthat they constituteda trumpetensemble during this period, however,is erroneous.

In order to reconcilethe conflictinginformation relating to the wind instrumentalistsin royal servicerecorded in the ExchequerRolls andthe Treasurer'saccounts it is essentialto comprehendthe differencesbetween the branchesof crown revenueto which thesesources relate. Assignments of salariesfrom incomederiving from crown landswere authorisedby warrantsgranted under the Great Sealor the Privy Seal.

Onceregistered with the Lords of Exchequer,these assignments appeared as allowancesagainst the chargelevied upon the holder of the land, or the official responsiblefor the collectionof rents,and remainedin force unlessaltered or annulled by royal precept.Consequently, the allowancestended to be recordedverbatim in subsequentaccounts. This explainsthe consistencyin the terminologyapplied to the instrumentalistsin the ExchequerRolls. As Murray haspointed out, the Exchequer

Rolls containthe auditedaccounts of the individualscharged with providing regular revenueto the crown andthe primaryconcern of the auditorswas that the accountant met his personalfiscal responsibility.Thus, whereas the Treasurer'saccounts often provide a detailedrecord of royal expenditure,the accountsof the Ballivi adExtra

59SceSeptember 1561 60SeeAugust & September1555. 284

containedin the ExchequerRolls providea secondaryrecord of paymentto the instrumentalists.61

The letter appointing James Drummond, the younger, to royal service in 1556 stipulates that payment was to be made by John Leslie of Warderis and his successors, twice yearly. 62 The accounts for Kintore submitted in 1521/2 state that a receipt of payment was submitted by George Forest. Since the lands of Garioch and Kintore lie more than one hundred miles north of the principal royal residences at Edinburgh,

Linlithgow, Falkland and Stirling, it is not readily apparent through which channels the players received payment. 63The Leslies of Warderis were a prominent family in the

North East of Scotland, with close links to the royal court. Alexander Leslie of

Warderis, who was granted the lands of Kintore in feuferme in 1473,64 served as

Receiver-General to James 111.His son, John Leslie, the recipient of the lands of

Garioch in feuferme in 15 10, served as Provost of Aberdeen. 65 In 1546 he was

succeeded by his son, Alexander, whose son and successor, William Leslie, served as

Falconer to James VI. 66

It was notedabove that from 1498Thomas Pringle received part of his salaryfrom the Receiverof the landsof Ballincrieff in moneyand the remainderin barley.A

considerableportion of the incomefrom crown landswas set as paymentin kind

duringthe sixteenthcentury, and it was commonfor royal servantsand officialswhose

salariesderived from this sourceof crown revenueto receivepart of their paymentin

kind. The portion of the salariesassigned to the Italian instrumentalistsfrom the lands

of Gariochcomprised a monetarycomponent in additionto quantitiesof barley,marts,

61Thisoverview of the workings of the Exchequerduring the sixteenthcentury is derivedfrom Murray, 1961. 62See3 November 1556. 63TheLordship of Gariochand the Tlmnageof Kintore werepart of the Earldom of Mar. In 1435the Earldom was annexedto the crown. During the late fifteenth and early sixteenthcenturies large units of land within the Earldomwere let in feuferme(Madden, 1976, p. 394). 64Madden,1976, p. 395. 65Davidson,1878, pp. 111,445. 66Davidson,1878, p. 445. 285

caponsand fowl. Commoditiescharged to holdersof crown landsin lieu of monetary paymentswere often 'sold' at the audit. The term 'sold'in this contextmeant that paymentof the commoditieswas commutedto a cashsum. The accountsof Garioch from 1558onwards state that the commoditiesdue hadbeen'sold', from which the trumpetersreceived full paymentof their salariesin moneyand the remainderwas paid to the Comptroller.

French trumpeters and the trumpeters 'of weyre'

The Auld Alliancebetween Scotland and France may have resulted in the appearance of Frenchtrumpeters at the Scottishcourt prior to the period coveredby this study,A numberof Frenchminstrels were employedby JamesIV, but it is not until the reign of

JamesV that Frenchtrumpeters are recordedas servingat the Scottishcourt. If the designation'tubicines et musici',applied to the Frenchplayers in 1533,is interpreted literally, it suggeststhat their musicalactivities did not only involve trumpetplaying.

In September 1536 JamesV set sail for France with the intention of marrying Marie de

Bourdon. After breaking off his betrothal he proceededto the court of Frangois I and married Madeleine de Valois, the daughter of the French King, on I January 1537.

Madeleine died less than two months after arriving in Scotland. In June 1537, the month after James'sreturn from France, an entry appearsin the accounts recording payment for provisions for four trumpeters.67 In May 1538 Cardinal David Beaton led a delegation to France to arrange for James'smarriage to Mary of Guise. He was accompaniedon this mission by the King's newly formed trumpet ensemble.The marriage of JamesV and Mary of Guise took place in St Andrews in June 1538. The following month the trumpet ensemblewas formally appointed to royal service. Each of the players was described at his appointment as a'trumpatour of weyre'. Pitscottie refers to 'weir trumpatis' in his account of the celebrationsthat followed Marys arrival

67Fordetails of JamesVs journey to France,see Bingham, 1971, pp. 100-33. 286

in Scotland. The designation trumpeter 'of weyre' suggeststhat the trumpet ensemble was modelledon thosethat Jameswould haveencountered at the Frenchroyal court.68

The four trumpeters'of weyre'were to receiveregular salaries and provision of liveries,but, unlike the Italian minstrels,were paid directly from the Treasury.The accountsof Gariochfor 1531list JohnDrummond, one of the trumpetersappointed in

1538,among the wind instrumentalists.This may havebeen a scribalerror, sinceJulian

Drummondis excludedfrom this list. William Carslawmay havebeen a relativeof AlexanderCarslaw, who servedas a royal trumpeterunder James IV. JohnKempt is not mentionedin the recordsprior to his appointmentin 1538.He may havebeen relatedto Alexanderand Henry Kemp,who servedas Groom in the King's Chamber and Yeomenof the King's Chamberrespectively. 69 A composerby the nameof Andro

Kemp (fl. 1560-1570),who was masterof the St Andrews'SangSchule'during the reign of Mary Stewart,may alsohave been related. 70 Following the deathof JamesV in December1542 the trumpet ensemblewas graduallywound down. The position vacatedby JohnKempt in 1543was not filled, andby 1545James Drummond was the only memberof the ensemblereceiving his salary.

Paymentsto groups of French trumpeters are recorded in the Treasurer'saccounts during the regency of JamesHamilton, Earl of Arran (1543-1554). Trumpeters were attached to the French military forces that arrived in May 1545 under Jacquesde

Montgomery, Seigneur de Lorges, and June 1548 under the Sieur DEss6.71The

Treasurer'saccounts record paymentsto French trumpeters between 1545 and 1550 for performing in the Governor's residence.The group referred to was probably that which arrived with De Lorge in 1545. It appearsthat they were temporarily recruited into Arres service, and provided with liveries in 1546.

68Theterm 'trompettesde guerre'is frequentlyencountered in fifteenth-centuryFrench sources but appearsless often during the sixteenthcentury. 69Seethe numerousreferences in TA, v and vi. 7OSeeRoss, 1993, p. 89. 71See 23 June1545; February 1548/9, and numerousentries up to August 1550. 287

From wind band to trumpet ensemble: The re-emergence of a royal trumpet corps

The return of Mary Stewart from France in 1561 to assumecontrol of Scotland marks a turning point in the history of the wind instrumental group employed in royal service.

During the first few months of Mary's reign the accounts record several paymentsto groups of trumpeters attending the Queen. Four trumpeters accompaniedMary on her progress through her kingdom at the outset of her reign.72 Three trumpeters named in the accounts during the reign of Queen Mary held office as royal wind instrumentalists.

It is not possible to determine if the 'trumpetouris and hewbois' that received New

Year gifts in 1561/2 constituted a single group or two separateensembles. This is the only referenceto 'hewbois' in the court records during the personal reign of Mary

Stewart. If the entry relates to the group in regular royal service, it indicates that the players continued to perform as a wind band in addition to serving as a trumpet ensemble.73 In December 1566 the baptismal celebrationsfor Prince Charles James(the future JamesVI) were held at Stirling. The event, which was attended by representativesfrom the royal courts of France, Savoy and England, and lasted for three days, has been describedas the first 'triumphant Renaissancefestival' staged in

Britain. " Lynch argues that the celebrationswere modelled on the triumphantfeles held at the French court during the 1550s,which Queen Mary would have witnessed, and in particular the seriesof festivals held as part of Charles Des progress through

France during 1564 and 1565.75Several sources attest to the performance of trumpeters during the celebrations.76 The group of 'violaris' employed at court during this period would presumably also have performed at various stagesin the

72SeeCowan, 1975, for detailsof the Queen'sprogress. 73MS is the only recordof royal servantsreceiving New Year gifts during the six yearsof Marys personalreign. It is not possible,therefore, to estimatethe numberof playersreceiving payment from the moneyexpended. 74Lynch,1990, p. 2. 75Lynch,1990, pp. 34. For detailsof the festivalsof 1564and 1565,see Graham and Johnson,1979. 76Sce17 December1566; 19 April 1567;July 1567. 288

entertainment.77 None of the surviving descriptions of the celebrationsmention the involvement of a wind band and no paymentsto wind players for serving at the event are recorded in the Treasurer'saccounts. It seemsunlikely that such a lavish festival would have lacked this standard musical feature of court entertainment, and it is possible that the royal trumpeters also performed as a wind band on this occasion.

Only two appointmentsto the group betweenthe reign of Mary Stewartand the accessionof JamesVI to the Englishthrone in 1603are recordedin the Registerof the Privy Seal.Both entriesare written in Scotsand refer to the appointeesunequivocally as trumpeters.78 During the personalreign of JamesVI the Treasurer'saccounts provide clearevidence that the instrumentalistsemployed in royal serviceconstituted a trumpetensemble. Livery paymentsand trumpet banners were providedon a regular basisand information is forthcomingon the dutiesfulfilled by trumpeters,both in groupsand in a solitarycapacity.

One of the most spectacularevents held at the royal court during JamesVI's reign in

Scotlandwas the baptismof PrinceHenry Frederickin 1594.The detailedaccount of the celebrationcontained in the publishedtract describingthe eventmentions trumpetersfulfilling their traditionalceremonial role at the variousevents included in the three-dayfestival. 79The reference to 'howboyesand trumpets' performing at the banquetis intriguing.The passageappears to denotea singleensemble, which presumablycomprised oboes and trombones. It is possible,however, that a bandof oboesand a trumpet ensemblewere beingalluded to. Even if this was the case,the former maywell haveincluded trombones. A wind bandwas not employedat the

Scottishcourt during the reign of JamesVI, andit canbe assumedthat thesewind

77Farmer,1947, p. 123;see also the referencesto this group in TA, ,d and )di. 78See10 July 1576;2 December1584. 79See30 August 1594.For an overviewof the music at the baptismalcelebrations, see Purser, 1992, pp. 116-19. 289

playerswere eitherrecruited specifically for the occasion,or arrivedwith one of the visiting dignitaries.

No accountsfor the landsof Gariochand Kintore were submittedto the Exchequer

between1561 and 1574.The accountsof 1574,in recordingthe assignmentof the

trumpeters'salaries, drop the prefix 'Italian!and those for Gariochdescribe the players

as'tubicinibusordinariis domini regis'.The ExchequerRolls for 1588reveal that the

trumpeters'salaries derived partly from the incomefrom the landsof Gariochand Kintore, andpartly from the Lordshipof Menteith.The Comptroller'saccounts for that year alsorecord the paymentfrom Gariochand Kintore to the trumpeters.This

suggeststhat the moneywas paid into the Exchequerand disbursedby the

ComptroBer.Subsequent accounts reveal that this practicewas adopted.The

Comptroller'saccounts for 1593specify that the trumpeters'salaries derived from the incomefrom Menteith.The Lordshipof Menteithwas situatedin centralScotland, closeto the royal residencesat Stirling andLinlithgow. The link betweenthe revenue derivingfrom the landsof Menteith andthe assignmentof the trumpeters'salaries to the incomefrom the landsof Gariochand Kintore was establishedin 1565with the grantingof the Earldomof Mar, which incorporatedthe landsof Gariochand Kintore, to JohnErskine (1558-1634). 80 In return for procuringthe Earldom,Erskine dischargedhis liferent on the Lordship of Menteithto the crown. After discovering that the incomefrom the Earldomwas lessthan expected,through the assignmentof revenueto the trumpeters'salaries, he was appointedto the newly-createdoffice of

Chamberlainof Menteithby way of compensation;the fee pertainingto this office was equalto the assignmentdue to the trumpeters.81

80Paul,1904-14, v, pp.612-15. 81See 2 February156516 and 1566. For background information on the Earldom of Marand the lands of Gariochand Kintore, see Madden, 1976; see also DNB, s. v. 'JohnErskine, second or seventhEarl of Mar! 290

Throughout the personal reign of JamesVI in Scotland (1578-1603) the Exchequer

Rolls record payment to five trumpeters. The Treasurer'saccounts, until 1602, however, indicate that four players were employed in active service. The directive of

JamesVI to the privy council in 1601 concerning his trumpeters likewise refers to four players in service. The players are named in the Exchequer Rolls for 1596 for the first time in over sixty years.82 The five trumpeters listed are those that accompaniedJames

VI to London in 1603. Since William Ramsay,Robert Drummond and Archibald Syrn travelled to Denmark in 1596, and neither John Ramsaynor Michael Woddel are recorded as serving as trumpeters at specific occasions,it is possible that either of the latter two players held the office of royal trumpet in a nominal capacity and was engagedin other areasof royal service.

From 1582the annualsalary pertaining to the office of royal trumpeterwas increased from 138 10sto 146, althoughthis figure varied slightly in subsequentaccounts. Between1585 and 1591the Treasurer'saccounts record payment to four trumpeters for their 'monethliewages'. 83These payments represent the reintroductionof regular livery payments,and the playerscontinued to receivetheir salariesthrough the Exchequer.84

82SCe1535 & 1596/7. 83SCCApril 1590. 84Thcmonthly fee of L6 Us 4d representsthe total paymentto the group, amountingto L80 per annum.This is evidentfrom the total annualoutlay of L80 recordedin the Treasurer'saccounts (see 1590)but is not madeclear in the calendarcompiled by Burnett (Burnett, 1992).See also the record of the appointmentof Archibald Ramsay(2 December1584). 291

Scandinavian trumpeters in royal service

Prior to the reign of JamesIV important diplomatic and trading links between Scotland and the Scandinaviancountries were well established.An entente between Scotland,

France and the dominions of Christian I (comprising Norway and Denmark) was formed during the reign of James11 (1437-1460), and an alliance between Scotland,

France and Denmark was singed during the reign of JamesIV. Relations between

Scotland and Denmark were strengthenedby the the royal marriages of 1469 and

1589.85Trumpeters are recorded as accompanyingembassies to and from Denmark during the reigns of JamesIV and JamesVI. 86

A group of instrumentalistsin the serviceof PrinceFrederick of Norway (the future

King FrederickI) were sentletters of passageto visit the Scottishcourt in 1509.87The designation'tubicinibus et musicis'is similarto that appliedto wind instrumentalists that arrivedfrom Bolognain 1507and the Frenchgroup which was in Scotlandin

1533.It is not possibleto determineif the Scandinaviangroup constituteda trumpet ensemble,whose members doubled on other instruments,or a wind band.The court recordsprovide no informationon the activitiesof the group while in Scotlandand it is not known how long they stayed.

In October 1589James VI travelledto Norway, with an entourageof aroundthree hundred persons,to accompanyhis bride, Anne, on herjourney to Scotland- the civil weddingtook placeon 20 August in Kronborg Castlewith the Earl Marischalacting as

James'sproxy. " After solemnisingthe weddingwith a churchceremony in Oslo,89 the coupletravelled to Copenhagen,where they remainedas hostsof the Danishroyal

85SeeIntroduction. 86See[17] September1502; 1585;April 1587; 1590; 1596. 87See25 August 1509. "Stevenson, 1997,p. 22. 89Stevenson,1997, p. 36. A contemporaryDanish accountof the ceremonymentions trumpets soundingat the gateof the churchon the arrival of Jamesand Anne (Ibid., p. 92). 292

family for almostfour months.On I May 1590the royal couplearrived at Leith and preparationscommenced for the Queerescoronation. A list of the servantsthat accompaniedthe king on this trip hasnot survived.Given that two trumpeters accompaniedan embassyto Denmarkin 1587to negotiatethe termsof the King's marriageand at leastone trumpeter, Nicoll Lyell, travelledwith the delegationheaded by the Earl Marischalin 1589,it seemslikely that Jameswould havebeen accompanied by trumpeterson his arrival in Denmark.90 A Danishtrumpet ensemble of five trumpetersand a kettle drummeraccompanied James and Anne to Scotland.91 The provisionof liveriesfor the'tua Dutchetrumpetols'in October 1590suggests that membersof the group returnedhome shortly after the Queen'scoronation. 92

The Drummond family

Throughoutthe sixteenthcentury members of a family by the nameof Drummond were employedas wind instrumentalistsand trumpeters at the Scottishcourt. Julian

Drummondwas a memberof the wind bandthat arrivedin 1503and appointedto an official position at court two yearslater, andRobert Drummond was one of JamesVI's trumpeterswho venturedwith him to London in 1603.Ten membersof the Drummondfamily, spanningfour generations,can be identifiedfrom the records. Thosewhose family relationshipcan be establishedare shownbelow:

90SeeApril 1587; 1590;see also Chapter5 regardingthe paymentto Nicoll Lyell by the Edinburgh burgh council. "The trumpeterswere Peter Jiirgenn, Vilhelm Rytter, Gert Gertsen,Hans Bagster and Hicronimus Labeck,and the kettle drummerwas Peder Stegemann (Friis, 1947,pp. 111-12). 92Thesum of L700 paid to the Queen'strumpeters may representa final paymentat the time of their departure(see 1591). 293

Julian (d. 15471 1

John les - Michael

Julius (d. 1576) James

% If Robert (d. 1609)

Evidencethat JohnDrummond was the son of JulianDrummond is containedin the entry in the Treasurer'saccounts for 1543recording payment of the regularsalaries to the 'tua Drummondisbrether' who held office astrumpeters of 'weyre, John Drummondand James Drummond, the younger.93The sources do not revealthe

relationshipbetween Robert Drummond and the other family members,but it canbe

conjecturedthat he was a memberof the fourth generationof the family and eitherthe son of Juliusor JamesDrummond, the younger.The inclusionof NinianoDrummond in the accountsof Gariochfor 1532was probablya scribalerror andthe playerbeing

referredto wasNinian Brown. It hasnot beenpossible to establishthe relationship betweenJulian Drummond and the other two musicianswho were almostcertainly membersof the samefamily, BernardDromen and SebastianDormon. The only referenceto BernardDromen in the court recordsis his letter of passageto cometo

Scotlandin 1507.On the other hand,Sebastian Drummond, who arrivedin Scotland

independentlyof the royal wind band,was a regularmember of the group during the

reign of JamesV. Mark Drummondis mentionedin the recordson two occasion:in

1544,receiving payment for servingas a trumpeter,and in 1548,when his placein the

wind band(presumably upon his decease)was filled by JohnKempt. Mark Drummond was probablyeither the son of JulianDrummond, the elder,or SebastianDrummond.

93SecSeptember 1543 294

Whereasa link hasbeen established between Julian Richetti andthe musical establishmentof the city of Bologna,no traceof the Drummondfamily hasbeen found

in the Bolognesearchives. 94Dalyell claims that the Drummondswere a Scottish

family, naturalisedin Italy, who returnedto their nativecountry duringthe reign of JamesIV, 95but providesno evidenceto supportthis theory. At the appointmentof JuliusDrummond in 1547the entry in the Registerof the Privy Sealstates that Julian Drummondoriginated from Italy. Referencesto the instrumentalistsin the Treasurer's

accountsregularly attest to their Italian origin andthe fact that the additionalmember of the group, GeorgeForest, was a Scotsman.

The extent to which membersof the Drummond family were favoured at court is

evident, not only from the fact that successivegenerations of family memberswere

employed in royal service, but also from the assignmentof land in liferent to James

Drummond, the elder, and his son Julius, by JamesHamilton, the son of the Regent,

Earl of Arran, 96and, most poignantly, the granting of remission for the crime of manslaughterto JamesDrummond, father and son.97

Drummond,which appearedin a variety of spellingsduring the sixteenthcentury, is a commonScottish name and belonged to one of the foremostaristocratic families. The practiceof immigrantschanging their nameto one of Scottishorigin was common during the late Middle Ages.Immigrant musicians employed at the Englishcourt during the sixteenthcentury sometimes changed their namein order to concealtheir Jewishidentity. 98 There is no evidencethat the instrumentaliststhat cameto Scotland from Bolognawere Jewish.99 A possibleexplanation for the adoptionof the name

94GaMbaSSi.1989. Letter to the author from SusanF. Weiss:August, 1997. 95Dalyell,1849, p. 176. 96See19 April 1546. 97See26 April 1548and 10 January1580/1. "Herbert, 1997,p. 69. The Jewishidentity of the Bassanofamily, one of the mostprominent musical dynastiesactive at the English court during the sixteenthcentury, is discussedin Lasocki, 1995,pp. 92-98.This chapterwas written jointly with RogerNor. "The earliestevidence of Jewsin Scotlanddates from the seventeenthcentury (Cameron, 1993, s. v. 'Jews.). 295

Drummondis that this was the closestsounding Scottish name to their Italian family name.

Duties and repertoire

Many of the dutiesfulfilled by trumpetersin royal serviceprior to 1603have already

beenmentioned in this chapter.To summarise:during periodsof monarchicalrule,

trumpetersattended the king or queenwithin Scotlandand on occasionaljourneys

abroad;they servedat importantstate ceremonies such as coronations,weddings and

baptisms,which were often complementedby celebratoryevents such as banquetsand jousts; on a more regularbasis they accompaniedthe monarchto meetingsof

parliamentand performed at inaugurationceremonies of peers;at the publicationof

royal proclamationsthey servedas ancillariesto heralds.Royal trumpetersserved in a

military capacitywhen required and certainmembers of the corpsfulfilled important roles as heraldicemissaries in this line of duty. Other dutiesincluded accompanying diplomaticmissions abroad and attendingupon visiting foreign dignitaries.During periodsof royal minority trumpeterswere assignedto the regent.

From earlyin his reign JamesIV travelledextensively within Scotland,accompanied by his bandof trumpeters,to presideover justice ayres.100 Later in the centurythe royal

trumpetersare recordedas accompanyingheralds in the deliveryof chargesof treason,

or proclamationssummoning individuals to appearbefore the monarchor the privy

council,under the threat of treason.Burnett statesthat during the reign of JamesVI

the summonsof treasonwas servedby a heraldor pursuivant,accompanied by a

trumpeterand two messengersof armsas witnesses.101 While the trumpetererole in

both of theseactivities was in keepingwith their traditionalfunction as attendantsto

10OSeeWormald, 198 1, pp. 14-15. 'O'Burnett,1992, i, p. 16.An actof parliamentin 1592stipulated that charges of treasonwould be voidif notserved by heralds and pursuivants (APS, iii, p. 555). 296

the king andthe heraldicofficers, it provideda precedentfor their involvementin judicial ceremoniesfollowing the Union of the Crowns.

No musichas survived that canbe directly linked to the trumpetersof the Scottish royal court. Threelate sixteenth-centurymanuscripts: a trumpet methodby the Italian trumpeterCesare Bendinelli (c. 1542-1617),the chief trumpeterat the Munich court,102 and musicnotebooks compiled by MagnusThomsen (1596-1609) and Hendrich

Ltibeck (1598), Germantrumpeters at the Danishcourt, 103constitute the earliest substantivesources of trumpetmusic. These manuscripts record the military signalsin use andinclude a corpusof trumpet ensemblemusic. All of the ensemblepieces, with the exceptionof severalin Bendinelli'stutor, are noted as a singlemelodic line, the Principal, from which the playersimprovised the additionalparts accordingto recognisedformulae. Bendinelli provides details on the mannerin which the ensemble pieceswere constructedand performed. Additional informationrelating to the performanceof the ensemblerepertoire is providedby GirolamoFantini in his printed trumpetmethod of 1638and by MichaelPraetorius. 104A single Clarin part in the rangeC5 to A5 was improvisedabove the Principal (alsoknown as the Sonataor

Quinta) in the rangeC4-C5. Three, or sometimesfour, lower parts,each of which was restrictedto a singlepitch, soundedrhythmic drones. 105

Downeyhas categorised the ensemblepieces contained in thesesources as trumpet musicin the 'Italian style'.References to 'Italian style'trumpet music occur in sources from acrossmuch of Europeduring the sixteenthcentury. The 'Italian style' encompassedtwo categoriesof trumpet music:monophonic military signalsand

102Bcndinclli,1975. 103Transcriptionsof the manuscriptsby MagnusThomsen and HendrichLUbeck, by Georg Schancmann,appear in Trompeterfanfaren,Sonaten und Feldstficke',Das Erbe deutscherMusik, vii (Kassel,1936), and Downey,1983. 104Fantini,1978; Practorius discusses trumpet ensemble music in SyntagmaMusicum, iii, Wolfcnbfittel, 1619,pp. 171-72(Downey, 1981, p. 329). 105Thclower parts arc named Alter Bass, Volgant, Grob and Gladdergrob, the latter being optional. The Alter Bass followed the Principal one harmonic lower, and the lower three parts was restricted to a single note: G3, C3 and C2, respectively; seealso Taff, 1997. 297

homophonic ensemblepieces, describedas'Sonatas'106. This style of trumpet music was developed at Northern Italian courts during the late fifteenth century and introduced to many courts in the German speakingworld by Italian trumpeters in their employ during the course of the sixteenth century. A fragment of trumpet ensemble music, consisting of a single high melodic part and an accompanimentof drones, was cited by the composer and theorist Gioseffo Zarlino (c. 1517-1590) in his Sopplimenti

Musicali (Venice, 1588). Downey considersthis to be an example of pre-Italian-style trumpet ensembleMusic. 107

Purserhas suggested that Italian trumpetersintroduced the Italian-styletrumpet music to Scotlandduring the reign of JamesIV.1081t can be assumedthat the Italian trumpetersemployed at the Scottishroyal court between1511 and 1513,coming from

Bologna,were familiar with contemporarydevelopments in trumpetdesign and playing occurringin Northern Italy. However,it is not clearhow representativethe ensemble piecescontained in Bendinelli'stutor are of early sixteenth-centuryItalian trumpet music.As suggestedabove, two of the four Italian trumpetersthat cameto Scotlandin

1511moved to the Englishroyal court two yearslater andthat one of theseplayers attainedthe rank of SergeantTrumpeter. Downey assertsthat the Italian style did not reachEngland or Franceuntil the late sixteenthcentury and that treble-dominated trumpet ensemblemusic prevailed in thosecountries. 109 It canbe conjecturedthat the trumpeters'of weyre'appointed at the Scottishcourt towardsthe end of the reign of

JamesV andthe variousgroups of Frenchtrumpeters in Scotlandduring the minority of Mary Queenof Scotsperformed ensembles music in the treble-dominatedstyle.

106Twonew signals,set one harmonichigher than the others,are notatedby Thomsonand Bendinelli (Downey,1981, pp. 328-29). 107Downcy,1983, i, p. 62; Downey, 1984,p. 3 1. 108Purser, 1988, p. 12. The source for this assertion is given as Downey, 1984. 109According to Downey, Italian-style military music was adopted in England and France towards the end of the sixteenth century, but Italian-style ensemble music was rejected (Downey, 1983, i, p. 88). 298

Throughtheir contactwith trumpetersof the Danishroyal court aroundthe time of JamesVI's marriage,the Scottishroyal trumpetersmust have been exposed to Italian- styletrumpet ensemblemusic. 110 Whether this stylewas adoptedby the Scottish trumpeters,however, is uncertain.It is shownin Chapter4 that JamesVI's Scottish trumpetersattained a pre-eminentposition in the Englishroyal trumpetcorps after

1603.Information is scanton the type of trumpetensemble music performed in Englandduring the first half of the seventeenthcentury. Musical sourcesfrom the secondhalf of the century,however, suggest that trumpetensemble music in France andEngland developed along separate lines from other parts of Europeand that the stylewas rooted in the treble-dominatedtrumpet music of the sixteenthcentury. " I

It hasbeen suggested that the Scottishroyal trumpetersperformed with the singersof the ChapelRoyal in the Massin six partsby Robert Carver.112 The hypothesisderives from passagesin the work which featuretrumpetum. This compositionaldevice involvedthe representationof trumpetcalls in vocal compositionsand was featuredin a numberof fifteenth-centuryworks, both sacredand secular.In someinstances the vocal line containingthe trumpetimitation (normallythe tenor or contratenor)is markedwith one of the Latin or vernacularterms for'trumpet'. Rosssuggests that the Massin six partsmay havebeen performed to celebratethe launchof JamesIvs battleship,the GreatMichael, in 1511,and notes that paymentwas madeto the royal trumpetersfor performingon that occasion;Elliot, however,dates the Massafter 1513.113

In supportof his theory that trumpetersperformed in sixteenth-centurysacred music in

Scotland,Ross cites a passagefrom The Testamentof SqvyerMeldrumby Sir David

I IOTheintroduction of Italian trumpetersand Italian-styletrumpet music to the Danish royal court is discussedin Downey,198 1. III SeeDowney, 1990;Downey, 1995. 112ROSS, 1993, pp. 27-28. A modemedition of the 'Nbss for six voices'is includedin Me Complete WorksofRobert Carver, ed. KennethElliott, pp. 106-50.Glasgow, 1996. 113E]Iiot,op. cit., p. vi. 299

Lindsayof the Mount. In the poem,which is written in the first person,Squire Meldrum, a Fife laird andacquaintance of the author,contemplates the mannerin which he wisheshis funeralis to conducted:

Sethat the thoill na,Preist in my Processioun, Without he be of UenusProfessioun;

With aneBischop of that Religioun, Solemnitliegar thamesing my saullmes, With organe,Timpane, Trumpet, & Clarion, To shawthair Musick dewliethem addres. I will that day be hardno heuines. I will na seruiceof the Riquiem, Bot Alleluya,with melodieand Game.114

The Massto which Lindsayalludes was a hypotheticalevent at which a priest of the

Uenus Professioun!presided. Meldrurn makes it clearthat he desiresno emblemsof the pre-reformedchurch, either in the funeralprocession, or the service,and setsout an alternativemanner of solemnisingthe event.Thus, the passageimplies that the use of trumpetsin the musicof the masswas anathemato Scottishliturgical practice.

The passagesin question in Carver's Mass in six parts, like most examplesof trumpetum contained in the fifteenth-century vocal repertory, is not playable on the natural trumpet. Several writers have suggestedthat passagesof trumpetum were performed on a slide trumpet. " 5 There is now a consensusamong musicologists, however, that they denote vocal representationsof trumpet calls rather than actual trumpet parts, a hypothesis alluded to by several fifteenth century writers. 116Accounts of important ceremoniesassociated with the Scottish court mention the sounding of trumpets in church. On each occasion, ceremonial trumpet music is alluded to, and there is no evidencethat the trumpeters joined forces with singers, or other instrumentalists.

114Lindsay,1931-36, i, p. 193.This poemis discussedin Chapter2. 115Forexample, see Smithers, 1973, pp. 45-49; Tarr, 1988,pp. 58-60. 116SceBaines, 1993,pp. 84-86;Downey, 1984,pp. 28-30; Polk, 1992,p. 49. 300

The useof wind instrumentsin the performanceof sacredpolyphonic music during the late fifteenthand early sixteenthcentury was mentionedearlier in this chapter.The evidence,although fragmentary, points to areasof NorthernEurope, in particularthe

Low Countries,as being instrumental in this development.Initially, it seemsthat a singlecornett and/ortrombone player, rather than a full five-piecewind band,was usedin this context.117 It is possiblethat a playerof the 'draucht'trumpet and/or the cornettparticipated in performancesof sacredpolyphonic music at the ScottishChapel

Royal duringthe reign of JamesIV. Threeof the four entriesrecording payment to the

'drauchttrumpet' in the accountsrefer to the playerindependently of the group of Italian minstrelsto which he belonged.Given the smallnumber of entriesin question, this maybe purely coincidental,but it perhapsindicates that the player'sduties included servingindependently of the wind band.A Frenchcomett playerby the nameof Bountasis regularlymentioned in the Treasurer'saccounts between 1502 and 1503.

Onepayment was madefor playingthe 'cornut in the Quenischamir. I 18After an absenceof five years,payments to Bountasreappear in the accounts.None of the entriesrelating to Bountasafter 1503refer to him as a cornett playerbut normally describedhim as a'fidleror'menstrale'. An entry in the accounts,dated 15 March

1516/17,records payment of 13 6s. 8d. to 'Bonetampnsin the abbaykirle. 119 Although the entry falls short of indicatingthat Bountasperformed in a liturgical context,the possibilitythat he accompaniedthe singersof the ChapelRoyal on cornett cannotbe ignored.There is no conclusiveevidence that wind instrumentalistsjoined forceswith the singersof the ChapelRoyal prior to 1543.An entry in the recordsof the University of Louvain for 1503/4,referring to 'Robertusde Sto Johannein Scotia!,most probably refersto Robert Carver.120 The influenceof the Flemishschool of sacredpolyphony is

117SeePolk, 1989; Polk, 1990, pp. 186,195-96. 118TA,ii, p. 398; see also the other payments in TA, ii. 119TA,v, p. 114. 120St. Johnstone was the name by the which the city of Perth was known during the sixteenth century. A note in the Carver ChoirbDok(En Adv. Ms. 5.1.15. ) states that the composer held the position of cantor at the Abbey of Scone (Ross, 1993, pp. 5-6). St. Johnstone was in the diocese of Scone. 301

apparentin Carver'smusic and it seemsreasonable to assumethat he would alsohave beenfamiliar with the innovativedevelopments in performancepractice taking placein that region. 302

Chapter4

TRUMPETERS IN ROYAL SERVICE: 1603-1800

The office of Royal Trumpeter

WhenJames VI ascendedto the throneof Englandin 1603he was accompaniedon his ourneyto London by his five trumpetersin ordinary.I Theseplayers were subsequentlyincorporated into the trumpetcorps at the Englishroyal court.2 Positions for five trumpeterswere retainedas part of the Scottishestablishment, and all but one of the playerstransferred to the Englishcourt continuedto receivetheir salariesas royal trumpetersin Scotlanduntil their death.Four trumpetersappointed in Scotland during the period of JamesVI's reign in England,three of whom were membersof the

Ramsayfamily, also procured positions in the English royal trumpet corps (seeTable 1).

Table 1. Trumpeters appointed royal trumpeter in both Scotland and England during the reign of James VI and I

Appointed in Appointed in Scotland England Robert Ramsay 1608 1604/5 William Marr 1609 1624/25 Silvester Ramsay 1612 1619 I William Ramsay 1 1624 1626 -1

During the sameperiod, three trumpeters, two of whom were relatedto Archibald

Finnie,were appointedsolely in Scotland.The evidencestrongly suggests that, with the exceptionof William Marr, the playersappointed in both countriesserved primarily in England.

IFor an accountof JamesVI's journey to London,during which he was met at York by an English delegationthat included'the SergeantTrumpeter, with someother of his fellows', seeNichols, 1828,i, pp. 77-78. 2Ashbec,1986-96, iv, pp. 5,6. 303

The appointmentof Andrew Finnieas a royal trumpeterin Scotlandin April 1603, soonafter the departureof the court, is significantin that he did not fill a position vacatedby the deceaseof one of the existingoffice holders.He replacedArchibald Finniein the list of thosereceiving salaries for the yearto 1605,even though the latter continuedto receivepayment in Englanduntil his deathin 1607.3It seemslikely that Andrew Finniewas recruitedto fulfil the requirementsof the administrationin

Scotlandin the immediateaftermath of the departureof JamesVI. RobertRamsay was appointedtrumpeter in ordinaryin Englandin 1604/5in successionto his father,

William Ramsay.4 The positionmade vacant in Scotlandby the deceaseof William Ramsaywas filled by GeorgeFerguson, and Robert Ramsay was not appointedin Scotland until the next vacancyarose three years later. This suggeststhat a second playerwas recruitedto fulfil the ceremonialrequirements in Scotland.

be deduced It can that by 1609three of the royal trumpetersholding office in Scotland: GeorgeFerguson, William Mar and Andrew Finnie,were servingin Scotland.In 1619 KatherineMaxwell, JohnRamsay's wife, collectedthe salariesfor her husbandand his brothers,Robert and Silvester,who were presumablyserving in England.John Ramsay in was Scotlandin 1620and appearsto haveremained there until his deathin 1626.On his return to Scotlandhe actedas proxy for his brothers'salaries. It is possiblethat SilvesterRamsay served in Scotlandfrom 1612until his appointmentto the English in trumpet corps 1619.5It seemsmore likely, however,in view of the fact that other family memberswere activein England,that he servedin the Englishtrumpet corps andthat his salaryfrom the Scottishexchequer from 1612was treatedas remuneration for servingin this capacity.Likewise, it is possiblethat the appointmentof Robert

3Ashbee,1986-96, iv, pp.16-17. 4Ashbee,1986-96, iv, pp.11,15,75. Warrants for RobertRamsay's livery are dated 8 February 1604/5;the Signet warrant, authorising payment of hisregular fee, is dated7 February1604/5. 5Paymentto Silvcstcr Ramsay was not recorded in theComptroller's accounts until 1616.This may havebeen due to a delayin theadministrative process. 304

Ramsayin Scotlandin 1608,three years after beingadmitted to the Englishtrumpet corps,involved a temporarytransfer to Scotland,but thereis evidencethat he was in London from 1612onwards. " The appointmentof trumpetersserving in Englandto positionsin Scotlandmay have been an extensionof the tradition of appointing musiciansto placesat the Englishcourt that were unrelatedto their actualmusical role.7 This practiceenabled musicians to be recruitedinto royal servicewithout having to wait for a positionas a playerof a specificinstrument to becomevacant, and the numberof playersof a particularinstrument to be changedwithout formally restructuringthe royal musicalestablishment. 8 The most likely explanationfor players receivingsalaries in both Scotlandand England is that they servedas the King's personaltrumpeters, for which they were beinggenerously rewarded. 9

That JamesVI's Scottishtrumpeters and their descendantsattained a prominent positionin the Englishtrumpet corps is apparentfrom the court recordsfrom the seconddecade of his reign in England.10 From 1614onwards a group of three'riding trumpeters'regularly accompanyied the King on his travelsfrom Whitehall.II John

Ramsayis recorded as attendingthe King on severaljourneys in 1619.Robert Ramsay was a memberof the first group of 'riding' trumpetersnamed in the records(in 1615) and continuedto servedin this capacityduring the reign of CharlesI. II In 1644,while the royal court was in exile at Oxford, RobertRamsay officiated as Sergeant- Trumpeter."

6Ashbee,1986-96, iv, p. 36. 7SceHolman, 1993,pp. 39-40. 81bid. 9During the reigns of JamesVI and CharlesI favouredmusicians at the royal court often held more than onc'place'on the musicalestablishment (Holman, 1993,pp. 45-46). 1OManyScottish courtiers were patronised at JamesVI's English court, particularly in the highly influential householdpositions (Cuddy, 1987,pp. 174-77). 1IDuring his period in England,James spent around half his time out of London,either on progresses, or at one of his numerousresidences (Cuddy, 1987,p. 193). 12See AShbCe' 1986-96, iii and iv. 13AShbee, 1986-96, iii, p. 119. 305

None of the trumpetersappointed in Scotlandduring the reign of CharlesI servedin the royal trumpetcorps in England,but throughoutthis periodtrumpeters continued to hold office in both countries.Thus, between 1603 and 1638the royal trumpet corpsin Scotlandwas graduallyre-established; at no time duringthis period, however,did it operatewith its full quotaof five players.

Throughoutthe period of the Covenantinggovernment (1638-1650) the royal administrativeinstitutions in Scotlandwere retainedand the royal trumpetcorps remainedin service.Appointments to the corpscontinued to be madewhen positions aroseand its dutieswere very muchas they hadbeen under regal authority. Less informationon the trumpetcorps has been forthcoming for the period of Cromwellian rule (1650-1660).Trumpeters were muchin evidencein Edinburghduring the occupation,but it is not alwaysclear whether the playersreferred to in accountsof ceremonialevents were attachedto the Englishmilitary forcesor membersof the former royal trumpet corps.The occupyingforces retained the Court of the Lord Lyon as an institution Cromwell - personallycrowned a new Lord Lyon in 165814- but very little is known of its function during this period. The only appointmentto the trumpet corpsrecorded during the Englishoccupation is that of Dowgall Campbellin 1651.15

Whereasfive playersconstituted the full complementof royal trumpetersduring the reignsof JamesVI and Charles1, after the Restorationthis was increasedto six. Recordsof the appointmentof two membersof the trumpet corpslisted in 1663,John

White and JohnThomson, have not beentraced. It is possiblethat they were appointed during the 1650s,but the list of warrantspassing the Privy Sealand containedin the registerfor the yearsimmediately following the Restorationis far from complete.16 It is

14SirJames Campbell of Lawers,who was appointed by Cromwell,was removed from office at the Restoration(Grant, 1945, p. 13;Stevenson, 1914, i, pp.118-19). 15See5 January1651. 16Anumber of warrantswhich passedthe Privy Sealbut were not recordedin the registerare held in the ScottishRecord Office (PS 13). None of theserelate to the appointmentof trumpeters. 306

most likely that they were appointedat the revival of the royal trumpetcorps after the

Restoration.None of the trumpetersappointed in Scotlandafter the Restorationare mentionedin the Englishcourt recordsand from this time onwardsall the membersof the Scottishtrumpet corps served exclusively in Scotland.

Appointmentsto the royal trumpetcorps were traditionallymade for life. From the last decadeof the seventeenthcentury onwards, however, a numberof playerswere appointedto servefor the durationof the monarch'sreign. This was expressedin their appointmentrecord as 'during our pleasureonly'. 17 Another changeto the natureof the office of royal trumpeteroccurred in the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury when severalroyal trumpetersresigned from office. This presumablyresulted from their inability to carry out their duties,perhaps due to ill health.

Accordingto the Englishcourt recordsof the early seventeenthcentury, the Scottish royal trumpeterswere subjectto the authorityof the Sergeant-Trumpeterat the royal court in England,whose authority extended over all trumpeters,drummers and fifes 'within Englandand his Majestiesother dominions'.18 There is no evidencethat the Sergeant-Trumpeterexercised authority over the royal trumpetersin Scotland.Entries in the Registerof the Privy Sealrecording appointments in Scotlandstipulate that the playersserved on equalterms. The only evidenceof a hierarchyamong the corpsis that AlexanderFerguson signed for paymenton severaloccasions on behalfof himself andthe other royal trumpeters.19 It is possiblethat as the longestserving member of the group, andperhaps the one most familiarwith the administrativeprocedure of the

Treasury,he was affordedresponsibility for administrativematters pertaining to the trumpet corps.

"The phrase'duringour pleasureonly'was usedin documentsrecording the appointmentof royal musiciansin England.Holman considersthe reasonfor suchappointments difficult to explain (Holman, 1993,p. 43). "This is expressedat the appointmentof Henry Martyn as SergeantTnunpctcr in 1613/14(Ashbec, 1986-96,iv, p. 40). 19See6 September1662; 11 September1663; 13 September1664. 307

Throughoutthe period of regalunion the royal trumpetcorps in Scotlandwas closely associatedwith the Court of the Lord Lyon, Scotland'scourt of heraldicjurisdiction. 20

The royal trumpeterswere subjectto the authorityof the Lord Lyon King of Arms, the principalofficer of the Court of the Lord Lyon.21 The authorityof the Lord Lyon King of Arms coveredthe grantingof heraldicarms and the organisationof state ceremonies,duties which were presidedover by the Earl Marshaland the Lord Chamberlain,respectively, in England.

Duties

Between1603 and 1707the Scottishparliament provided the most perceptiblesymbol of regal authorityin Scotlandand the Riding of Parliamentwas the most important eventin the Scottishceremonial calendar. 22 The ceremony,which is first mentionedin an act of parliamentof 1587,23involved the transportationof the regaliaof statefrom Holyroodhouseto the venuefor parliamentand back, on the openingand closingday of parliamentarysessions respectively. During the reignsof JamesVI and CharlesI parliamentswere held infrequently.24 It is possiblethat during the earlyyears of the regalunion the trumpeterswho held office in Scotlandbut were basedin England returnedto Scotlandfor the eventin the entourageof JamesVI's Scottishcourtiers.

20Theprincipal officcr of the Lyon Court is the Lord Lyon King of Arms. The Lyon Court comprises six heralds;Albany, Rothesay,Snowdon, Marchmont, Islay and Ross,and six pursuivants;Unicorn, Kintyre, Bute, Dingwall, Ormondand Carrick (Stevenson,1914, i, p. 47-49). 21See [ 1681-17071;see also the letter signedby the royal trumpetersin 1684,in reply to an admonishmentfor an unspecifiedmisdemeanour at a funeral ceremony(12 March 1684). 22Thcimportance of the ceremonialat meetingsof parliamentafter the departureof the King (see 1606)is evidentfrom the instructionssent to the privy council regardingthe mannerin which the 'Riding' wasto be performed(see RPC, I st series,vii, p. 221). 23Bumett,1992, i, p. 23. 241ntwenty threeof the yearsbetween 1603 and 1638there were no meetingsof Parliamentor Conventionsof Estates.Parliaments continued to be held irregularly until 1689,when it beganto meet annually (Brown, 1992,p. 18). 308

The royal trumpeterscontinued to attendupon the heraldsat the publicationof actsof parliament,which, after 1603,were intimatedby proclamationat the market-crossof

Edinburgh,and, for Scotsmenresiding overseas, at the pier and shoreof Leith.25 The royal trumpetersand heraldicofficers also performed at proclamationsof the privy counciland those dispatched from the royal court in London. The importanceof the

Court of the Lord Lyon in preservingthe ceremonialpertaining to regal sovereignty after 1603was reflectedin the elaborateinauguration ceremonies afforded to the Lord Lyon King of Arms andthe heraldicofficers. These ceremonies, in which the royal trumpetersparticipated, probably originated prior to the Union of the Crowns.26

The recordsof the Lyon Court provide a wealth of informationon funeralceremonies in Scotlandduring the seventeenthcentury. Trumpeters are mentionedas participating in all but a few of the earliestfunerals recorded, and the playersare namedin manyof the accounts,revealing that the royal trumpet corpsformed the nucleusof the groups employed.Aristocratic funeral ceremonies in seventeenth-centuryScotland were lavish affairs,which beliethe modestwealth of most Scottisharistocratic families during the period.It was not uncommonfor six or more trumpetersto be employed.Lists of expensesincurred for the ceremony,which includedpayments to trumpeters,are appendedto severalof the funeralaccounts.

Records of appointment to the trumpet corps from 1636 onwards often include performing at funeral ceremoniesamong the duties pertaining to the office. 27The role of the trumpeters at funerals will be discussedmore fully in Chapter 7.28The organisation and marshalling of funeral ceremoniesof membersof the aristocracy in England College Arms 29Royal trumpeters was the responsibility of the of . served at

25Burnett,1992, i, p. 30. 26See15 June 1630; 11 June 1634; c. 1661; 25 September 1663 and 27 July 1681. 1636). 27This was first expressedat the appointment of Johnne Phynnie (see 17 February 28Seealso McGrattan, 1995. 29See Wagner, 1967, p. 197. 309

royal funeralceremonies in Englandduring this period,but trumpeterswere employed lessfrequently at funeralsfor membersof the aristocracy.During the courseof the seventeenthcentury heraldic funerals began to declinein popularityin Englandas torch-light burialsat night cameinto fashion.30 Significantly, when trumpeters were incorporatedinto funeralceremonies in England,there was no mandatedirecting the royal trumpetersto be employed.

In 1612 the officials of the Lyon Court petitioned the privy council for an allowance as compensationfor their loss of earningsfrom the abandonmentof the custom of creating peers and bishops by public ceremony, in favour of preferment by royal warrant alone.31 The privy council ordered that the heraldic officers should continue to receive a fee irrespective of the manner in which peers were created.31 No provision for the loss of earningsincurred by the royal trumpeters was made in this resolution. A successfulsupplication to the privy council on the matter was made by the trumpeters in 1616.33That this resolution continued to be adheredto after the Restoration is evident from the payment to the trumpeters in this respect during the 1660S.34 A degree of opportunism, however, is detectablein the appeal to the Court of Sessionin

1681 over their claimed entitlement of a fee at the appointment of membersof the clergy to the bishopric.35

The involvementof trumpetersin judicial ceremoniesin Scotlandtook on added significanceduring the seventeenthcentury. It is possiblethat the royal trumpeters performeda ceremonialrole at meetingsof the centralcriminal court during the first half of the century,but thereis no evidencethat trumpetersperformed at court sittings

30SeeMcGrattan, 1995, p. 176. 31Bumett, 1992, i, pp. 30-32. 32RPC, Ist series, ix, pp. 485-86. 33Sce3 December 1616. 34See6 September1662; 13 September1664. 35See7 June 1681. 310

in other areasat this time.36 Until the establishmentI-figh Court of Justiciary in 1672 the central criminal court sat in Edinburgh and criminal justice was administeredin outlying districts by deputies.37 It was intended at the establishmentof the I-Iigh Court of Justiciary that annual circuit courts would be held, although few took place prior to the Union of the Parliaments.Payment to four royal trumpeters in 1677 for attendance at the circuit courts and the involvement of heralds in the procession to the Tollbooth of Stirling in 1683 suggeststhat the royal trumpeters may have been routinely employed in this capacity between 1672 and 1707.38

The practice of royal trumpeters accompanyingheralds and pursuivants in the serving of writs for treason during the second half of the sixteenth century was mentioned earlier. The records of the proceedings of Parliament throughout the seventeenth century document numerous charges of treason being delivered by heralds and pursuivants. The vast majority of the casesrecorded do not mention the participation of a trumpeter, but it is possible that the royal trumpeters were regularly employed in this role.39 Acts of Parliament in 1661 and 1685 allowed for the execution of summons for treason without heralds and pursuivants,40 but the custom of the charge being made by an official of the Lyon Court, accompaniedby a trumpeter, was still being observed in 1669.41

An accountof the mannerin which the trumpetwas soundedat the chargingof felons in custodyfor treasonprior to the Union of Parliamentsis providedby JohnLouthian in his legal treatise,published in 1732.42Several accounts from the secondhalf of the seventeenthcentury testify to the mannerin which sentencesof forfeiture and deathfor

36SceNovember 1629. 37Dickinson, 1958, pp. 4 10-11. 38SeeNovember 1677; 5 Jane 1683. 39SeeNovember-December 1634. 40APS,vii, p. 32; viii, p. 480. 41See1669. 42Seepre-1707. 311

treasonwere proclaimed,firstly in Parliamentor the High Court, andlater, publicly,at the marketcross. 43An act of the parliamentof GreatBritain of 1707brought the Scottishlaws governingacts of treasonin line with thoseof England.44Louthian describesthe processof indictmentfor treasonafter 1707and makes no mentionof the involvementof trumpeters.

The originsof the useof the trumpetto summonfelons charged with treasoncan be tracedback to the Scottishcustom of bringingrebels 'to the hom!.45The expression originallyrelated to all fugitives,but by the seventeenthcentury it appliedspecifically to debtorswho failed to answercharges brought against them within a specifiedperiod of time. The processof 'horning'involved one of the kings messengersreading the letter of charge'andafterwards blow threeblasts with an horn, by which the debtoris understoodto be proclaimedrebel to the king'.46The entry for'hom'in Ae Oxford

English Dictionary supportsthe Scottishorigin of the CUStorn.47M late as 1740a chargeof'horning'was issuedat the marketcross of Edinburghwith'the usualthree blastsof the horn'.48

Evidencethat trumpeterscontinued to performat the passingof the deathsentence duringthe eighteenthcentury is providedby inclusionof 'The CelebratedTrumpet

Tune',in a collectionof Scottishfiddle music,compiled by membersof the Gow family, and publishedin the early nineteenthcentury (Ex. 2).49The assertion that the piecewas playedwhen the court 'hasoccasion to Exerciseits most painfulDuty' canbe

43See13 & 21 May 1661; 1685;2 July 1695. 44Erskine,1871, ii, p. 1220. 45Thisis first referredto in an act of parliamentof 1397.See DOST, s.v. 'horn.' 46Erskine,1871, i, pp. 376-77. 47'rhe wind instrumentas usedin forms of legal process;e. g. in the Scotchceremony of proclaiming an outlaw,when threeblasts were blown on a horn by the kings messenger;hcnce to put (denounce) to the horn '(OED, 'horn,' 14. ). ... s.v. a. 48SRO GD 332/69. 49NeilGow & Sons.A Flfih Collection of Strathspeysand Reels&c. For the Piano Forte, Harp, Holin & Poloncello. Edinburgh,c. 1809.Most of the tunesin the collectionto which a composeris attributedare by Neil Gow or his son Nathaniel. 312

interpretedas referringto the passingof the deathsentence. The fact that the statement was written in the presenttense suggests that it was still in use duringthe nineteenth century.Since Nathaniel Gow servedas a royal trumpeteron the circuit courtsfrom

1782until the end of the century,his testimony'as to the function of the pieceand its antiquity,it beingdescribed as 'Very Old', canbe consideredaccurate. It canbe assumedthat the two-part piecein the key of A major, a key well suitedto the Scottish folk fiddle, was originallyplayed in D or Eb, the keysin which most survivingBritish trumpetsof the seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies are pitched.Purser suggests that

'The CelebratedTrumpet Tunewas performedby the royal trumpetersat public executionsduring the eighteenthcentury. 50 Numerous accounts of executions performedduring this period are containedin newspapers,and various sources refer to the procedureat executionsduring the seventeenthcentury. With the exceptionof one executionin 1663,at which the trumpetersof the life guardswere present,no referencesto the use of the trumpetat theseevents have been found. 51

Ex. 2

The Celebrated Trumpet Tune v-niA id Traw

21 T-"

Upon Circuitsin Sootlandfts the Air is playedby Ifis lvlýcxty`xHousehold Trumpets aftendmg the Lordsoflustimary, whenthat high (Solemn)Court has oocamon to Exermseits mostpainful Duty.

"Purser, 1992,p. 157. 51See 22 July 1663. 313

The abolition of the Scottish parliament and privy council in 1707 dealt an even more

severeblow to Scotland's ceremonial life than the Union of the Crowns had done a little over a century earlier. The royal trumpeters continued to perform at the publication of important royal proclamations, but acts of the parliament of Great

Britain were no longer required to be delivered by proclamation.52 The principal duty of the trumpet corps after the Union of Parliamentswas to accompanythe High Court of Justiciary on its circuits. The royal trumpeters were often referred to as trumpeters of the Justiciary during the eighteenth century. Until 1747 circuit courts were held in the spring of each year, thereafter they were held biannually. For each sessiona separatedelegation, headedby a High Court judge, was appointed to officiate on the

Northern, Southern and Western Circuits. Each circuit was on the road for approximately two weeks and was accompaniedby a macer and two trumpeters.

Trumpeterswere employedin ceremoniesassociated with the assizesin England duringthe eighteenthcentury, but the evidencesuggests that playerswere recruited locally, by the magistratesof the countyin which the court was sitting, and did not travel with the circuit judges.53 There is no record of royal trumpetersin England attendingthe assizesor the centraljudicial courtsin London, or of trumpeters performinginside English courts of law.

Personnel

The transferof JamesVI's royal trumpetersto Englandbrought to an end a period of almosta centuryduring which membersof the Drummondfamily servedas royal wind instrumentalistsin Scotland.The two trumpetersby the nameof Andrew Finnie

52Erskine, 1871, i, p. 15. 53Assizeswere presided over by judges of the High Court who came into each county on circuit twice a year (Beattie, 1986, pp. 4-5). Payment to two trumpeters is included in a list of expensespaid to the late Ifigh Sheriff of Lancaster at the trial of rcbcl prisoners by judges of the ffigh Court (CTB, xxxi, p. 483). A French visitor to England in 1820 noted that trumpeters accompanied the sheriffs of English counties as they escorted the judges into the town for assizes(see Beattie, 1986, pp. 316-17). 314

appointedduring James's reign in Englandrepresent the only link betweenthe personnelof the trumpetcorps that servedin Scotlandafter the Union of the Crowns andthat of the erstwhileScottish court. The appointmentof GeorgeFerguson in 1608 heraldedthe introductionof a new dynastyof royal trumpeters.Six membersof the Fergusonfan-dly, spanning three generations, held office duringthe courseof the century.Three of the four membersof this fan-dlyrecruited during the first half of the centurywere servantsto membersof the aristocracyat the time of their appointments, aswere severalother trumpetersappointed during this period.The majority of the playersrecruited between the Restorationand the Union of the Parliamentswere recruitedfrom aristocraticservice or were employedas trumpetersin the life guardsat the time of their appointment.It hasnot beenpossible to establishthe occupationsof severalappointees to the trumpetcorps during the first half of the eighteenthcentury, but duringthe courseof that centuryit becameincreasingly common for professional musiciansto be recruited.

William Marr was the only trumpeterappointed to royal servicein both Scotlandand Englandduring JamesVI's reign in Englandwho was not a descendentof one of the trumpeterstransferred to the Englishcourt in 1603.There is no mentionof William Marr in the Englishcourt recordsbetween his appointmentin Scotlandin 1609and his appointmentin Englandin 1624/5.54It canbe inferredfrom the recordsof the Scottish exchequerthat he servedexclusively in Scotlandduring this period. In May 1625 William Marr was one of twenty trumpeters(excluding the Sergeant-Trumpeter)to receivemourning liveries for the funeralof JamesVI andI in London, andhe is listed amongstthe Englishtrumpeters for the following five years." In 1630he was granted permissionto travel to Scotlandfor six monthsand is next mentionedin the English 56 records in 1633. He is included in subsequentpayment lists for the English trumpet

54Ashbee,1986-96, iv, p. 69. 55Ashbee,1986-96, iii, p. 2. 56Ashbee,1986-96, iii, p. 54. 315

corpsuntil 1642,which mayhave been the year of his death.57 It seemslikely that in William Marr was in Scotland between 1630 and 1633. He served at sevenfunerals

Scotland between 1628 and 1635, as well as at the inauguration of a pursuivant in

1634. It appearsthat he travelled between Scotland and the royal court on a regular basis after his appointment in England, perhapsin the service of one of JamesVI's

Scottish officials.

Throughoutthe seventeenthand eighteenthcenturies non-royal trumpeters were regularlyemployed to fulfil the dutiespertaining to the royal trumpetcorpS. 58 As mentionedabove, attendance at funeralswas stipulatedas one of the royal trumpeters' dutiesfrom 1636.The fact that earlierfunerals in which the royal trumpeters performedwere organisedby the Lord Lyon King of Arms andmarshalled by the heralds,indicates that they incorporatedelements of stateceremonial. The 'Volumeof funeralceremonies' provides a valuablerecord of the trumpeterswho constitutedthe dafacto royal trumpetcorps between 1623 and 1632.Trumpeters named in this source are listed in Table2.

Only three of the nineplayers named in the funeralaccounts were royal trumpetersin Scotlandat the time of servingin their earliestfuneral ceremonies. Three others were appointedafter havingserved in this capacity.George Ferguson and William Marr were appointedto royal servicebefore the earliestfuneral recorded in this sourceand William Marr was the only playernamed in the accountof the funeralprocession of

George,Earl of Marchelin 1623,the year in which Andrew Finniewas appointed.It is not possible,therefore, to ascertainif theseplayers served in ceremoniesorganised by the Lord Lyon prior to their appointmentsas royal trumpeters.

57Seethe numerousentries in Ashbee,1986-96, iii. "For the earliestexample of this, see11 August 1614. 316

Table 2. Trumpeters recorded in the 'Volume of funeral ceremonies, and dates of appointments as royal trumpeters in Scotland

Datesof funeralceremony in which Appointed recordedas participating royal trumpeter AlexanderFerguson 1629 1633 David Ferguson 1627,1628,1629,1630,1631,1632(2) 1641 GeorgeFerguson 1625,1627)1628,1629311630,1631, 1608 1632 GeorgeFerguson, yr. 1627 Walter Ferguson 1625 Andrew Finnie 1627,1632 1623 ArchibaldLaury 1625 William Marr 1623,1628,1629,1630,1631,1632(2) 1609 Mark Smith 1625,1627,1628,1629,1630,1631, 1626 1632(2) 11

In the accountof the ceremonyat the inaugurationof Kintyre Pursuivantin 1634the playersare referredto ashis Majestiestrumpetouris'; however, one of the four players listed, David Ferguson, was not appointed to the trumpet corps until 1641.51

In 1670 those royal trumpeters that were not active as tradesmenin Edinburgh were exemptedfrom payingtaxes to the burgh council.60 The fact that few of the royal trumpetersare listed in the Edinburghburgess rolls suggeststhat the majority did not attainthat rank. Robert Childeriswas presumablya journeymanat the time of his appointmentas trumpeter to the burgh of Edinburghin 1649,61since he was not

1665.62 appointedto the positionof burgess,as a saddler,until

Hugh Spark,uniquely among the royal trumpeters,served as an officer of the Court of the Lord Lyon. He was appointedDingwall Pursuivantin 174761and received payment

59Sce1634. 60Sec14 Septcmbcr 1670. 61See 9 Novcmbcr 1649. 62Edinburgh Burgesses: 1406-1700, p. 105. 63Grant, 1945, p. 6. 317

for this position until 1761.64In 1752 and 1754, prior to his appointment as a royal trumpeter in 1758, he attended the circuit court as a macer.65 In 1768 Spark was appointed an honorary member of the Holyrood House Lodge.66 He appearsto have passedhis position as royal trumpeter to William Napier in 1786 for a fee, but spent his latter years in financial hardship.67

DanielThomson is the first royal trumpeterknown to haveperformed on the trumpet in concertsand in the theatrein Scotland.That he was capableof performingon a numberof instrumentsis evidentfrom the plan of the St. Cecilia!s Day concertof 1695

(seeChapter 6). DanielThomson may have been a relativeof the royal trumpeterJohn Thomson,who held office in Scotlanduntil his deathin 1682.It is also conceivable that he was relatedto Albion Thomson,one of the royal trumpetersin England, althoughno link hasbeen established. A'musician'by the nameof Daniell Thomson was appointedhonorary burgess of Aberdeenin 1704.68The burgessrolls alsorecord the appointmentof the Earl of Moray andthe Countessof Mar, alongwith a number of their servantsunder the samedate. It was commonpractice for visiting noblesand membersof their householdto be honouredin this way by royal burghs.A receipt recordingpayment to DanielThomson in December1706 from the Countessof Moray for servicesrendered as 'musicianin the north!describes him as a 'musicmaster in

Edinburgh"69andat his appointmentto the office of royal trumpeterin 1706he is referredto as a Musitian in EdirP.70

64SROE 224/6. 65SROE 224/5-6. 66Lindsay, 1935, ii, p. 732. 67See28 July 1791.Details of the monetarytransaction between Spark and Napier, which appearto havebeen brokered by the EMS, are found in SROGD 113/41164/188. 68RecordsofOldAherdeen, i, p. 280. 69SRONRA(S), 'Moray Muniments'.The receiptis in Box 8 (no. 1140).1 havenot consultedthe original document,which is held at DarnawayCastle. 70See28 February1706. 318

DanielThomson was strippedof office in 1716for assistingin the Jacobiterebellion the previousyear on the sideof the rebelS.71 IEs possibleassociation with the Earl and

Countessof Moray may explainwhy he becamecaught up in the rebellion.Although the Earl of Moray was not a participantin the uprising,he had spenttime in prisonin 1689for his suspectedinvolvement in Jacobiteplots. Following the trial of a numberof capturedJacobites in Preston,an individualby the nameof DanielThomson was amongthose deported to the plantationsof Virginia, but it is not known if this was the royal trumpeter.72

It is possiblethat a manuscriptmusic notebook held in the NationalLibrary of Scotlandwas associatedwith DanielThomson. 73The front cover is signed'James

Thomson!in severalplaces and dated25 November1702. In the top right comer a referenceto Ring Army' is written in a differenthand. Two pagesinto the book the name'JosDaniel'appears. The musicalportion of the manuscriptcommences with a fingeringchart for the recorder,and includeswell known Englishtrumpet-tunes of the period,which are entitled'Trumpet Tune', 'Trumpet by Mr Shors',and 'Shores trumpet minevit'.The trumpet-tunesare written in F major andBb major, keysnot associated with Englishtrumpet music of that period. Johnsonconsiders the manuscriptto have beencompiled for recorderor violin.74AIthough the evidencelinking this manuscript with DanielThomson is slight, it is conceivablethat it was usedby the trumpeteras teachingmaterial for thoseinstruments mentioned by Johnson. 0

A musicianby the nameof JamesGarden was appointedto the Edinburghwaits in

1711.75It is most likely that this was the sameplayer who was appointmentroyal trumpetertwelve yearslater. A manuscriptnotebook which containsfragments of

71Thisis referredto in the recordof the appointmentof JamesMarine; see10 August 1716. 72Dobson,1984, p. 218. 73En MS. 2833. 74Johnson,1972, p. 209. 75Edinburgh,City Archives, Council Register,xl, f. 178. 319

melodiesplayable on the trumpetor horn andwhich mayhave belonged to James Gardenis discussedin Chapter5.

Despitethe longevityof the careerof JamesMarine - he servedas a royal trumpeter for over sixty yearsand was on the pay-roll of the EdinburghMusical Society(EMS) for aroundforty yearS76- few detailsof his personaland professional life have emerged.He was probablyrelated to the royal trumpetersFrancis Marine, the elder andyounger. 77 Subsequent to his appointmentas a royal trumpeterin 1716and burgessof Edinburghin 1720,78the next we learnof JamesMarine is at his appointmentto the CanongateMlwinning Lodge in 1737.The registrationof his membership,in the recordsof the GrandLodge, refersto him as a musician.Another royal trumpeter,George Innes, appointed to the CanongateKilwinning Lodge at the sametime as JamesMarine, was similarlydescribed in his registration."

JamesMarine is the first royal trumpeterlisted as receivingpayment from the EMS,80 but thereis no informationon the instrumentshe playedat its weekly meetings.A musicianby the nameof Marine, identifiedby Johnsonas JamesMarine, was leaderof the bandof the CanongateTheatre for the 1757-58season. 81 There is evidenceto suggestthat JamesMarine alsoplayed horn in concertsduring the 1750s.This will be discussedin Chapter6.

76Thcfirst paymentto Marine was madein 1745(Ep EMS Minute-books,i, f 104).He becamea salariedperformer two yearslater and remainedin the society'semploy until 1786.(Ep EMS Minute- books,iv, f. 58). 77Noinformation on the Marine family hasbeen found in the Old ParishRecords for Edinburgh (held in GRO). 78See10 August 1716and I June1720. 79Edinburgh,Freemasons Hall, Chartulary,f 7. 8OThatthis musicianwas the royal trumpeterof the samename is evidentfrom the agreementreached in 1749between Marine and the directorsof the society,excusing him from performing in the weekly concertwhen requiredto attendthe circuit-court (See25 March 1749). 81See Dibdin, 1888,pp. 97-99; Johnson,1972, p. 46. 320

In their letter to the Clerk to the Signetin 1766,the directorsof the EMS revealthat they customarilynominated potential appointees to the royal trumpetcorps.

Consequently,several professional musicians in Edinburghwere appointedroyal trumpetersduring the secondhalf of the century,while othersattended circuit courts as deputiesin the trumpetcorps. There is no evidencethat the majority of these musiciansperformed on trumpetother than in this capacity.

The first trumpeterknown to havebeen appointed in this way is JosephReinagle, a musicianof Austrianorigin who arrivedin Edinburghin, or shortlybefore, 1761.82In that yearhe is first recordedas receivingpayment from the EMS. JosephReinagle remainedon the payroll of the musicalsociety until 1775,the year of his death.An importantsource of informationon the Reinaglefamily is a letter sentby Reinagle's son,Joseph, to John Sainsburyin 1823,in connectionwith the latter'sforthcoming Dictionary qfMusicians.83 Reinagle, the younger,informs us that his father procured his appointmentas a royal trumpeterin 1762through the influenceof the composer ThomasAlexander Erskine, sixth Earl of Kelly. A monthbefore his commission

Reinaglewas grantedcredit by the directorsof the EMS to purchase'a quantityof

Horns to the valueof twenty poundssterling, which he was to manufacturefor the supportof his family as the allowancefrom the societywas not sufficientto keephim in this place'.84 The fact that he was in partnershipwith a tannerin this venture suggeststhat animalhom was beingreferred to and he was not manufacturingbrass instruments.

JosephReinagle was appointed a member of the Edinburgh waits in 1765.85Both

JosephReinagle, father and son,became freemasons and joined the Canongate

82Harrisdescribes Reinagle, the elder,as Hungarian(Harris, 1911,p. 67). In a letter to John Sainsbury(discussed below) JosephReinagle, the younger,states that his father wasbom near Vienna. 83Sainsbury,1824, ii, pp. 348-49. 84EpEMS Minute-books,ii, pp. 131-32. "Edinburgh, City Archives, Council Register,Wod, f 296. 321

Kilwining Lodge.The recordsof this masoniclodge are not extant,but their membershipis notedat the appointmentof JosephReinagle, the elder,as an honourary memberand Joseph Reinagle, younger, as an affiliatedmember of Holyrood House Lodge in 1767and 1780,respectively. 86 In his history of Holyrood HouseLodge, Lindsayrefers to JosephReinagle, the elder,as a'Music Teacheropposite The Linnen

Hall, andTrumpeter to the JusticiaryCourt'. 87

In his letter to Sainsbury,Reinagle, the younger,reveals that after receivinglessons on the trumpetand hom from his father,he appearedin public as a concertoplayer on both instruments,but on the adviceof his medicalfiiends, turned his attentionto the cello.88 Joseph Reinagle, the younger,was a salariedperformer with the EMS between

1772and 1784,during which time he appearedas soloiston cello andviolin. He also led the orchestrafor a spellduring 1784.The sourcesdo not revealif Reinagle,the elder,performed solely on brassinstruments during his period of employmentwith the EMS.

Johnsonconjectures that JosephReinagle, the younger,was born in Edinburghin 1762 andKrauss states that he was receivinga master'ssalary from the EMS in 1774,at the ageof twelve.89 It is known that the family was residentin Edinburghby 1761.

Reinagle,the younger,informs us that he was born in Portsmouthand servedas a midshipmanthere before moving with his family to Edinburgh.90 This suggeststhat his dateof birth was no later than 1750.

The fact that JosephReinagle, the younger,attained the position of royal trumpeterin successionto his father,after his deathin 1775,is overlookedby both Johnsonand

86Lindsay,1935, ii, pp. 722-23. 871bid. 88GuRA 87/163. 89Krauss,1990, p. 266. 90GuRA 87/163;cited in Johnson,1972, p. 63. 322

Krauss. Krauss statesthat JosephReinagle, the elder, received quarterly paymentsin this capacity from 1762 to 1785. Although the sourcesused by Krauss, the 'Treasury

Books of North Britain' (SRO RF12/4),do not record the successionof Joseph

Reinagle, the younger, to the position formerly held by his father, the younger Reinagle is recorded as attending the circuit court on several occasionsin place of his father prior to his appointment. With the exception of a single entry for the Christmas term

1789, the Treasury Books do not record the namesof those on the Civil List after

1785; however, the list continued to be included in the records of the Auditors Office (SRO E 224).

That JosephReinagle, the younger,continued to be includedin paymentlists of quarterlysalaries for the royal trumpet corpsafter his departureto Oxford in 1784is curious.In 1792Reinagle corresponded with Gilbert Innes,from Scarborough,on the possibilityof returningto Edinburgh,on conditionthat the musicalsociety pay him an annuityof 150. He was engagedas leaderof the bandat the TheatreRoyal in Edinburghfor the seasonstarting in January1793; as well as returningto his dutiesas a royal trumpeterin the Springcircuit of that year,he appearedas a cello soloistin severalbenefit concerts.

The fact that AlexanderReinagle, the eldestson of JosephReinagle, the elder,served in the trumpet corpsearly in his careerhas not previouslybeen recognised. Alexander

Reinaglemoved to Glasgowin 1778,where he establishinghimself as a musicteacher, composerand concertpromoter. In 1786he emigratedto Americaand playeda key role in establishingregular series of subscriptionconcerts in Philadelphia.He also foundedopera-houses in Philadelphiaand New York.91

91See Krauss, 1990; Johnson, 1972, p. 63. 323

Threemembers of the Napierfamily held office as royal trumpetersduring the latter part of the eighteenthcentury. Alexander Napier, the father of the musiciannormally referredto in the sourcesas AlexanderNapier, senior,was alsoa professional musician.He was referredto as suchat the birth of his sons,William (b. 1740),James (b. 1742)and Alexander (b. 1744).92 William Napieris the memberof the family best rememberedtoday. He movedto London sometimebefore 1765,where he established a successfulmusic publishing firm andworked as a performeron the violin andviola. The entry for William Napier in Grove states:'He is first recordedin 1758as a violinist in the CanongatePlayhouse orchestra!. 93 It is likely that the musicianemployed by the

EMS between1759 and 1763and referredto in the EMS recordssimply as Napier, was William Napier.

From the 1760suntil well into the nineteenthcentury members of the Napier family were at the forefront of brassplaying in Scotland.The threemembers of the family who were appointedroyal trumpetersbefore 1800were alsoemployed by the EMS. AlexanderNapier, the elder,began to performin the society'sconcerts in 1769.During the 1773-74season he receivedpayment for playingthe frenchhorn andis mentioned in the accountsfor 1782in connectionwith the purchaseof frenchhorn crooks.94 FES brother,James Napier (b. 1742),95 who servedas a deputyin the royal trumpet corps, was employedby the EMS between1783 and 1787,but the recordsdo not revealthe instrumentshe played.

92GROOPR 685.1/22, f, 147;OPR 685.1/23, f, 129;OPR 685.1/24, f 107. 93Grove,sx. 'Napier,William, ' by F. Kidson, H.G. Farmerand P.W. Jones.The sourceof this assertionis not given. Dibdin givesan accountof a disputebetween the musiciansand the managementof the theatreduring the 1757-58season (in which he identifiesMr Marine as leaderof the band).The documentcited by Dibdin, which lists the membersof the band,does not indicatethe instrumentsthey played(Dibdin, 1888,pp. 97-99; seealso Johnson,1972, p. 46). 94EpEMS Minute-books,iii, ff. 19,92; iv, f. 16. 95GROOPR 685.1/23, L 129. 324

Two of AlexanderNapier's sons, William (b.1765) and Alexander (b. 1769),were the leadingbrass players with the EMS duringthe final two decadesof the century.91

AlexanderNapier, the younger,was employedby the societyfrom 1791, having performedregularly in their concertssince 1789.97William Napier becamea popular trumpetsoloist during the 1790s.Both Alexander,the younger,and William Napier were activein the volunteermovement, as trumpeters with the EdinburghVolunteer

Light Dragoonsand with the bandsmaintained by recentlyraised volunteer corps. William Napierbecame embroiled in a legal disputeover paymentfor aTrench Bugle

Horn' andfor teachingtwo boysto play the buglehom for the DurnfriesshireCavalry in 1794.98Alexander Napier was involvedin training newly establishedvolunteer bands duringthe 1790sand is referredto by Cranmeras a clarinettist.99

At leasttwo membersof the Napier family becamefreemasons. Alexander Napier, the elder,joined the Holyrood HouseLodge in 1761as an affiliatedmember, and William Napierwas admittedto the samelodge in 1778.100The entry recordingAlexander

Napier'smembership uncharacteristically does not namehis 'mother-lodge'and it is not known when he first becamea freemason.

Perhapsthe most eminentmusician to hold office as a royal trumpeterduring the eighteenthcentury was NathanielGow. It is to Gow that we are indebtedfor preserving'TheCelebrated Trumpet Tune'. Nathaniel Gow studiedcello andtrumpet with membersof the Reinaglcfamily. Following in his father'sfootsteps, he becamea professionalfolk-fiddler and formeda bandwhich was popularin London.10 1 Johnson

96Fortheir datesof birth, seeGRO QPPL685.1/3 1, f. 372; OIPR685.1/33, f. 50. 97EpEMS Minuýe-books,iv, f 135.In a p9titioq to the directorsof the EMS in Fcbnfmy 1791 AlexanderNapicr, the yoppr, drc)v attcn4opto t4ý fact th4t he had performedfor the society without remunerationfor over two ycafs (SP.Q 13D113/1/164/81). 981am grateful to Dr Tristaq Clarke of thq SpottisbRec9r4 Office for providing me with Ns information (SROCS 22n74, no. 2). "Crarimer, 1991,p. 55, 10OLindsay,1935, ji, pp. 709-10. 101johnson,1972, p. M. 325

assertsthat, apart from working as a royal trumpeter, Nathaniel Gow did not earn his living from classicalMUSiC. 102 In fact, Nathaniel Gow was employed by the EMS from

1782 until the organisation'sdemise. In making a request for an increasein his salary of

15 in 1785 he pointed out that he had gone to great lengths to improve his knowledge of the 'Violin, Violincello, Tenor [and] Double Bass'.103 In 1796 he entered the music retail trade in partnership with another royal trumpeter, William Shepherd.10413oth

Gow and Shepherdwere appointed burgessesof Edinburgh as music sellers in 1799.105

According to Baptie, William Shephardwas also a violinist and composer.106

Althoughhe was not employedby the EMS, DanielDewar is mentionedin the society'saccounts on severaloccasions during the 1780s,in connectionwith the purchaseof boxesfor doublebasses. 107 Baptie statesthat Dewar was a violinist in

NathanielGows bandand a composerof reels.108 It is possiblethat he performedfor the EMS without paymentin return for receivinghis commissionas a royal trumpeter.

DanielDewar's son, John, was appointedroyal trumpeterin 1814,following the death of JohnSutherland. 109 From earlyin the nineteenthcentury, John Dewar was employed in the TheatreRoyal, Edinburgh,first as a violinist, andlater as a conductorand composer.110

The practiceof non-royaltrumpeters serving as deputiesin the trumpet corpswas

continuedduring the eighteenthcentury. Table 3 lists the playerswho attendedcircuit courtsin this capacity.

1021bid. 103SROGD 113/4/157/476. 104Farmer,1947, p. 296. 105EdinburghBurgesses: 1761-1841, p. 67. Nathaniel Gow was appointedguild-brother in 1828 (Ibid.). Scealso 1799. 106Baptie,1894, p. 168. 107EPEMS Nfinute-books,iv, ff. 70,82,88. 108Baptie,1894, p. 42. 109SROPS 3/14, f 55. 11OBaptie,1894, pp. 42-43. 326

Table 3. Attendance at circuit courts by non-royal trumpeters

Datesattending circuit court (prior Date of to appointmentwhere applicable) appointment

JamesCairns (Gairdyn) 1720-22 1723 JohnSutherland, younger 1769 David Briggs 1769-86 JosephReinagle, younger 1770(-75) 1775 AlexanderNapier 1771 1772 JohnMurray 1772 Ogilby Sutherland 1772 AlexanderReinagle 1773-74 Andrew Gardner 1779,1784 William Napier 1780-85 1786 JamesMiller 1782-99 JamesNapier' H 1783,1797 AlexanderShpeherd 1787 DanielDewar 1787 1789 AlexanderNapier, 1790-92 1792 younger AbrahamMackintosh 1791 JohnKennedy 1792-96 JohnDewar 1795-99 1814 RobertPurdie 1799

Someof the playerslisted servedas deputiesin the trumpetcorps before being appointedroyal trumpeters.Several of thosethat did not attaina positionin the corps were almostcertainly related to royal trumpeters;besides James Napier, who was mentionedearlier, these are Johnand Ogilby Sutherland,and AlexanderShepherd.

John Sutherland,the younger,and Ogilby Sutherlandeach served on only one circuit.

On both occasionsthey travelledon the samecircuit as John Sutherland,the elder.

AlexanderShepherd, likewise, attended one circuit only. On that occasionthree

II 1A trumpeterby the nameof JamesNapier was appointedroyal trumpeterin 1823,following the deathof William Napier (SROPS 3/14, f. 281). This may havebeen James Moore Napier, the son of AlexanderNapier, the elder,who wasborn in 1774(GRO OPR685.2/8), or evena memberof the next generationof the family. It is possiblethat the deputiesby the nameof JamesNapier, listed in 1783and 1797,were different membersof the family: AlexanderNapier, the elder'sbrother and son, respectively. 327

deputieswere employedin the trumpetcorps, one of the absenttrumpeters being WHIiamShepherd.

Two membersof the Edinburghwaits, JamesMiller andAndrew Gardner,served as deputieswith the trumpetcorps during the final quarterof the eighteenthcentury.

Musiciansby the nameof JamesMiller were appointedto the waits in 1759and 1778- most probablyfather and son.112 It is likely that the later appointeewas JamesMiller, the bassoonistfor the EdinburghMusical Societyduring the 1780s,and the deputyin the trumpetcorps. 113 The earliestreference to Andrew Gardneris his appointmentto the Holyrood HouseLodge as an affiliatedmember in 1761.114Gardner received lessonson the doublebass from JosephReinagle, paid for by the EMS, during the

1774-75season. 115 He was appointedto the Edinburghwaits in 1781,116and made a burgessof the burgh in the sameyear. 117

Most of the other trumpetersthat attendedcircuit court on an occasionalbasis were professionalmusicians. An exceptionmay havebeen David Bridges(Briggs) who deputisedon most circuit sessionsbetween 1769 and 1786without procuringan appointment.It hasnot beenpossible to identify this trumpeterconclusively. An individualreferred to as 'Bro. Briggs' was paid one guineaby the Holyrood House

Lodge in Edinburghin October 1767for 'attendingthe Lodge with two FrenchHorns on St. Andrews day last."" Paymentto musiciansfor performanceat lodge meetings was normallyonly madeto non-freemasons,119 but the term'Bro', an abbreviationfor

'brother',was routinelyused to refer to fellow freemasons.The most likely explanation is that the horn playerreferred to was a memberof anothermasonic lodge. A merchant

112Edinburgh,City Archives, Council Register,lxxv, f 284; xcvi, ff. 161-62. 113Ep EMS Minute-books,iv, f 1. 114Lindsay,1935, ii, p. 651. II5EpEMSMinute-booksjii, f 103. 116Edinburgh, City Archives, Council Register, ci, f 132. 117EdinburghBurgesses: 1761-1841, p. 61. 118Lindsay, 1935, i, p. 173. 119Lindsay, 1935, ii, p. 609. 328

by the nameof David Bridgeswas appointedburgess and guild-brother of Edinburgh in 1774,but thereis no evidencethat this was the sameindividual. 120

Other deputies in the trumpet corps worked as professional folk musiciansor in the music retail business.Abraham Mackintosh (b. 1769) was the son of Robert

Mackintosh (c. 1745-1807) from Perthshire, a professional folk violinist and composer, who spent most of his professional life in Edinburgh. Abraham followed in the footsteps of his father and composed dance Music.121 Robert Purdie was appointed burgessof Edinburgh in 1809 as a'music seller. The following year his businesswas establishedin Princes Street, Edinburgh.122

It is difficult to establishthe standingof the royal trumpetersin economicterms, since it is unlikely that the incomefrom servingin the trumpetcorps would havecomprised their total income.While the remunerationpertaining to the office of royal trumpeter remainedfixed throughoutthe eighteenthcentury, the secondhalf of the centurysaw a substantialrise in both wagesand the price of staplecommodities. 123The annual salary of a royal trumpeter,without other income,would haveplaced him in the income bracketof a joumeyman.124Considering the modestdemands on their time, it is reasonableto assumethat positionsas royal trumpeterswere highly soughtafter. During the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury trumpeters occasionally augmented their earningsby attendingmore than one circuit in a given session.This was possible sincethe datesof the three circuits did not alwayscoincide. 125At first, only royal

120EdinburghBurgesses: 1761-1841, p. 22. 121Baptie,1894, pp. 111-12;Johnson, 1972, p. 62. 122EdinburghBurgesses: 1761-1841, p. 128; Cramner,1991, p. 208. 123HaMilton,1963, p. 377; cited in Smout,1969, p. 373. Basedon the incomeof artisans,and membersof the agrarianand industrial labourforce, Hamilton calculatedthat averagewages doubled between1750 and 1790,whereas the price of oatmeal,the staplefood of the Scots,rose by just over filly per cent during the sameperiod 124SeeHamilton, 1963,p. 347. 125Thedates of forthcoming circuit courtswere advertisedin the Edinburghnewspapers. 329

trumpeters served on more than one circuit, but by the 1780sthis practice had become more commonand involved several players who did not hold office.126

Since royal trumpeters were engaged in a wide range of commercial ventures, it is difficult to generalise on the typical income bracket to which they belonged. The evidence suggests that certain royal trumpeters who also worked as tradesmen or merchants were relatively prosperous. Appeals for charity from the family of a deceased trumpeter, however, provide a glimpse of the severe hardship faced by a vast section of the population and from which their royal position did not render them immune. 127The inability to work through old age or infirmity could also lead to desperate circumstances. A request to the treasurer of the EMS by Hugh Spark in

1791, regarding money owed to him for selling his commission as royal trumpeter to

William Napier, may have exaggerated his plight. Nevertheless, the petition reveals that this former officer of the Lyon Court was, in his latter years, living by modest means. 128

Petitionsto the directorsof the EMS were madeby AlexanderNapier, the elder,in 1791, when he was unableto work through havingdislocated his shoulder.In view of his loyalty to the societyover a period of twenty five years,Napier requestedthat he shouldnot forfeit part of his salary.129 It is not known if his requestwas accepted.

Again, it is likely that the petitionerexaggerated his domesticcircumstances, but the

correspondenceillustrates the severefinancial hardship faced by professionalmusicians

who were unableto work through ill-health.

126See1782 and 1785(James Nfiller), 1789( Daniel Dewar), 1795(John Kennedy), and 1797(John Dewarand JamesNapier). 127Sepc. 1720. 128See28 July 1791. 129SROGD 113/4/164/82& 156. 330

Chavter 5

THE TRUMPET OUTWITH ROYAL SERVICE: CEREMONIAL AND MILITARY

Trumpeters in municipal service

During the Middle Agestrumpets and horns were usedas signallinginstruments by watchmenin manyEuropean towns and cities.From the mid fourteenthcentury

onwardscivic authoritiesbegan to employbands of shawms,which by the middleof the fifteenthcentury often includeda slidebrass instrument. By the late fifteenth

centuryevidence emerges that manymunicipal wind playerswere proficient on a variety of instrumentsand that somefulfilled dutiesas trumpeters.IA numberof the

largermunicipalities maintained a bandof trumpetersin additionto a wind band.The musicalestablishment of one suchcity, Bologna,was discussedin Chapter2.2 Attemptsto restrict the use of trumpetsoutwith courtly establishmentswere madeby monarchsand the highernobility, most notablythe Emperorsof the Holy Roman Empire.As Polk hasnoted, however, several German cities which were granted

Imperialpermission to maintaintrumpeters did not do so, while othersappear to have

employedtrumpeters without authorisation.3

Thereis no evidencethat trumpetsor hornswere usedby watchmenin Scottish burghs.From the fifteenthcentury onwards many Scottish burghs employed a minstrel

(often termed'piper') and a drummer,whose duties included performing through the

IFor a succinctoverview of the useof brassinstruments during the Middle Ages and the development of wind bands,see Polk, 1997.See also Tarr, 1988,p. 64. 2polk hasidentified other Italian and Germancities that maintainedtrumpeters during the late Middle Ages,and a numberof Frenchcities are known to havecmploymed trumpeters (Polk, 1992,p. 48; Smithers,1973, pp. 228-30).At leastone 'trompettcordinaire' was employedin Lyon throughout the sixteenthcentury, and additionaltrumpeters were regularly recruitedto serveon specificoccasions (Dobbins,1992, pp. 124-25,292-94). 3Polk, 1992,p. 48. 331

streetsat specifiedhours. During the eighteenthcentury the instrumentsplayed by

municipalpipers in Scotlandincluded the oboe,fife andbagpipes. 40utside Edinburgh, wherea wind bandwas recruitedfor specificevents during the sixteenthcentury and a

bandof waits was later employed,instances of morethan one piper in the serviceof a Scottishburgh are rare.5

As far as canbe ascertained,Scottish monarchs did not imposerestrictions on the use

of trumpetsby civic authoritiesor individuals.It was notedin Chapter3 that

Customarsof royal burghsremunerated royal trumpetersduring the early sixteenth centurybut that this was probablynot for servingthe municipalities.Edinburgh is the

only Scottishburgh that employedtrumpeters on a regularbasis during the period of

this study.The earliestextant accounts for the burgh datefrom the 1540s,and

paymentsto trumpetersare recordedfrom the following decadeonwards. None of the

playersmentioned in the accountsduring the sixteenthcentury were appointedto an

official positionas burgh trumpeter.A singletrumpeter was often engagedfor specific events,but extra playerswere recruitedfor importantcivic ceremonies.In 1580the council purchaseda trumpetfor the burghs use.6 Most of the trumpetersemployed in Edinburghwere royal trumpeters.During the 1550sand 1560sJames Drummond is

the playermost often namedin the records.The sourcesdo not revealif this was JamesDrummond, the elderor younger.It is possiblethat both playersserved the burgh, sincethe entry relatingto the celebrationson St. GilesDay 1555indicates that

JamesDrummond performed in a wind band.7

4SceJohnson, 1972, pp. 95-97. 5Two'comonemenstralis'were employed in Aberdeenby 1500.In 1545a third minstrel was appointedin Aberdeenand the trio wereinstructed'to play thre,partis' (Municipal Statutes,pp. 34, 36). Minstrels recordedin the recordsof the EdinburghIncorporation of Hammcrmenas receiving paymentfor taking part in CorpusChristi Day celebrationsin Edinburgh during the 1490sinclude the fcommonepiparis'of Edinburghand 'ye child at playd on ye grct bumbart [bombard]'(Mill, 1927,p. 226). 6Seealso 21 March 1592/3. 7See6 September1555. The instrumentsplayed by JamesDrummond, the elder and younger,are discussedin Chapter3. 332

The trumpeterJacques Hog, who servedthe burgh in 1555and 1555/6,was probably the trumpeterreferred to as 'JamesHog' in the royal Treasurer'saccounts for 1547/8.

He mayhave been one of the Frenchtrumpeters that arrivedin Scotlandin 1545. AlthoughHog is groupedwith two other minstrelsin the burgh accountsfor 1555,it canbe inferredfrom the referenceto themperforming 'trumpet and quhyssill respectiue'that he servedindependently, as a trumpeter.Two other trumpeters,James andJhonn Wedell, were remuneratedfor servingthe burgh during the 1560s.James

Wedell,who first receivedpayment in 1560,is listed as a memberof the royal trumpet corpsin 1565but mayhave been admitted considerably earlier. No trace of Jhonn Wedellhas been found outwith the burgh records.8 It canbe assumedthat he was a relativeof JamesWedell, but the relationshiphas not beenestablished.

In 1569the royal trumpeterNicoll Lyell was appointedburgess and guild-brother of

Edinburghon conditionthat he servedthe burgh astrumpeter, without remuneration, when not engagedin royal service.The entry in the burgess-rollsrecording Lyell's appointmentstates that he was to performat proclamationsof the burgh council,as well as at walpinshaws(weapon-showings) and fairs. Two other royal trumpeterwere appointedburgesses of Edinburghduring the sixteenthcentury, John Hope in 1516/17 andJames Savoy in 1557/8.As mentionedin Chapter3, JohnHope appearsto have developedcommercial interests in the burgh after beingadmitted burgess. The record of JamesSavoy's admission to the guildry doesnot refer to him havinga trade. The designation'Italian tubinnator'is curious.James Savoy does not seemto havebeen of

Italian origin; perhapsthe designationreflected the fact that he was a memberof the royal wind band,to which the label'Italiarewas still beingapplied in certaincourt records.The fact that he receivedfree entry to the guildry rendersthe hypothesisthat he servedas burgh trumpeterplausible. It shouldbe notedthat paymentscontinued to be madeto JamesDrummond after JamesSavoy's appointment as burgess.

8SeeOctober 1565 and November 1565. 333

The dateof Nicoll Lyell's appointmentas a royal trumpeteris not known, but he is listed in the Treasurer'saccounts between 1568 and 1572/3.Presumably he died during the 1570s,since he was not listed as a memberof the royal trumpetcorps in 158 1. A trumpeterby the nameof Nicoll' receivedpayment from the Edinburghburgh council for travellingto Denmarkin 1589with the delegationsent to performJames VI's marriageby proxy; the shipon which the party travelledwas partly financedby council.9 This may havebeen the royal trumpeterMichael Wedell, since he is referred to in a singleentry in the Comptroller'saccounts for 1599as Nicoll Wedell.

In 1649Robert Childerswas appointedto an official positionas trumpeterto the burgh of Edinburgh.In the record of his appointmenthe is describedas a saddler.At his appointmentas a royal trumpeterin 1661,Childers is referredto as 'trumpeter burgess'of Edinburgh.Curiously, however, he did not becomea burgess(as a saddler) until 1665.10Two other royal trumpeters,John Ferguson and Leon Van Hesta,became burgessesand guild-brothers of Edinburgh,'gratis', during the secondhalf of the seventeenthcentury. Neither are recordedas servingas burgh trumpeter.Since four trumpetbanners were producedfor the burgh in 1678and two setsof trumpeters' liverieswere containedin the burgh'smagazine in 1706,11it is possiblethat these playersserved as burgh trumpeterswhen required.

The only other Scottishburgh to employan official trumpeterwas Glasgow.The entry recordingthe appointmentof Wallaceto this positionin 1675states that his duties were to includeserving in the militia andimplies that he was not the first playerto hold the office.12 A previousburgh trumpeterin Glasgowmay have been Alexander

Ferguson,who was appointedBurgess, 'gratis', in 1644and may havebeen the royal trumpeterby that name.Two other trumpeterswho becameburgesses of Glasgow

9See1590; ice also Stevenson,1997, p. 19. IOSee9 November1649 and 1 July 1661;Edinburgh Burgesses: 1406-1700, p. 105. 11See 1 December1678 and 1 February1706, 12Seealso 1683. 334

during the 1640swere probablyadmitted in an honorarycapacity, as servantsof visiting dignitaries.13 The Aberdeenburgh recordsfor 1664include a solitarypayment to a trumpeter,but thereis no indicationthat this or any other trumpeterheld an official post in the burgh.

By the beginningof the reign of JamesIV, Holyrood was the principalseat of the

Scottishmonarchy. Holyrood was situatedin the burgh of the Canongate,which by the late fifteenthcentury was conglomeratewith Edinburgh.As the largestand commerciallymost importantburgh in Scotland,Edinburgh constituted an important political force.14 Civic ceremoniesin Edinburghoften highlightedthe closeties betweenthe municipalityand the royal court.

The mergerof civic androyal ceremonialwas most evidentin royal entries.As was the caseelsewhere in Europe,a royal entry did not necessarilytake placeon the first occasionon which a monarchor royal dignitaryentered a town but was a'carefully plannedand executedsymbolic and ceremonialentrance'. 15 The entry of Margaret

Tudor into Edinburghin 1503was describedin detailby the EnglishSomerset Herald, but his accountdoes not indicatethe extentof the civic administration'sinvolvement in the event.16 Sir David Lindsayalludes to the participationof the civic authorityin the preparationsfor the plannedentry of JamesVs first wife, Madeleine,into Edinburghin

1537.17Bartley hasargued that the'Triumph andPlay' presented in Edinburghin 1558 in honour of the marriageof QueenMary to the Dauphinwas essentiallya royal entry.18 The earliestactual entry for which documentaryevidence is available,

13See 14 July 1645 and 6 August 1646. 14Wormald regards Edinburgh as the capital of Scotland from the reign of James III onwards (Wormald, 1981, p. 14). "Bartley, 198 1, p. 4. For details of royal entries in England, see Withington, 1963, i, pp. 124-95. Accounts of French royal entries of the mid sixteenth century are contained in Graham and Johnson, 1979. 16SCCI August 1503. 17See Chapter 2. 1813artley, 198 1, p. 26. Bartley suggests that Mary of Guise probably acted as proxy for her daughter in the ceremony. 335

however,is that of Mary Stewartinto Edinburghin 1561.James Drummond received paymentfor performingat the ceremonyin 1558,but the burgh accountsrelating to the Queen'sentry in 1561have not survived.It canbe conjecturedthat the royal trumpetersparticipated in theseevents and that the four playersrewarded for performingat JamesVI's entry into Edinburghin 1579were thosein the King's service.The burgh accountsdo not recordpayments to trumpetersfor the entry of

QueenAnne into Edinburghin 1590, but the royal trumpeterspresumably took part.19 The Aberdeenburgh recordsrefer to preparationsbeing made for the entriesof Mary

Stewartin 1561/2and James VI in 1580.The recordscontain no detailsof expenditure for eitherof theseoccasions, but, regardingthe earlierentry, they refer to the Queen havingpreviously been received by other burghsincluding Edinburgh and Dundee. 20 In additionto the occasionsalready mentioned, trumpeters received payment from the

Edinburghburgh councilfor performingat the appointmentof honoraryburgesses, at eventsassociated with meetingsof parliamentand for servingin military forcesraised by the burgh.21

During the reign of JamesVI importantroyal eventswere celebratedin Edinburgh with civic banquets.Trumpeters received payment for servingat banquetsheld in celebrationof the baptismof PrincessElizabeth in 1597and in honour of the Queelfs brother on his visit to Scotlandthe following year.22 At the banquetorganised by the burgh councilin 1630to celebratethe birth of PrinceCharles (the future CharlesII), the royal heraldsand trumpeters officiated. It is likely that they also servedat the banquetspresented on the King's return visit to Scotlandin 1617and at the time of

CharlesI's Scottishcoronation in 1633.Accounts of the festivitiesaccompanying these banquetsattest to the soundingof trumpetsbut do not identify thoseinvolved as the royal trumpeters.After the Restorationthe anniversaryof the monarch'sbirthday was

19See19 May 1590. 20Bartley,198 1, p. 4. 21See1557/8; 1544; 2 June1578. 22See1598 336

celebratedin royal burghsthroughout lowland Scotland.Prior to 1707the Scottish parliamentand privy counciloften stipulatedto burgh councilsthe mannerin which this and other eventsof nationalimportance were to be celebrated.23The privy council alsoinstructed civic authoritieson the ceremoniesto be observedat the deliveryof importantproclamations. For example,the royal heraldsand trumpeters were appointedto officiate at the publicationof a proclamationsent to the Edinburghburgh councilby William of Orangein 1689.24Followingthe abolitionof the Scottish parliamentand privy councilin 1707,the Lord Provostof Edinburghwas entrusted with the deliveryof certainimportant proclamations, such as those announcing the accessionof monarchs.The royal trumpetersand heralds also servedat these ceremonies.25

The ceremonyof 'riding the marches'wasperformed in royal burghsthroughout

Scotlandfrom the Middle Ages onwards.The eventinvolved an inspectionof the burgh boundariesby the magistratesand burgesses and was traditionallyheld during the Halloweenfair; in someburghs it was referredto as the 'riding of the fairs'. This is the eventalluded to in the Edinburghaccounts for I November1566, in which James Drummondperformed. It canbe assumedthat JohnWedell took part in the ceremony the previousyear. 26By the late sixteenthcentury the marchesof most burghswere riddenonly onceevery few yearsand the customappears to havewaned during the seventeenthcentury. In Edinburghthe ceremonywas revivedduring the last quarterof that century.27 Accounts of the riding of the marchesin Edinburghin 1718and

Musselburghin 1732 attestto the participationof threetrumpeters, and 'trumpetsand hautboys',respectively. The ceremonycontinued to be performedin manyScottish

23SCeWhatley, 1992,pp. 172-73.The customof civic authoritiescelebrating the monarch'sbirthday wasestablished in England during the late sixteenthcentury (Ibid., p. 173). For the instructionssent to the Aberdeenburgh council at the birth of Prince Charles,see 4 June 1630. 24SeeJune 1630and I January1689. 25Stevenson,1914, ii, pp. 475-79;see 1714,1727,1760. 26SeeNovember 1565. 27Edinburgh Burgh Records: 1689-1701, pp. xxxviii, 170,230,279. 337

burghsinto the nineteenthcentury. Further research in the Edinburghcity archivesmay well uncoverdetails of the involvementof musiciansin theselater ceremonieS.28

A bandof waits was recruitedin Edinburghin 1607but appearsto havebeen disbandedshortly after. 29Another group, comprisingfour Englishplayers of 'comets and sackbotts',was instatedin 1675.3OIn1696 two professionaloboists in Edinburgh were grantedpermission to teachthis bandto performon'French hautboyes' and the 'doublecurtle'. 31 It seemsthat the waits subsequentlyadopted these instruments. The group was employedthroughout the eighteenthcentury, but Johnsonsuggests that the office of leaderof the Edinburghwaits existedas a nominalposition for several decadesprior to its abolitionin 1804.32Moreresearch into the dutiesand personnel of the Edinburghwaits during the eighteenthcentury is required,but is outwith the scope of this study.An indexto the burgh records,compiled in the nineteenthcentury and held in the Edinburghcity archives,fists twenty two musicianswho were appointedto the waits between1711 and 1800.Several royal trumpeterswho servedas waits were mentionedin Chapter4. Most of the othersmembers were professionalmusicians basedin Edinburgh.Newspaper accounts of civic ceremoniesoccasionally refer to the participationof the'City music',but the waits do not appearto havefulfilled a regular commitmentto the burgh.33The entry in the councilregister recording the appointmentof JosephReinagle to the waits in 1765suggests that two of the directors of the EdinburghMusical Society,William Douglasand William Tytler, were influentialin procuringhim the position.34Thus, it seemsthat the directorsof the musicalsociety held influenceover the dispensationof civic patronage,just as they were influentialin filling vacanciesin the royal trumpetcorps, thereby subsidising professionalmusicians in their employ.

28Sevcral Scottish towns continue to perform an annual 'riding'. 29Edinburgh Burgh Records: 1604-1626, p. 26. 30Edinburgh Burgh Records. 1665-1680, p. 240. MEdinburgh Burgh Records: 1689-1701, pp. 194-95; see Johnson, 1972, pp. 95-97. 32Johnson,1972, p. 98. 33See29 March 1763. 34Edinburgh, City Archives, Council Register, lxmd, f 296. 338

Trumpeters in aristocratic and military service

During the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies a numberof the principalScottish aristocratichouseholds employed a trumpeter.Although the aristocracyformed a powerful political body within Scotland,few of its memberspossessed the resourcesto maintainhouseholds on the scaleof the more affluentof their Englishor Continental counterparts.None of the documentarysources attest to morethan one trumpeterin the employof a Scottishnobleman. An anonymousearly seventeenth-century chronicle,in describingthe opulentlifestyle of Patrick Stewart,Earl of Orkney,the tyrannicaloverlord of the Northern Isles,refers to threetrumpeters in his service.35 As well as fulfilling a ceremonialrole, trumpetersemployed by the aristocracywere often assigneddomestic duties. 36 In timesof conflict they could alsobe calledupon to serve in a military capacity.The ability of local magnatesto exert their ancientfeudal rights to raisearmies prevailed during the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies. Prior to Union of the Crownsthe privy counciloccasionally authorised payment for the establishment of military forces,but monarchsnormally relied on the network of privatearmies musteredby crown vassalsfor military support.The aristocracyplayed a crucialrole in attemptsby centralgovernment to establisha nationalarmy during the periodsof religiousand political unrestthat besetScotland during the seventeenthand eighteenth centuries.During the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies aristocratic service was the most commonroute throughwhich playerswere admittedto royal service.

Following the removalof JamesVI to London in 1603a troop of guardswas raisedin

Scotland.The trumpeteremployed in this troop may havebeen Andrew Finnie.37 A gradualtrend towardsestablishing a nationalarmy during the seventeenthcentury was

35See c. 1600. 36AItcnburgalludes to trumpeterson the Continentcontinuing to fulfil cxtra-musicalduties during the eighteenthcentury (Altenburg, 1974,pp. 28-29). 37Lee,1980, p. 29; see1603. 339

hinderedby a lack of finance.The armyraised by the Covenantinggovernment during the 1640sbenefited from the return to Scotlandin the late 1630sof manyofficers and professionalsoldiers who had servedin the Thirty YearsWar (1618-1638)under ChristianIV of Denmarkand GustavusAdolphus of Sweden.38 It is not known whetherScottish trumpeters served on the Continentduring the Thirty YearsWar, but the numberof Scottishsoldiers involved - at one stageGustavus had upwards of ten foreign thousandin his ranks- rendersthis likely. It is alsopossible that trumpeters activein Scotlandduring the secondhalf of the seventeenthcentury had servedunder Scottishofficers on the Continent.

Prior to the Reformationmany Scottish soldiers served in Franceas membersof the ScotsMen-at-Arms (Gendarmes Ecossais) or the ScotsGuards (Compagnie tcossaise).Both companieswere formed earlyin the fifteenthcentury and were grantedprecedence over the other Frenchcavalry companies by CharlesVIL Surviving musterrolls revealthat the companieswere primarily composedof Scotsmenbut that their trumpeterswere French.39

The accountof a competitionbetween trumpeters in the forcesaccompanying Charles 11to Sconefor his coronationin 1651provides a uniqueinsight into military trumpetersperforming in a recreationalcontext. The samechronicle yields rare details of entertainmentin the householdof highlandchieftains, such as that presentedby

Lord Lovat, headof the Clan Fraser,in which his Germantrumpeter Hans Adams performed.40

The musterrolls of the cavalrytroops disbandedin 1667list severaltrumpeters who are namedin other sources.John Thomsone and John Ferguson may well havebeen royal trumpeters,and the abovementioned Hans Adams was in the serviceof Lord

38Mitchison,1983, p. 46;see 30 March 1639 and 1643. 39SeeForbes-Lcith, 1882. 40See3 January 1672 and entries in theCalendar under 1669; see also Purser, 1992, p. 129. 340

Lovat by 1669.41It is temptingto speculatethat David Drumondwas a memberof the

Italian fan-dlyof wind instrumentalists,but it shouldbe notedthat following the departureof RobertDrummond to London in 1603,no memberof the fan-dlyserved as a royal trumpeterin Scotland,

In 1661 a troop of Life Guards was raised in Scotland, under the command of Lord

Newburgh. Troops of cavalry raised by Lord Middleton, the Captain-Generalof the forces, in 1661 (disbandedin 1663), and his successor,the Earl of Rothes, in 1664

(disbandedin 1676), were referred to as a secondtroop of Life Guards.42Muster rolls of the Life Guards are extant from 1682 until 1703. Many of the trumpeters employed in the Life Guards also served as royal trumpeters. Thomas Bartleman, the only trumpeter of the troops of Guards raised in 1661 that has been identified, is not known to have served in the royal trumpet corpS.43 In Table 3 trumpeters named in the muster rolls of the Life Guards are listed, as are the years in which trumpeters to the guards were appointed to the royal trumpet corps.

With the exceptionof JohnFerguson, all the playerslisted in both setsof records servedin the Life Guardsprior to their appointmentas royal trumpeters.Paul Tulzier

(Toolen)was appointedroyal trumpeterbefore the dateof the earliestmuster roll but is referredto as a trumpeterof the Life Guardsat his appointmentto the royal trumpet

corpS.44 Admission to the royal trumpetcorps did not involve trumpetersrelinquishing

their positionin the Life Guards.Leon Van Hestaserved as a kettle drummerin the Life Guardsbefore being appointed trumpeter in ordinary,and the kettle drummer

ChristopherPetit is describedin a petition to the privy council as a trumpeterof the

41See 1669 and 6 January 1672. 42See 1664. The Earl of Rothes served as Lord Ifigh Commissioner to Parliament from 1663 and succeeded Middleton as Captain-General of the forces in 1664 (Dalton, 1989, pt. 1, pp. 5,11). 43Sce 20 July 1663. As noted in Chapter 4, records of appointment were not always recorded in the Register of the Privy Seal during the 1650s and 1660s. The six members of the royal trumpet corps are listed in the Calendar under II September 1663, and it is possible, although unlikely, that Bartleman had been replaced by that date. 44See May 1672. 341

Life Guards.45A period of almostthirty yearsseparates the admissionof ThomasWeir to the Life Guardsand the appointmentof the trumpeterof the samename to royal

service.It is possiblethat ThomasWeir, the trumpeterin the Guards,was the father of

the royal trumpeter.46

Table 4. Trumpeters of the Life Guards who served as royal trumpeters

Listed in musterrolls of the Appointedroyal Life Guards(including number trumpeter of rolls in which listed) Paul Tulziers 1682[served prior to 1672] 1672 (2) JamesShand 1682-1688(14) 1686 William White 1682-1688(14) 1682/3 BartholemewCossens 1682-1688(14) 1683 HendrieAntonius (kettle-drummer) 1682-1686(9) JohnFerguson 1684-1686(5) 1662 Andrew Lamb 1686-1698(6) 1687 Leon Van Hesta(kettle-drummer) 1686-1687(4) 1690 ChristopherPetit (kettle-drummer) 1688(l) PeterPetit (kettle-drummer) 1698(3) FrancisMarine 1698-1703(14) 1702 William Bailie 1698-1703(14) JamesOsbourne 1698(3) JamesRasine 1698-1702(7) JamesShore 1701-1702(5) JamesReid (kettle-drummer) 1701(2) JohnReid (kettle-drummer) 1701-1703(9) [ThomasWeir] 1702-1703(6) [1730] FrancisMarine, the younger 1702-1703(6) 1709

It is possiblethat JamesShore was a memberof the Shoredynasty of trumpetersfrom

London.No referencesto JamesShore have been traced in the Englishcourt records.

He mayhave been in Scotlandfor severalyears prior to servingin the guards,since a trumpeterby the nameof JamesShaw is mentionedin the Greyfiiarsburial recordsfor

45See14 August 1690. 46ThomasWeir, the royal trumpeter,died in 1769.If this was the sameplayer that servedin the guards,it can be estimatedthat he was at leastin his mid-eightieswhen he died. 342

1697,at the burial of his child.47Variations in the spellingof the London trumpeters' nameinclude Shaw. 48

Resistanceto the episcopalsystem of churchgovernment, which was establishedin

Scotlandat the Restoration,led to the formationof a network of militia regiments underthe control of local magnatesand civic authorities.The ordinancesgoverning the establishmentof the militia stipulatedthat a trumpeterwas to be recruitedfor each troop of cavalry.49

During the 1790sthe threat of a Napoleonicinvasion resulted in the formationof numerousregiments of Volunteersthroughout Britain. Many of theseregiments formedmilitary bands(see below), andtrumpeters fulfilled their traditionalrole in volunteercavalry regiments. The recruitmentof William and AlexanderNapier as trumpetersto the Royal EdinburghVolunteer Light Dragoonsdemonstrates that professionalbrass players who were prominentin the concertlife of the city were not averseto servingin a military capacity,albeit in a role that was primarily ceremonial and did not resultin armedconflict.

Military and municipal wind bands

Around the middleof the seventeenthcentury bands of oboeswere adoptedby military units on the Continent.In Englanda bandof six'hoboys'wasappointed to the Horse

GrenadierGuards in 1678,and by the end of the centurya numberof infantry regimentsmaintained bands of this type.50 It is not known if Scottishregiments

47patorl, 1902, p. 583. 48For biographical information on the Shore dynasty of trumpeters, see the numerous entries in Ashbee, 1986-96, i, ii, v, viii; see also Tarr, 1988, pp. 133-36. Herbert has drawn attention to the fact that trombone players by the name of Shaw are mentioned in the records of Durham Cathedral between 1664 and 1680. He noted that the final reference to one of these players, Matthew Shaw, is dated 1680 and that Matthias Shore was admitted Sergeant-Trumpeter at the English Court in January 1681/2, but he was unable to prove this was the same person (Herbert 1990, pp. 610,615). 49See 25 June 1672 and [16801. On the formation of the militia, see Brown, 1992, pp. 29,32,40. "Farmer, 1950(a), p. 21. 343

adoptedoboe bands during the seventeenthcentury, but, as mentionedabove, double- reedinstruments were introducedto the Edinburghwaits during the 1690s.The additionof hornsor a trumpetto the oboeband appears to havefirst takenplace in

Saxonyand Prussia during the first quarterof the eighteenthcentury. 51 Bands of oboes

andtrumpets were activein Scotlandduring the 1720sand 1730s.Information on the additionof trumpetsor hornsto the oboeband in Englandis scant,but by the mid- eighteenthcentury horns were often employedin military bands.52 A March in D major, for trumpet,two oboesand basso continuo, is includedin the secondversion of

Il PastorFido by G.F. Handel(173 4). 53 A two-part versionof the samemarch was

publishedin 1758with the title'Dragooes March!.54 Regiments of dragoonsemployed

bandsof oboesfrom earlyin the eighteenthcentury. 55 Clearly, by the 1750sthe march was beingperformed by military bands.Whether Handel's original scoringreflects

contemporarymilitary bandinstrumentation, as impliedby Dahlqvist,however, is

difficult to ascertain.56

In Scotland,the Royal Companyof Archersemployed a bandof 'hautbois'and a piper at one of its meetingsin 1714.57The augmentationof the bandemployed by the Archersto includetrumpets in 1726,and trumpets and horns in 1732,illustrates the

transformationof military bandsthat was taking placearound this time.58 It is possible

that the bandof trumpetsand oboesthat performedin Musselburghin 1732was the

sameas that employedby the Archers,since there is no record of a bandof waits being

maintainedin Musselburgh.59 It is alsopossible that this was the bandof Edinburgh

51Grove, s. v. Mlitary band! 52Farmer,1950(a), p. 28. 53HallischeHdndelAusgabe, Series iv, Vol. 19,p. 56. 54Warlike Music, Being a ChoiceCollection ofMarches & TrumpetTunesfor a GermanF7ute, Polin, HarpsichordBy Al' Handel, St Martini, the EminentMasters (London;Walsh, or and most ... 1758),p. 74. 55Farmer,1912, p. 54. 56SeeDahjqViSt, 1996, p. 145. 57Paul,1875, p. 57. The Royal Companyof Archerswas not an active military unit; ftorn its foundationin 1676it serveda purely ceremonialfunction. 58See1726 and 10 July 1732. 59Musselburghis situatedapproximately five miles from Edinburgh. 344

waits. Thereis no evidencethat the trumpetor horn was usedby the Edinburghwaits, but a tentativelink existsbetween the waits andthe Royal Companyof Archers.

Includedin RobertBremner's A CollectionofAirs andMarches (Edinburgh,c. 1760) is a versionof the D major common-timemovement from Handel'sWater Music for

two trebleinstruments and bass, entitled 'The ArchersMarcif. A versionof the same pieceis containedin a manuscriptmusic notebook held in the NationalLibrary of

Scotland.160 The manuscriptcontains a miscellanyof songs,marches and minuets, many

of which are recordedas fragmentsof a few barsin length.The dates1710,1729 and 1735appear at differentplaces in the manuscript,as do the namesJohn Gairdyn and

JamesSteuart. John Gairdyn may havebeen related to JamesGairden, the royal trumpeter.61 A musicianby the nameof JamesGarden was appointedto the Edinburgh waits in 1711.62JamesSteuart may have been the musicianby the nameof James

Stewart,appointed to the Edinburghwaits in 1732.63Thecontents and fragmentary

natureof the manuscriptsuggest that it may eitherhave been an exercisebook of a

apprenticemusician or a sourceof referencefor a playeraccustomed to performinghis repertoirefrom memory,

A versionof the samemovement from Handel'sWater Music was adoptedby the

Ancient andHonorable Tuesday Club of Annapolisin America.The melodywas includedin the club'sAnniversary Ode of 1751with the title'Grand Club March

againstSir Hugh Maccarty'and was reputedlyperformed as a processionalmarch on

the frenchhorn. 64 The TuesdayClub was formedin 1745and existedfor elevenyears. Of the club'seight foundingmembers, four were Scotsmen.65 It seemslikely that the

March was adoptedby the TuesdayClub throughthe influenceof its Scottish

members.

60EnMS. 3298. 61Johnsonidentifies the authorof the manuscriptas JamesGairdyn (Johnson,1972, p. 209). 62Edinburgh,City Archives,Council Register,A, f. 178. 63Edinburgh,City Archives, Council Register,liv, f. 183. 64Snedeker,1997, p. 155. 65Hamilton,1990, i, p. ýdx 345

By 1751 two horn players appearto have been regularly recruited by the Royal

Company of Archers to attend its meetingS.66 A military band may have been employed by the Company later in the century, since a fragment of a'March of the Scottish

Archers'is included in a late nineteenth-centurymusic textbook as an example of military band scoring from a century earlier.67 The instrumental parts in this extract are restricted to the notes of the harmonic series.It is possible, therefore, that the piece was originally performed on trumpets or horns.

Trumpeters were employed in masonic ceremoniesperformed at the laying of foundation-stones of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh in 1738 and 1740. Two

'band[s] of French homsand a band of 'Hautbois' were employed in the procession to the laying of the foundation-stone of the Merchant's Exchange in Edinburgh in 1753.68

The samemusical forces were utilised the following year for the procession to the annual feast of the Grand Lodge. At the procession for the laying of the foundation-

the North Bridge in 1763 'a body thirty the brethren the stone of of about of ... sung whole way several fine airs, accompaniedby French-homs, &C.'69 From the 1770s onwards military bands routinely served in'public'masonic ceremonies.It is also around this time that details first emerge of masonic ceremoniesheld at the laying of foundation-stonesin Englandand in other countriesto which freemasonryhad spread.70

Eighteenth-century military bands were maintained as private bands by officers of a particular regiment. In addition to serving a ceremonial function and providing entertainment for their patrons, military bands, and bandsmen,were often active outwith the military sphere.Military bands in Scotland provided entertainment in the

66paUl, 1875, p. 85. 67Greig,[1895-96], v, p. 76; quotedin Farmer, 1912,p. 62. The march is scoredfor 2 oboes,2 clarinets,2 trumpets,2 hornsand bassoon. 68Preston,1804/(1986), p. 250; EEC, 17 Sept 1753. 69CM,22 October1763. "Preston, 1804/(1986), pp. 270-76,286-87,323-28,349. 346

theatre hall before, betweenthe the andconcert and actsof, mainperformances. ' and alsooccasionally presented their own concertS.71 Military bandsmenwere employedby the EdinburghMusical Societyfrom 1767onwards and also by musicalsocieties in other Scottishtowns. 72

Most eighteenth-centurymilitary bandswere small:they normallycomprised between four and six players.The banddepicted in the contemporaryengraving of the laying of the foundation-stoneof the New Collegeof Edinburghin 1789,which comprisedfour players,is probablyrepresentative of the majority of military bandsof the period.73

Only threeof the instruments-a clarinet,bassoon and horn - canbe identifiedin this illustration.During the 1790slarger bands were sometimesraised by volunteercorps.

Whereashorns were often includedin military bandsin pairsfrom the mid eighteenth centuryonwards, when the trumpetwas included,a singleplayer was most often employed.740ne trumpeterand two horn playerswere amongthe elevenmembers of the bandof the EdinburghRoyal Volunteersin 1794,the year of its formation.75The instrumentationof the bandof the AberdeenVolunteers, which AlexanderNapier was engagedto teachin 1796,is not known.76An advertisementfor a teacherfor the band of the Perth Volunteersin 1795states that it comprisedfour clarinets,two bassoons, two frenchhoms and a bassdruM. 77Following the disbandmentof a numberof volunteercorps at the temporarycessation of hostilitieswith Francein 1802,several advertisementsfor completesets of military bandinstruments appeared in newspapers.

71Dalyellcites reference to a concertgiven by the band of the 58th Regimentin Edinburgh in 1786,in which the trombonewas featured (Dalyell, 1849,p. 178).1 haveexamined the main Edinburgh newspapersfor 1786and found no referenceto this concert;however, the band of the 58th Regiment wasactive in Edinburghthat year.Regarding the concertspresented by the bandof the Royal Edinburgh Volunteers,see Chapter 6. 72EpEMS Minute-books,iii. The MontroseMusical Societyemployed military bandsmenin 1793 (CM, 4 April, 1793). 73Theillustration, by David Allan, is reproducedin Fraser,1989, p. xvi. 74Farmer,1954, p. 52; Lomas, 1989. 75See 1794. 76SeeSinclair, 1907, pp. 57-58. 77CM, 17 October 1795. 347

The instrumentson offer in one advertisementincluded 'Two Horns, full mounted'and 'One Trumpet. 78

Advertisementsfor military music,arranged for pianoand dedicatedto a particular

regiment,regularly appeared in newspapersduring the 1790s.A sizeablecorpus of musicfor military bandfrom the late eighteenthand earlynineteenth centuries was also publishedin full score.A Collectionof SCOMSHMusic Consistingof TwelveSlow

A irs & TwelveReels AND Strathspeys by I G.C. Schetky, the leaderof the bandof the

Royal EdinburghVolunteers, comprising twelve'Airs'and twelve'Reelsand

Strathspeys',is scoredfor two clarinets,two flutes,two horns,one trumpet and bassoon.79 The trumpetis includedonly in the'Reelsand Strathspeys':nine of the dancesare scoredfor a trumpetin Eb andthe other three,for a trumpetin F. Horns

pitchedin Bb, Eb or F are includedin all of the twenty-four pieces.

78Cranmer,1991, p. 318(EEC, 7 July1804). 79J.G. C. Schetky,A Collection of ScomisHMusicConsisting of TwelveSlowAirs & TwelveReels ANDStrathspeys, London; Preston, c.1800. Farmer states that Nathaniel Gow was the leader of the RoyalEdinburgh Volunteers band in 1795(Gu Farmer Collection, 84 [Tritish Martial Music'], p. 325). 348

Chapter6

CONCERTS AND THEATRE

The earliest concerts: c. 1695-1728

On 22 November 1695 a concert of vocal and instrumental music was presentedin

Edinburgh in honour of St. Cecilia. A document, which is effectively a programme of the concert, lists the participants in each item performed, and was published in an article by William Tytler almost a century later. I Tytler statesthat the programme was obtained by William Douglas, the treasurer of the Edinburgh Musical Society, from

JamesChrystie of Newhall, one of the performers in the concert. The document provides a unique insight into the concert life of late seventeenth-centuryEdinburgh.

Johnson suggeststhat the first public concerts in Edinburgh were presentedin

November 1693.2In the 1695 concert programme, JamesChrystie is referred to as

'Preses',a term used to denote the president of a learned society.3 This suggeststhat by

1695 the event was organised by a formal society which presentedat least one annual concert.

The musicperformed in the Edinburghconcert of 1695shows a strongLondon influence.An annualconcert was held in London in commemorationof St. Cecilia!s

Day from 1683onwards. 4 The fact that a St. Cecilia!s Day concerttook placein Edinburghis not in itself surprising,considering the closelinks that existedbetween

Scotlandand England during the seventeenthcentury. Of particularinterest to this studyis the inclusionin the concertof solo itemsfor trumpet,performed by Daniel Thomson.

ITytler, 1792.The concertprogramme is reproducedin Appendix3. 2Johnson,1972, p. 11. 3Johnson,1972, p. 33. 4This wasorganised under the auspicesof a musicalsociety established specifically for the event(see Husk, 1857). 349

The final decadeof the seventeenthcentury represents a watershedin the history of the trumpetin England.During this periodthe trumpetshed its purely ceremonialand military functionsand became fim-Ay established in 'art music'.It is apparentfrom the musicperformed in the St. Cecilia!s Day concertin Edinburghthat DanielThomson

was familiar with the developmentstaking placein England.Between 1680 and 1682 the Duke of York (the future JamesVII and II) was residentat Holyrood Palace.It seemslikely that Jameswas attendedby trumpetersthroughout his time in Scotland,

sinceit was on thejourney to accompanyhis wife back to Englandin 1682that his

shipran agroundoff Norfolk with the loss of trumpetsand kettle drumsat sea.5 It is possiblethat Daniel Thomsonbecame acquainted with the Englishtrumpeters during

the Duke of York's residencyat Holyrood andmaintained these contacts after their

return to London. Alternatively,he may haveaccompanied Scottish noblemen on visits to the royal court.

The Edinburghconcert of 1695included three pieces for trumpet: sonatasby Barrett Finger JohnBarrett and - presumably and GodfreyFinger - and a piecereferred to as '2 Trumpets'.The only known work for trumpetby JohnBarrett is a sonatafor trumpet, oboeand strings,included in British Library Add. MS 49599.Godfrey Finger is in represented this collectionwith four sonatasthat call for one or two trumpets,one is of which scoredfor trumpet, oboeand continuo.It is possiblethat the two sonatas by performed DanielThomson were thoseincluded in this manuscript.6 The piece referredto as'2 Trumpets'iscurious, since Daniel Thomsonis the only trumpeter

listed. The word 'Tunes'is printed directly abovethe title, at the top of this column,but doesnot appearin a similarposition on the first sheetof the document.It is feasible that this was a printing error andthe title shouldread '2 TrumpetTunes'.

5AShbec,1986-96, i, pp. 200,349. 6For a discussionof this manuscript,sce Smithers, 1967, and Smithers,1973, pp. 194-204. 350

The concertprogramme provides a lucid illustrationof playerschanging instruments duringthe courseof a concertto fit the requirementsof the variouspieces performed. DanielThomson is listed as one of the 'Basses'in 'Torrelli's Sonatafor 4 violins' and the the 'PlainPart' in the 'Chacoon! among playersof .

Tytler providedbiographies of the principalparticipants in the concert,including DanielThomson:

Daniel Thomson was one of the King's trumpets, and was said to have understoodmusic, and to havebeen a good performerof the obligato, or solo parts,in the trumpet songsof Purcell'sOpera of Dioclesian,Bonduca, and other theatricalpieces then exhibitedon the stage.The two-part song of To Arms, and Soutid Fame thy hrazzentrumpet, accompaniedwith the trumpet,were long greatfavourites with the public.

William Tytler (1711-1792)was an Edinburghlawyer and a notedantiquarian. For manyyears he was one of the leadingfigures in the EdinburghMusical Society.In his biographyof severalof the participantshe refersto havingbeen familiar with their playingin his earlyyears. Although this could not havebeen the casewith Daniel

Thomson,it is reasonableto assumethat, throughhis contactsin the musicallife of the city, his assertionsare the accuratetestimony of colleagueswho heardthe trumpeter perform.

DanielThomson stands as a solitaryfigure in the introductionof brassinstruments to concertsin Scotland.It canbe assumedthat he continuedto performas a solo trumpeteruntil his departurefrom the scenefollowing his involvementin the Jacobite rising of 1715.Information on the musicallife of Edinburghduring the first quarterof the eighteenthcentury is scantand no immediatesuccessor to DanielThomson has beentraced. 351

Concerts: 1728-1800

The EdinburghMusical Societywas formedin 1728by a group of amateurmusicians who for severalyears previously had held regularmeetings at the CrossKeys Tavernin the city. Until its demisein 1798the EMS occupieda centralposition in the concert life of Edinburghand providedthe modelon which musicalsocieties were constituted, on a smallerscale, in other Scottishtowns andcities. At its formationthe EMS had seventymembers and employedseveral professional musicians. As the century progressed,the membershipincreased, as did the numberof professionalplayers employed,and an increasingnumber of non-performerswere admittedas members.

The weekly meetingswere, especiallyin the earlyyears, essentially private affairs, but from the outseta numberof 'Lady'sconcerts' and an annualSt. Cecilia!s Day concert, for which memberswere entitledto purchasetickets, were presentedeach season. The only cluesto the musicperformed at meetingsof the societybefore the middleof the centurycan be gleanedfrom referencesin the minute-booksto the purchaseof MUSic.7

From the middleof the centuryonwards the EMS presentedseveral oratorio performanceseach season. Notices of theseconcerts were normallypublished in the newspapers,but the work to be performedwas rarelyindicated. Benefit concertswere grantedannually by the societyto its principalperformers, advertisements for which often provideddetails of the programme.During the last quarterof the century, concertspresented by visiting musiciansand in aid of charitablebodies became a regularfeature of the concertlife of the city.

In 1742Francesco Barsanti published his Concerti Grossi op. 3 in Edinburgh.The first five concertiin this set are scoredfor two horns,oboe, kettle drumsand strings,and numberssix to ten, for one trumpet,two oboes,kettle drumsand strings.The concerti

7Purchaseslisted in the first year'saccounts include concertosand sonatasby Geminiani, Corelli and William McGibbon,a violinist employedby the society(Ep EMS Minute-books,i, f 7). 352

are of particularimportance to this study,since they were the only solo works for

trumpetor hom publishedby a Scottish-basedcomposer during the eighteenthcentury

Barsantiarrived in London from Italy in 1714,along with FrancescoGeminiani, and was employedas an oboist and recorderplayer at the King's Theatre.8 In 1735Barsanti

movedto Edinburghwhere he was employedby the musicalsociety. He received from EMS in payment the June1741 'for concertopr. order andreceipt II-1 -0' andthe sameamount in 1743as 'his secondMoyity for his concertos...' It is temptingto

assumethat Barsanticomposed the Concerti Grossiin responseto the musicalforces

at his disposalin Edinburgh.It is possible,however, that the stimulusfor the concerti lay more in a desireto attract outsideinterest prior to his planneddeparture from Edinburghin, or soonafter, 1743than to providemusic for his colleaguesin

Edinburgh.Several concert-giving bodies, besides the EMS, are listed as subscribersto

the set. Theseinclude'The Philharmonick Society of Musick of Wednesdayat the Crown and Anchor in London!(three sets), 'The CharitableSociety of Musick in

Dublin!(two sets),'The PhilarmonickSociety of Musick in Dublin', aswell asthe

musicalsocieties of Newcastleupon Tyne andRippon. Barsanti visited Dublin at least once,in 1740;interestingly, a subscriberto the ConcertiGrossi, 'James MacFarlane of Dublin, Esq.', hasbeen identified as a trumpeter.9

Thereis no documentaryevidence that trumpetersperformed in EMS concertsduring

Barsanti'sresidence in the city. Referencesto kettle drumsfirst appearin the minute- books of the societyin 1740,and it hasbeen suggested that Barsantiplayed kettle

drumsin performancesof his concertiin Edinburgh.10 In view of the associationof trumpetsand kettle drums,it seemsreasonable to conjecturethat the trumpetwas

8Grove, s.v. 'Barsanti, Francesco.' 9Boydell, 1988, p. 297. His name is written on the trumpet part of the set in the Mercer's Hospital music collection, held in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. IOSharman, 1989, pp. 6-7. The accounts for 1740 record payment to Barsanti for mending the kettle drums. The final mention of the composer in the minute-books is in an entry dated 15 May 1743, concerning the purchase of his kettle drums (Ep EMS Minute-books, i, ff. 88,98). 353

featuredin EMS concertsduring the 1740sand that Barsanti'sConcerti Grossi were performedin Edinburghduring that decade.

Barsanti'strumpet writing bearscomparison, stylistically, with that of English composersof the period.The trumpetparts in the Concerti Grossido not ascend beyondthe thirteenthpartial of the harmonicseries and, like most Englishtrumpet musicof the period, containno non-harmonicnotes. The role of the trumpet alternates betweenthat of participatingin the melodicdialogue of the concertinogroup,

particularlyin fugal movements,and providing harmonic and rhythmic support to the

oboes.

By the late 1740sthe involvementof brassinstruments in orchestrasin Scotlandis

unequivocal.A list of itemsbelonging to the EMS, insertedat the beginningof the

secondvolume of minute-books,which recordsthe businessof the societyfrom 1747, includes'a pr Frenchhorns with Crooks'and kettle drums.II The referenceto two trumpetsin the theatreorchestra in 1748is the earliestevidence of the use of trumpets in an orchestralcontext subsequentto the formationof the EMS.

Fortunatelyfor this study,the inclusionof trumpets,kettle drumsand frenchhorns in a

concertwas, from aroundthe middleof the centuryonwards, often deemedworthy of mentionin newspaperadvertisements. This situationprevailed, albeit to a lesserextent,

until the end of the century.During the 1750sthe frenchhorn acquireda highly

fashionablestatus and was regularlyfeatured as a solo instrument.French horns were

alsoincluded in the orchestrasemployed in pleasuregardens in Edinburgh.12 This

popularitywas undoubtedlydue in part to the appearancein the city of severalvisiting

foreign playersof the instrument.13

I IA list of itemspurchase from RobertBremner in 1756includes: 'A Pair FrenchHorns 16.16. (SROGD 113/5/208/321). 12SeeCM, 21 June 1750. 13TheEMS accounts for the 1754-55 seasonrecord payment to Mr Charles Frenchhorns for playing in the Concert' (Ep EMS Mnute-books, ii, f 68). A benefit concert for Messieurs Charles's ftom 354

Music for french homs featured prominently in benefit concerts for JamesMarine between 1753 and 1755. Marine's benefit concert in 1753 was presented'By the Desire of the Most Worshipful Grand Master of all the Free and Accepted Masons in

Scotland'; the programme includedA Symphony for French Horns., composedby Mr.

Homer' and 'A Concerto for French Horns, composedby Mr. Bennegar.14 The following year's concert opened with'An Overture for six French Horns by Mr.

Homer'; later in the programme a'Concerto by Signor Hasse, for French Homs'was performed, and the evening ended with 'the 4th of Corelli's Grand ConcertOS'.15 His benefit concert in 1755 included an'Overture for French Homs'and a'Symphony for French Horns'. 16

The cataloguesof musicbelonging to the EMS, dated 1765and 1782,provide a valuableinsight into the musicperformed at the society'smeetings prior to the period coveredby the plan-books.The vast majority of the itemslisted in the catalogueswere publishedafter 1750and the accountsof the EMS, which havesurvived from the late 1740sonwards, provide detailsof the acquisitionof muchof this music.The cataloguesrecord the locationin the library of eachset of parts or scoreheld. A separatecolumn records the locationof hom parts.This invariablydiffers from that of the partsfor the other instruments.It is possiblethat thesepieces were performed,on occasions,without horns.This hypothesisis supportedby the Edinburghlawyer Hugo

Arnot, writing in the 1770s,who statesthat hornsand kettle drumswere occasionally

London!was held in the EdinburghAssembly Rooms in March 1755.The beneficiarieswere to perform 'a greatVariety of choicePieces on FrenchHorns, and likewise severalselect Pieces upon the Clarinet and other instruments'(CM, 18 March 1755).During the 1755-56season a french hom playerby the nameof TheordorusHill receivedpayment from the EMS (Ep EMS Minutc-books,ii, f. 76; SROGD 113/5/208/289).The following seasonanother french hom player,Mathw Velplong, receivedpayment from the society(Ep EMS Minute-books,ii, L8 1). 14EEC, 22 January 1753. 15CM, 7 March 1754. It has not been possible to identify the composer Homer, or the overture. !Hemers 7 Concertos M. S.' is listed in the EMS catalogues of music. In 1751 payment was made for copying 'in the Society's Books Seven Concertos by Homer &c. for French Horns, Violins, Hautboys &c. '(SRO GD 113/5/208/100). 16CM, 27 February 1755. 355

addedto the orchestraemployed by the EMS.17 Music containinghom partswas includedin the vast majority of concertsrecorded in the EMS plan-books,and brass playerswere amongthe salariedperforms of the societythroughout the secondhalf of the century.Although someof theseplayers are known to haveperformed on instrumentsother than the trumpetor horn, it seemsreasonable to assumethat they would haveplayed hom in thoseworks that calledfor the instrument.The separation of the hom partsin the library may havecome about as a result of the musicbeing regularlyborrowed by membersof the society,presumably for performancein a domesticsetting. Is In suchperformances, horns may well havebeen considered superfluous.

The cataloguedated 1765includes items acquired after that datewhich were added cumulatively.Consequently, very few itemsare includedin the catalogueof 1782that are not listedin the earliersource. All the works that includedtrumpet parts arelisted in both cataloguesand, significantly, none of thesewere first publishedafter 1765.The numberof itemsidentified as havingtrumpet parts is far exceededby thosecalling for horns.Seventy-nine instrumental works, or setsof works, are indicatedas containing horn parts in the earliercatalogue. Several horn concertosare listed,but the vast majoritybelong to the symphonicrepertoire which was introducedto London from the

Continentshortly after Handel'sdeath and became firn-dy established there with the arrival of C.F. Abel andJ. C. Bach in 1759and 1762respectively. 19 A standardeight- part orchestration,which includedtwo horns,was adoptedin muchof this repertory.

The role of the trumpetin most of the works identifiedas containingtrumpet parts is essentiallysoloistic and rooted in the Handelianstyle.

17Arnot,1816, p. 379; cited in Hamilton, 1964,p. 20. 181n1736 the directorsof the EMS decidedto recall the music on loan to its membersin order to draw up a catalogue(see Johnson, 1972, p. 35). 19SeeJones, 1978. 356

The following entriesin the 1765catalogue refer to works which includedtrumpet parts:

ArnesArtaxerce [Overture] Barsantis10 Concertosop: 3d Bate's6 Concertosfor Trumpets&c. op: 2d Boyces8 Symphonysop: 6th [Corelli's] 401:ConcertoY the horns& Trumpetby Pasquali Handels65 Overtures HandelsMusich for the Royal fireworksfound in handelsovertures HandelsWater Musich found in handelsovertures [listed amongthe 'Overtures': no hornsparts indicated) Handel:Occasional Oratorio [Overture]Tromb: Tymp & princip Humphries12 Concertos--- 3d Mudges6 Concertos Pasqualis12 Symphonies& Overtures

Besidesthe ConcertiGrossi by Barsanti,the cataloguescontain several mid eighteenth-centurysets of concertosby Englishcomposers in which the trumpetis includedas a concertinoinstrument in one or more concerto.The earliestcollection in this categoryis the MI Concertosin SevenParts op. 3 by JohnHumphries. The first concertoin this set callsfor two trumpets,kettle drumsand strings,and the twelfth, is scoredfor onetrumpet and strings.The first concertoof the Six Concertosin Seven Parts by RichardMudge is scoredfor trumpet,two violins, cello and strings.Two trumpetsand kettle drumsare includedin the secondand sixth of the concertosby

William Bates.,all of which containparts for two horns.Negotiations between the directorsof the EMS andWilliam Batesin 1758,with a view to recruitingthe composeras a performerof the harpsichord,which provedfi-uitless, are recordedin the society'sminute-books. 20 There are no recordedperformances of trumpet concertosin Edinburghduring this period. It shouldbe notedthat concertoscalling for one or two trumpetsonly constitutepart of thesesets. Significantly, however, the

20EpEMS Nfinute-books,ii, f. 101.The reportoryof mid eighteenth-centuryEnglish trumpet concertosis discussedin Rasmussen,1961. 357

concertosby JohnHumphries were referredto asHumphriesConcertos For Trumpets &c. ' at the time of purchase,21 and those by Batesare similarlylisted in the catalogues.

Elevencollections of overturesfrom Handel'soperas and oratorioswere publishedin Londonby JohnWalsh between 1727 and 1758.22In 1751the EMS purchased 'Handel'sOvertures A 6th 7th 8th 9th & 10thCollections'. 23 The earliestextant set of accountsfor the society,from 1748,record payment in February1747 for'Handels 6 Overtures9th Six Overturesfor Violins &c. in Eight Parts Ninth collect';the ... Collection,which includesthe overtureto YheOccasional Oratorio, was publishedby

Walshin 1746.24The overtureto Atalanta is includedin two differentcollections bearingthe designated'Sixth Collectiod: Six Overturesfor Violins &c. in SevenParts Sixth Collection(London, 1737), Six OverturesF Violins,French Horns &c. ... and or in Eight Parts Sixth Collection (London, 1740).The includedin ... c. only other work both collectionsis the overtureto PastorEfdo X The overtureto Atalanta, which is scoredfor solo trumpetand strings,was a popularshowpiece for London trumpeters throughoutthe remainderof the century.A performanceof the overturetook placein Manchesterin 1745,25but no Scottishperformances are recordedduring the eighteenthcentury.

The first documentedperformance of the overtureto TheOccasional Oratorio in

Edinburghwas in 1753,when it was includedin a benefitconcert. 26 Also presentedin this concertwas Handel's'Overture in Ariadne,for two FrenchHorns'. The overtureto

Ae OccasionalOratorio is scoredfor threetrumpets, kettle drums,two oboesand

strings.The EMS plan-booksreveal that the overturewas performedtwice in 1769

and everyyear between 1782 and 1786,often on severaloccasions each season.

21See 26 December 1757. 22SeeSmith, 1960, pp. 288-97. 23SRO GD 113/5/208/85. 24Smith, 1960, p. 296. 25DeUtSCh.1955, p. 601. 26EEC, 22 March 1753. 358

Although the inclusion of trumpets is not mentioned in these sources,the work was regularly referred to in newspaperadvertisements for concerts, which almost invariably note that it was to be performed with trumpets and kettle drums. Handel's Musick for the Royall fire Works'was purchasedby the EMS in 1750, the year after its first performance in London. 27The eleventh collection of overtures, which contains five overtures and the Coronation Anthem Zadok the Priest, was obtained by the society in 1759.28

In 1752 the Italian violinist and composer Nicolo Pasquali arrived in Edinburgh.

During the next five years, until his death in 1757, Pasqualiwas one of the most prominent musiciansin the city. The year before his arrival in Edinburgh, Pasquali's

Raccolta di overture was published in London. 29Two trumpets, two horns and kettle drums includedin OverturesNo. I 9 II from this Overture are the ip and set, andthe No. 5 callsfor *onetrumpet and one horn; two hornsare alsoincluded in the Overture

No. 3. At a benefitconcert in 1754,'conducted by SignorPasquale, several of the composer'ssymphonies were performed,one of which was describedas his 'Tenth

Symphony'.30 The fact that Pasqualiwas paid by the EMS for adding trumpet and kettle drum parts to the '4th Concerto of Corelli'- presumablythe Concerto No. 4 in D from Corelli's Concerti Grossi op. 6 (Amsterdam, 1714) - suggeststhat his symphoniesinvolving brass instruments were popular in Edinburgh at that time. 31

27SROGD 113/5/208/75.Listed in the sameset of accountsis !Handels 6 Songsfor french horns'. This can be identified asSix CelebratedSongs made on purposefor French Horns Performd in the severalOperas Composd by Mr Handel. in 7 Parts viz. TwoFrench Horns or Trumpets,two ri olins, a GermanFlute, Tenor& Bass,London: 1. Wallsh, c.173 1. 28SROGD 113/5/208/481. The dategiven by Smith for the publicationof Handel'sOvertures M Collectionfor Nolins &c. in 8 Parts is 1758.The EMS purchasedHandcl's'60 Overturcs'in 1755 (SROGD 113/5/208/200).Smith gives c.1758 as the publicationdate for the collectionentitled Handel'sSixty OverturesFrom all his Operas& Overturesfor Molins in 8 Parts. He states,however, that advertisementsfor 'Sixty Overtures'as early as 1749possibly refcr to anotheredition of the collection(Smith, 1960,pp. 297,300). 29N. Raccoltadi due basso Pasquali. overture,e symphonie,per violini, e un ... con un alto viola, da de I, M, V, LY,XI (London, 1751). A later trombe,corni caccia e tymbali rinforzo nella ... edition was entitlcdA7I OverturesandSymphonies For Two r7ohns,Tenor andBass (London, c. 1760). A note on the title pageof this edition confirmsthat the brassparts are optional: The RipienoParts of the I, III, V, IX & M. may be Perform!d by Two Trumpets,Two FrenchHorns & Kettle Drums'. 30SceCM, 18 February1754. 31SCCApril 1755. 359

It is possiblethat the arrangementof Corelli'sconcerto had its first public hearingat Pasquali'sbenefit concert in 1754,since the concludingitem was aGrand Concertoof

Corelli'.32 The'Full Piecewith Trumpets,French Horns, Kettle Drums,&c. 'performed at Pasquali'sbenefit concert the following yearwas probablyeither the Corelli concertogrosso or one of Pasquali'ssymphonies. 33 Unfortunately, Pasquali's arrangementof the Corelli concertogrosso was not publishedand no manuscript sourceof the work hassurvived. The arrangementwas still in the Edinburghconcert repertoirein 1767,34and Corelli'sConcerto Grosso No. 4 was performedat

MaryleboneGardens in London,with'additional partsfor Trumpets,French Horns, Kettle Drums by the late ingeniousSg. Pasquali'duringthe 1770S.35 The and ... concertiof Corelli were regularlyfeatured in EMS concertsduring the period covered by the plan-books,but it is not known if Pasquali'sarrangement was still being performedat this time.

In December 1753 the Directors of the EMS wrote to Handel, requesting copies of several of the his unpublished choral works. Hamilton lists the performancesof

Handel's choral works mentioned in the society's minute-books and plan-books; from the former it can be ascertainedthat six were first performed between 1753 and 1760:

Acis and Galatea (1753), Alexander's Feast (1753), Deborah (1754), Judas

Maccabaeus (175 5), Samson(175 8), and Messiah (1760).36 Three performancesof the oratorio Solomon by Handel are cited by Hamilton (1757,1758 and 1761).37 The work performed on these occasionswas most likely the serenataSolomon by William

Boyce. This work, which calls for two trumpets in one aria and in the final chorus, was very popular in London throughout the 1760s.38 Neither the EMS minute-books, nor

32CM,3 January1754. 33See17 January1755. 34See5 Fcbruary1767. 35Fiske,1986, p. 260. 36H,amilton, 1964,p. 22. 371bid. 38McVeigh,1993, p. 107. 360

the newspapernotices of the performances,mention the composerof the work performed.The musicfor Boyce'sSolomon was purchasedby the EMS from Robert

Bremner in 1756,39and is listed in the society's catalogues.

Threetrumpets are scoredfor in Dehorah andJudas Maccahaeus, while Messiahand Samsoncall for two trumpets;Acis and Galateaand Alexander's Feast are scoredfor

a singletrumpet. Trumpet arias are includedin four of the oratorios.'The Trumpet ShallSound'from. Messiah, 'Let the bright Seraphim'fromSamson and'Revenge TimotheousCries' from Alexander'sFeast are in D major;the aria'With honourlet

desertbe crowned'from JudasMaccahaeus, in A minor, is the only exampleof Handel writing for the trumpetin the minor key.

Many benefitconcerts presented in Edinburghduring the secondhalf of the century

were large scaleevents, advertised as concertsof vocal andinstrumental music. Popularin theseconcerts were Handel'sCoronation anthems, and the choruses 'Hallelujah' and 'Worthy is the Lamb'from Messiah.

The song 'Rise glory rise' from the opera Rosamond by Thomas Arne was included in a

benefit concert in Edinburgh in 1769.40This is the only known performance of a song

with trumpet obligato in an Edinburgh concert other than an oratorio performance

prior to the last decadeof the century. The song was performed on a number of

occasionsduring the interval at theatrical performancesin London during the 1750s.

The advertisementfor the performance in Edinburgh implies that more than one

trumpeter was involved. The manuscript full score of the opera calls for one trumpet in

this song, along with two oboes, kettle drums and strings.41 There is no record of

Rosamond being staged in Scotland. Since the programmes of relatively few concerts

39SROGD 113/5/208/321. 40See15 February 1769. 41LblAdd. Ms 29370.Rosamond was first performedin London in 1733(Grove, s. v. 'Arne, Thomas Augustine.'). 361

are known beforelate in the century,it is possiblethat the abovementioned trumpet ariasby Handelwere alsoperformed in non-oratorioconcerts from the 1750sonwards.

'Let the Bright Seraphim'from Samsonwas performedon a numberof occasionsby Mrs Corri andWilliam Napier duringthe 1790s.The song'TheVolunteers Fly to

Arms',which was popularisedby the samesoloists later in the decade,was an adaptationof 'Let the Bright Seraphim'.The songwas publishedin Edinburghin a versionwith a violin obligatothat integratesthe melodicmaterial of the trumpetpart with the serni-quaverfiguration of the originalviolin part. The first pageof this publicationis reproducedin Appendix4. Thereis no recordof 'The VolunteersFly to Arms'beingperformed outside Edinburgh.

It hasnot beenpossible to identify theBass Song,with Trumpets'byJohann Georg

Christoff Schetky,the Germancellist and composerwho residedin Edinburghfrom

1772until his deathin 1824.42Verylittle of SchetVs musichas survived and noneof the songsincluded in his Six Songs(Edinburgh, c. 1790),the only extantcollection of his songs,stylistically or textually suggestthe inclusionof trumpets.

The popularity of Te Deum andJubilale (1694) by Henry Purcell, in which two trumpets figure prominently, in London throughout the eighteenth century is evident from the numerous editions of the work that appearedin full score. Its first recorded performance in Scotland was in the New Episcopal Chapel in Edinburgh in 1774, under the direction of the chapel'sorganist, StephenClark. 43 The work was performed at Clark's benefit concert in St. Cecilia's Hall the following year.44 Purcell's 'Te deum! is included among items purchasedby the EMS from Robert Bremner in 1757.45

42See9 February 1798. 43CM, 2 April 1774. 44EECPII March 1775. 45SROGD 113/5/208/321. 362

The duet and chorus'To Arms' and 'Britons Strike Home'from Purcell's music for

Bonduca (1695) were performed in London oratorio concerts of the early 1780s and remained popular in concerts programmesuntil the end of the centUry.46 The duet 'To

Arms', mentioned by Tytler as one of Daniel Thomson's showpiecesin the early years

of the century, is in C major and contains an obligato part for trumpet. Purcell marked the I st violin part of the choral sectionsof 'Britons Strike Home' as to be doubled on

trumpet and oboe. At a'Public Concert'of the EMS in 1782 the'Duet & Chorus

Britons Strike home' was performed alongside excerpts from Handel'sAcis and

Galatea. During the 1790s Britons Strike home'was regularly performed with

audienceparticipation in the theatre, either between the acts or after the entertainment,

and clearly accorded with the patriotic mood of much of the material presentedin the

theatre during that decade.It is unlikely that Purcell's instrumentation would have had

much bearing on performancessuch as these. The chorus was included in The Battle of

Ferden, a compilation of instrumental and vocal items, 'selectedand composed'by

JosephReinagle, with the accompanimentof trumpets and kettle drums, during his

return visit to Scotland in 1793. A newspaperreview of Reinagle'sconcert statesthat

'The audiencejoined the band in "Britons strike home", and "God savethe king"'. 47

The overtureto the operaArtaxerxes by ThomasArne attainedconsiderable popularity in Edinburghduring the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury. The musicfor

Artaxerxeswas purchasedby the EMS in 1763and the overturewas obtainedin

1764.48The full scoreof the opera,published in 1762,includes parts for two horns,

two trumpetsand kettle drumsin the overture.The operaincludes the trumpet song

'The SoldierTir'd of Wars Alarms';this was a popularitem in London concertsinto the

nineteenthcentury. 49 It is not known if the songwas performedin Edinburgh,but an

arrangementby DomenicoCorri, 'asa lessonfor the harpsichord',was publishedthere

46McVeigh,1993, p. 112. 47C:M 16March &4 April 1793. 48SROGD 113/5/208/16/40; GD113/5/208/17/38. 49FiSke,1986, p. 308. 363

by Corri and Sutherlandc. 1790.Several editions of the overtureto Artaxerxeswere publishedbefore the end of the century,four of which havebeen consulted in the

courseof this study.50 The only edition found to containparts for trumpetsand kettle drumsis the set of partspublished by Longman& Co. c. 1770;copies of this edition, however,have been found with the trumpetand kettle drum partswanting. It seems, therefore,that for performancesin the concerthall the trumpetand kettle drum parts were consideredoptional. There is no recordof the inclusionof trumpetsin the orchestrafor Edinburghperformances of this overture.

Symphoniesby JosephHaydn were first performedin the EMS concertsin the early 1780sand quickly becamestandard repertoire. 51 During the final decadeof the century

Haydn'ssymphonies were frequentlyincluded in benefitconcerts, as were thoseof his pupil and rival in the London concertscene, Ignaz J. Pleyel.It is not possibleto identify all the symphoniesby Haydn listed in the EMS plan-books,but severalare referredto by the title of printed editions.52Trumpet parts exist for arounda quarterof Haydn'ssymphonies composed prior to his London symphonies.Many discrepancies exist betweendifferent versions of manyof theseworks concerningthe trumpetparts. Haydn'sSymphony No. 73, which is referredto by the title 'La Chasse'in the EMS plan-booksand newspaperadvertisements of the 1780sand 1790s,is an example. Trumpetsand kettle drumsare includedin the last movementof the original versionof this symphony;an editionpublished in London by Forsterc. 1783,appears to havebeen

50T. A. Arne. The Overture in Artaxerxes. For violins &c: in all its parts. (London: Printed for Thorowgood and Home, 1763); The Overture in Artaxerxes, in all its Parts, for Violins, &c. (London: Printed for John Johnson, c. 1765); Yhe Overture in Artaxerxes its Parts. (London: Printed ... with all for J. Longman & Co., c. 1770); The Favorite Overture in Artaxerxesfor Grand Orchestra a ... (London: Preston and Son, c. 1790). 51The first recorded performance of a Haydn symphony in London was in 1773, but it was during the early 1780s that their popularity grew. By 1786 many of Haydn's symphonies were available from London publishers (McVeigh, 1993, pp. 94,122,265). 52For example, the work referred to as'Symphony Haydn No3 in D', performed on 22 July 1785 (Eu EMS Plan-books, iii, f. 66r), was probably the Symphony No. 75 in D. a set of printed parts of this symphony, issued by Bland in London c. 1784, bears the title 'Sinfonia III'. This was a reprint of an edition by Hummel (Amsterdam and Berlin, c. 1782). Both sets include parts for two trumpets and kettle drums. These were not included in the earliest manuscript sourcesof this work but were probably added by Haydn at a later date (see Landon, 1955, pp. 723-24). 364

a reprint of a Vienneseedition of 1782,both of which omit the trumpetand kettle drum pWS. 53

An entry in the EMS plan-books for 23 April 1784 records the performance of an

'Overture Haydn in D with Kettle Drums'.54 Haydn included kettle drums in only one symphonythat does not contain trumpet parts: SymphonyNo. 53 in D (LImperiale).

It was after the successof this symphony in London in 1781 that Haydrf s music rose to prominence. It is possible, therefore, that the'Overture'in D by Haydn was the Symphony No. 53.

Numerousadvertisements for concertsin Edinburghduring the secondhalf of the centuryannounce that eitherkettle drums,or frenchhorns and kettle drums,were to be addedto the orchestra.Kettle drumswere rarely scoredfor independentlyof trumpetsin eighteenth-centuryorchestral compositions. 55 The pairingof kettle drums andhorns was commonin Scotlandand was not restrictedto works originally scored for both instruments.For example,at a benefitconcert in 1756Handel's 'Overture in Ptolemy[sic] with FrenchHorns andKettle-Drumswas performed.56

Symphoniesby ThomasAlexander Erskine, Earl of Kelly, were occasionallyadvertised as to be performedwith frenchhorns and kettle drums,as was a'Dead March' by

Kelly, performedat a funeralconcert for one of the EMS directors,William Douglas, in 1771.57None of Kelly's extantorchestral works includetrumpet parts, but homs were routinely employed.No kettle drum partshave survived for any of Kelly's

53Landon,1955, pp. 721-22. 54EuEMS Plan-books,iii, f. 40v. 55Duringthe interval of a performanceof an oratorioby Karl Barbandtat the Little Theatrein London in 1756,'A GreatConcerto with Clarinets,French Horns and Kettle Drums, composedby Mr. Barbant'waspresented (Fiskc, 1986,p. 304). 56CM,21 February1756. The overtureto the operaTolomeo by Handel(1728) was scoredfor two horns,oboe and strings. 57Forexample, see CM, 2 February1767; CM, 4 January& 15 February1769. A copy of a printed programmefor the funeral concertis appendedto Eu EMS Plan-books,i. A draft plan of the music to be performedin this concert,contained in the plan-book,lists the 'DeadMarch in Saul' [by Handel] (seeJohnson, 1972, pp. 83-84). 365

compositions. A 'Scotch Song' entitled 'Lochaber', 'arrangedinto a chorus for four in benefit voices, with kettle-drums. - By Signior CorrPwas included Mrs Corri's concert in 1784.58The abandonmentof the traditional link between trumpets and kettle drums represent an idiosyncratic feature of orchestral performance practice in

Scotland. Thus, it cannot be inferred from referencesto kettle drums, such as in an advertisementfor a concert in 1786, at which a'Grand Overture, with Kettle Drums' by Handel was to be performed,59 that the work contained trumpet parts.

The work describedas 'Martini'sGrand Overture, with Kettle Drums,Trumpets, &c' in advertisementsfor concertsin 1794and 1795can be identifiedas the overtureto the operaHenry IVby J.P. A. Martini.60 This overturewas popularin London during the 1790s.61 At a concertin Edinburghin March 1794'Martini's GrandOverture to Henry

V. With FrenchHorns, Kettle Drums,&c'was performed.62 This was almostcertainly a misprintand work alludedto was probablyMartini's overtureto Henry IV. The overtureis scoredfor a large orchestra,including two horns,two trumpetsand kettle drums.An edition publishedin London c. 1787bears the inscription'Trompette &

Timbalead Libitum! on the title page.63 The trumpetsplay a prominentrole in the overtureand are given severalsoli passagesin alternationwith fanfaremotives, during which the first trumpetpart ascendsto C6, four barsfrom the end of the piece.The soli trumpetpassages are printed as trumpet cuesin the horn parts.Thus, in performances with trumpets,the passagesmarked 'Solo Trompette'would be ornittedby the horn players,who would resumeplaying at the'Solo Corni' indication.

The EMS accountsrecord regularpayments for issuesin the Periodical Overture seriespublished by RobertBremner between 1763 and 1783.The overturesin this

58CM,4 February1784. 59CM,20 February1786. 60See10 July 1794; 10 March 1795. 6IMcVeigh, 1993,p. 126. 62CM,17 March 1794. 63j. Ouverture EntreactedHenry IVa GrandeOrchestre London:Longman P.A. Martini. et ... and Broderip, [1787]. 366

seriesremained popular through to the endof the century.It is not certainthat the '35th PeriodicalOverture, with Kettle Drums& Trumpets',performed in 1795,64was from this collection,since several Parisian publishers also issued series of periodical overtures(or symphonies)during the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury. 65The Periodical OvertureNo. 35, publishedby Bremnerin 1772,was a reprint of the SymphonyNo. 3 in C from Six Simphoniesa GrandeOrchestre op. 12 by Frangois

JosephGossec, which is scoredfor the customaryeight-part orchestra. 66Gossec's Six

Simphoniesappeared in severalParis editions, one of which, publishedby Boyer in

1788,included parts for two trumpetS.67Assuming that this was the work performedin

1795,it would appearthat eitherBoyer's edition was beingused in Scotlandor the trumpet and drum parts hadbeen obtained from the Continentseparately. It is also

conceivablethat the extra partswere composedby someonein Edinburghwho was

awareof the increasedforces employed for performancesof the work elsewhere.

For a seriesof subscriptionconcerts presented by NataleCorri in 1801,an 'The Public have (for the first time in advertisementnoted that will ... an opportunity this city) of hearingthe full Piecescomplete in all their parts'.Details of the orchestra to be employed,which includedtwo horns,two trumpetsand kettle drums,were also given. Threesymphonies of Haydn,including the Military' Symphony(No. 100),were to be performedin three of the six concerts,from manuscriptparts; accordingto the

advertisement,they were to receivetheir first Edinburghperformances. 68AIthough it is

necessaryto treat suchassertions with caution,it is very likely that thesewere the first

64See24 March 1795.The samework is presumablybeing referredto in the advertisementfor the concerton 22 July 1795. 65Jones,1978, p. 64. 66The'Six Simphonies'op. 12 by Gossecwas first publishedin Parisc. 1769.See the thematicindex in Jones,1978, p. 77. 67Thisedition is first listed in a catalogueof musicpublished by Boyer of Paris in 1788 (Johansson,1955, ii, Facsimile 100). 68Cranmer,1991, p. 53. The London symphonieswere first publishedon the Continentbetween 1795 and 1800,and in London between1800 and 1805.Landon does not rule out the possibility, however, that John Salomonhad the symphoniespublished in London around 1795(Landon, 1955,p. 746). 367

Scottish performancesof Haydrf s London symphonies.Two horns, two trumpets and kettle drumsare includedin all twelve symphoniesin this set.

The popularityof theatricalpieces with a military themetowards the end of the century was reflectedin the repertoirefor the concerthall. The Edinburgh-basedsinger and composerPeter Urbani composedAe Siegeof Gibrafter in 1785in imitation of the afterpiecewith that title by William Shield,which was popularin London and presentedat the TheatreRoyal, Edinburgh, in 1783.The work by Urbani received severalperformances in 1785and 1786,69andthe overturewas performedat a concert

of the EMS in April 1786.70

7heBattle ofPrague by FranzKotzwara was originallywritten for piano and enjoyed

phenomenalpopularity during the late eighteenthand earlynineteenth centuries

throughoutEurope and America. 71 The work was first performedin Edinburgh1792 andbecame an extremelypopular item in benefitconcerts. In almostevery

advertisementfor performancesin Edinburghthe employmentof trumpetsand kettle drumsis mentioned.Yhe Battle of Praguewas first publishedin Dublin c. 1788and

appearedin numerouseditions, some of which includeobligato parts for violin, cello and drums.No trumpetparts were published,but it is clearto seewhere they could havebeen employed. The piecehas been described as a'programmaticsonata!; 72 it

depicts,in a highly explicit manner,the eventsof the battle. Passagesrepresenting

trumpet andbugle calls,bearing designations such as 'BugleHorn Call for the Cavalry',

'Trumpet,Light Dragoonsadvancing', and 'Trumpetof Recall'abound. Other passages

depictthe soundof canons,Tlying Bullets'and the'Cries of the Wounded'.

69See26 April 1785;8 August 1786.Johnson wrongly statesthat Farmeris mistakenin assigningThe Siegeof Gibralter to Urbani and not William Shield (Johnson,1972, p. 48; seeFarmer, 1947,p. 306). 70EUEMS Plan-books,iii, f 77v. 71Grove, sx. Kotzwara, Franz.' 721bid. 368

Thereis no evidencethat the trumpetwas featuredin concertsin citiesin Scotland other thanEdinburgh. The AberdeenMusical Societywas the most importantconcert- giving body outsideEdinburgh. A list of musicbelonging to the societyc. 1755 includes'Handel's Oratorios Ist Collectn'[sic], 'The fire Musick unbound','Barsantis

Concertosin ten part' and 'Pasquali'sOvertureS'. 73 Two frenchhoms and a pair of kettle drumswere ownedby the societyin 1755.74Thefirst documentedconcert programmedates from 1758and included 'A French-HomePiece'. 75The society appearsto haveregularly employed hom playersduring the secondhalf of the eighteenthcentury, and two hom players(Messrs F. andW. Walker) were amongthe salariedperformers engaged for the 1790-91season. 761t is not known if theseplayers doubledon trumpet.

It was not until the final quarterof the eighteenthcentury that concertswere regularly presentedin Glasgow.During this period, severalseries of subscriptionconcerts were given in the city, aswere performancesby visiting musiciansfrom Edinburghand ffirther afield. Oneof the first promotersof subscriptionconcerts in Glasgowwas AlexanderReinagle, who was mentionedin Chapter4 as a deputyin the royal trumpet corps.Farmer refers to a concertin Glasgow,but providesno date,in which overtures were accompanied'with FrenchHorns and ClarionetS'.77 An examinationof the Glasgownewspapers of the period mayyield further informationon concertsin the city, andit would not be surprisingif programmessimilar to thosepresented in Edinburghwere occasionallygiven.

73Johnson,1972, pp. 215-16.Johnson suggests that this last entry wasprobably added to the list after 1755. 74Farmcr,1950(b), p. 37. 751bid.,p. 61. 761bid.,pp. 67,7 1. 77Farmcr,1945, p. 110. 369

Theatres

The role of musicin the Edinburghtheatres during the eighteenthcentury has received very little attentionby scholars.Johnson asserts that the theatredid little for classical musicin Scotlandand that seasonsof operawere short and occurredat irregular

intervals.78 He acknowledgesthat balladoperas such as YheBeggar's Opera and Yhe

GentleShepherd were performedin Edinburghduring the first half of the centuryand that Englishoperas were first given in 1751, mentioningthe productionof Ae Dragon

of Wantleyby Lampe,presented that year.He alsorefers to performancesof Italian operagiven 1763,cited by Dibdin in his history of the theatrein Scotland.79 Johnson is

correctin the statementthat the theatrein Edinburghdid not supportoperas written by the city's residentcomposers. What he fails to take fully into accountare the productionsthat had originallybeen performed at one of the two theatresin London

devotedto presentingdramatic and operaticworks in English,Covent Garden and Drury Lane.80 This vast repertoryis analysedin a studyby RogerFiske. 81

Between1737 and 1767the performanceof playsin unlicensedtheatres was prohibited.Edinburgh had no licensedtheatre during this period. In order to present theatricalworks in the city it was necessaryto advertisethat they were to be

performed'gratis' after a concertof music.The only theatricalvenue in Edinburghat this time was known as the CanongateConcert Hall. Newspaperadvertisements rarely provide detailsof the musicto be includedin theseperformances. It is likely that the mainfunction of the orchestraemployed in 1748,in which two trumpetswere included,was to performinstrumental music before and between the plays.That trumpeterswere activein the theatreat this time is significant,since it is during the late

78Johnson,1972, p. 47. 791bid.;see Dibdin, 1888,pp. 125-26. 8OTheterm 'English opera'is usedin this studyto covera variety of theatricalforms, including ballad opera,comic operaand after-piece.These labels were applied with a certainfleNibility to works in English incorporatingmusic and drama. 8IFiske, 1986. 370

1740sthat evidenceof the performance of English operas in Edinburgh first emerges, and severalof thosepresented around the middleof the centurycontain prominent trumpet parts.

The arrival of John Frederick Lampe and Nicolo Pasquali in Edinburgh, in 1750 and

1752 respectively, had a marked effect on music in the Edinburgh theatre. Both Lampe and Pasqualiwere experiencedcomposers of theatre music before arriving in

Edinburgh and had been engagedas joint leaders of the orchestra of the Theatre Royal in Dublin (known as 'Smock Alley') in 1748. In that year the orchestra was increasedto twenty-two players.82 Lampe has been credited with introducing English operas to

Scotland. ffis popular ballad opera The Dragon of Wantley was first performed in

Edinburgh under the direction of the composer. This work contains one of the most demandingtrumpet parts written by a British-based composer during the entire century. Lampe died less than a year after settling in Edinburgh.83 In June 1752

Pasqualiwas engagedto conduct the 'Opera!s and other Musical Entertainments'in

Edinburgh, almost certainly as Lampe's successor.84

An advertisementfor a performance of Romeo andJuliet at the Canongate Concert

Hall in January 1751 noted that the production was to include'the Funeral Procession

Juliet MUSiCkI.85 Music for the funeral Romeo of ... attended with solemn sceneof and Juliet was provided by Thomas Arne for a production at Covent Garden on 28

September 1750. A rival production of the play opened at Drury Lane on the same night, which by the 3 October included a musical setting of the funeral sceneby

William Boyce." The version of the funeral music performed in Edinburgh in 1751 is not recorded, but it was most likely that by Arne. One of the singers taking part in the

Edinburgh performance was Mrs Lampe, wife of the composer John Frederick Lampe,

82Boydell,1988, pp. 20-21. 83Harris, 1911, pp. 265-67; Johnson, 1972, p. 52. 84CMP18 June 1752. 85CM, 17 January 1751. 86SeeFiske, 1986, p. 217. 371

and sisterof ThomasAme's wife. Lessthan two weeksbefore the Edinburgh performanceof RomeoandJuliel a newspapernotice advertisedthat the Masque of

COMUS'by Arne was in preparationat the CanongateConcert Hall andwas to be conductedby Mr Lampe.87

The'SolemnDirge'by Arne openswith a funeralmarch for two 'muffled'trumpets, kettle drumsand a bell (Ex. 3), with the direction:

At the Beginningof the processionthe Trumpetesadvance with the Kettle Drums and soundthe following Solemnnotes between which the Bell tolls, till they are off the Stage.

Ex. 3

Fust Trumpert

SecondThwpet p

In the musicfor the funeralscene by William Boycethe trumpet fulfils a lessdramatic role than in the settingby Arne: a tolling bell introducesthe settingof the dirge,which is scoredfor trumpet,two oboes,two violins, 'Tenorviol', four part chorusand continuo.11 The music,like the trumpet aria'With honourlet desertbe crowned'from

JudasMaccabaeus by Handel(mentioned above), is in the key of A minor. The trumpetis treatedmelodically, within the contrapuntaltexture of the setting,although the writing, for an instrumentpitched in D, is lesscomplex than in the aria by Handel.

An advertisementfor a performanceof RomeoandJuliel at the CanongateConcert

Hall in 1755noted that the productionwas to include'TheFuneral Procession of JULIET SOLEMN DIRGE, to Musick by SIGNOR PASQUALK The ... with a as set

87CM,7 January175 1. 88W.Boyce. 'Rise, rise, heartbreakingsighs', A Dirgefor RomeoandJuliet(Ob MS. Mus. c. 3). 372

dateof compositionof the work by Pasqualihas not beenestablished. A report of theatricalperformances in Herefordcontained in the GloucesterJournal for 6

February1753 states that Pasquali'smusic had been included in a recentperformance

of RomeoandJuliet. 89 It is conceivable,therefore, that theDirge'was written prior to the composer'sarrival in Edinburghin June1752.90 Even if Pasqualihad composedthe

work soonafter the first performanceof the settingsby Ame andBoyce, it is unlikely

that this was the musicperformed in Edinburghin January175 1. The text of the

'SolemnDirge'by Pasqualiis basedon that usedby Ame andthe work was published in full scorec. 1771.91The pieceis in the key of Eb and doesnot call for trumpets.The

two-part vocal settingis accompaniedby a bell pitchedin Bb, two violins and continuo.Pasquali's music was includedin a performanceof RomeoandJuliet in

Edinburghin 1772.92Advertisementsfor the play in both the Edinburghand London

pressfrequently refer to the funeralprocession being accompanied by music,but rarely statethe composer.It is not clearif Pasquali'smusic continued to be includedin

Edinburgh performancesof the play after his deathin 1757,or if its performancein 1772represents a revival of interestin the work following its publication.

Advertisementsfor the theatreappear regularly in the Edinburghnewspapers from the middleof the centuryonwards, but rarely statewhether a productionincluded music or was purely dramatiC.93 It canbe deducedthat the theatreorchestra in 1748comprised ten players- although,the fact that attentionwas drawnto its instrumentationin a havebeen larger newspapernotice suggeststhat this may considered than usual- and that nineplayers were employedduring the 1757-58season. It is doubtful if the orchestraincreased in sizesignificantly during the courseof the century,but advertisementsoccasionally note that it was to be enlargedfor a particularproduction.

891-laywood,1960, p. 184. "Johnson statesthat Pasqualiarrived in the autumnof 1752(Johnson, 1972, p. 54), 91N.Pasquali. The Solemn Dirge in Romeoand Juliet (London,c. 1770). 92CM,23 November1772. 93Thecalendar compiled by Armstrong is a valuabletool for identifying the datesof Edinburgh theatricalproductions (Armstrong, 1968).Unfortunately, on the rare occasionsthat information on the musicalcontent of a work is containedin advertisements,this is generallyomitted by Armstrong. 373

The most problematicissue relating to the performanceof theatremusic outside London concernsorchestration. Very few of the musicalworks performedin the

London theatreswere publishedin full score.Of thosethat appearedin print, the vast majority were publishedas vocal scores.These vary considerablyin the extentto which instrumentaldesignations are marked.As Fiskehas pointed out, if the operas were performedwith orchestralaccompaniment, then eitherthe instrumentalparts were arrangedfrom the vocal score,in which casethe orchestrationwas likely to have differedsignificantly from that of the originalLondon production,or manuscriptsets

of partswere hired from the London publisher;no evidenceof the latter practicehas beenfound, eventhough sizeable orchestras were employedin theatresin the larger provincialcentres. 94Advertisements for the Edinburghtheatres often went to great lengthsto publicisethe lavishnessof productionsand promote the fact that famous actorsand singersfrom London were to appear.It seemshighly unlikely therefore, particularlyin light of the availabilityof a pool of professionalmusicians in Edinburgh, that the musicalprovision would havefallen significantlyshort of that presentedin London.

The role of the trumpetin Englishtheatre music of the eighteenthcentury requires further study.The inclusionof trumpet songsin a numberof the operaslisted reflects the continuedpopularity of Handel'strumpet ariasthroughout the secondhalf of the century.The trumpetwas featuredas a solo instrumentin severalovertures from late in the centuryin a mannerdistinct from its role in contemporaryorchestral music written for the concerthall. TheBattle ofHexham (1789) by SamuelArnold is one suchopera; the overture,which is in threemovements and was printed for'Piano

Forte, Harpsichord&c. ', concludeswith a Rondoin which the principalsubject is marked'Trumpet solo'. The operareceived several performances in Edinburgh

94FiSke,1986, pp. 295-96. 374

between 1789 and 1794.95Since there is evidencethat trumpeters were performing soloistically in concerts in Edinburgh during the second half of the eighteenth century, it is most likely that the trumpet songs contained in theatrical works were included in the performancesin the Edinburgh theatre. The hypothesisthat trumpeters were employed in the theatre helps to clarify the enigma of players performing virtuosic parts on the trumpet in concerts only very occasionally, with an otherwise apparent lack of an outlet for them to perform in a soloistic capacity.

An advertisementfor a performanceof the comedy'All in the Wrong!at the Theatre

Royal in January1793 states that after the play, YheBattle of Praguewas to be given by a'full Band'.96This suggests that an orchestrawas employedeven when the main work in the programmewas a dramaticproduction. It was alsocommon for musicto be presentedbetween and after the actsof operaticproductions. After a performance that includedShield's afterpiece The Flitch ofBacon at the TheatreRoyal in 1793,the trumpet song'Let famesound the brazentrumpet' from Fontainbleauby William Shieldwas performed.97

During the final two decadesof the eighteenthcentury theatrical works with a military themebecame popular. Trumpets and drums,and military bandswere often usedin thesetheatrical pieces to provide specialeffects and add to the spectacleof the

performance.For the revival of MichaelAme's operaCymon in London in 1791the

military elementwas highlighted.Around half the musicfor the productionwas from

Arne'soriginal score;additional material included two marchesby ThomasShaw for

military band,which were publishedin full score.98The production of CyMonin

Glasgowin 1792,the advertisementfor which statesthat the operawas 'on at the

"Armstrong, 1968.The overturewas performed by the London trumpeterJohn Sadantat Vauxhall Gardensin August 1791(Cudworth, 1967, p. 38). 96CM,24 January1793. 97CM,2 February1793. Fontainbleau was presented at the TheatreRoyal, Edinburgh, in 1785 (Armstrong, 1968). 98Fiske,1986, pp. 512-13 375

King's Theatrein the Haymarket,and the TheatreRoyal in Edinburgh',likewise included martial music.99 The theatrical seasonin Glasgow each summerwas presented by the companyof the TheatreRoyal in Edinburgh,

For performancesof 7he Surrender of Calais by Samuel Arnold at the Theatre Royal in Edinburgh in 1792, kettle drums were borrowed from the EMS. 100Advertisements for the production reveal that it was to include 'The Military Processionsand Original

Chorusses,accompanied by Martial Instruments'.101 It can be assumedthat trumpets would also have been used in these performances.'A New Historical Panton-dme, intermixed with Songs and Spectacle,called The Siege of Valenciennes',performed at the New Theatre in Edinburgh in November 1793, was typical of the entertainmentson a military theme presentedon the stage during that decade.102 Advertisements in the

Edinburgh newspapersshortly before this performance announcethe forthcoming publication of a work by Natale Corri for piano-forte or harpsichord with the same title. 103The following year, the music was performed in Corri's benefit concert in an arrangementfor a full band that included trumpets, bassoonsand kettle drums.104 Like much of Corri's output, the music for this piece has not survived.105

Althoughthe EdinburghMusical Societywas the driving force behindthe advancementof classicalmusic in eighteenth-centuryScotland, the theatreprovided a sourceof employmentfor professionalmusicians on a scalethat haspreviously not beenacknowledged.

99See13 June 1792. 100SROGD 113/4/164n7,89. 101EEC,9 February 1792. The published vocal score of Yhe Surrender of Calais (London, md. ) contains a number of passageswhich are indicated as being trumpet parts. 102CM,9 November 1793. The New Theatre had recently opened in competition to the Theatre Royal. 103CM, 17 October &2 November 1793. 104Sce4 March 1794. 105Awork entitled The Siege of Valenciennes, attributed to M. P. King, was published in London c. 1794 for piano-forte or harpsichord, with an obligato part for violin. (BUC, ii, p. 95 1). 376

Players

The identificationof trumpeterswho performedin concertsand in the theatrein

Scotlandduring muchof the eighteenthcentury is problematic.The recordsof the

EMS rarely revealthe instrumentsplayed by the musiciansin its employand, prior to the final decadeof the century,newspaper advertisements rarely announce the names of performerstaking part in concerts.

Daniel Thomson, the trumpet soloist in the St. Cecilia!s Day concert of 1695, and

William Napier, who appearedwith Mrs Corri in performancesof Handel trumpet arias during the 1790s, are the only players who can be identified as trumpeters performing in specific concerts. The only other trumpeter for whom evidenceof him performing in concerts exists is JosephReinagle, the younger. As mentioned in Chapter 4, Reinagle appearedas a trumpet and horn soloist early in his career, before concentrating on the cello and violin. It is significant that none of these players confined their musical activities to playing the trumpet; it was noted earlier that Daniel Thomson also performed on stringed instruments, and William Napier referred to himself as a horn player in the orchestra of the EMS (see Chapter 4, and below). Throughout this period, it was common for professional musiciansto be adept on more than one instrument. The practice was not confined to provincial cities such as Edinburgh but was prevalent in major musical centres such as London. The most common doubling for brass players was horn and trumpet, but some of the leading brass players in

London also played stringed instruments professionally.106

Despitethat fact that few of the professionalmusicians who held office as royal trumpetersor servedas a deputyin the trumpetcorps are known to haveplayed brass

106Severalmusicians are listed in London directoriesof 1763and 1794as playersof trumpetand violin (Langwill, 1949,pp. 37-43).Leading trumpeters of the periodwere among those that played morethan one instrument;for example,John Hyde doubled on trumpetand violin, and Thomas Harper,the elder,played trumpet and horn. Trumpetersactive in Dublin during the secondhalf of the centuryalso played horn and violin (Boydell, 1992,p. 45). 377

instrumentsin concerts,the possibilitythat any of theseindividuals performed in this capacitycannot be ruled out. Of particularinterest are those musicians who are either known to haveperformed on horn, or for whom evidencelinking themto that instrumentsexists.

It was suggestedin Chapter4 that JamesMarine performedon trumpet andhom in concertsaround the middleof the eighteenthcentury. The evidencelinking James

Marine to brassplaying is far from conclusive.The prominenceof hom musicin his benefitconcerts (discussed earlier in this chapter)and the fact that he was the only royal trumpeteremployed by the EMS beforethe middleof the eighteenthcentury, however,makes him a likely contenderto havebeen one of the trumpetand horn playerswho performedBarsanti's Concerti Grossiduring the 1740s.It is alsopossible that he was one of the trumpetersemployed in the theatreorchestra in 1748and that he performedthe obligatotrumpet parts in the first performancesof the Handel's oratoriospremiered in Scotlandduring the 1750s.The hypothesisthat JamesMarine was a frenchhorn playeris supportedby a letter from William Napier to the directors of the EMS, dated 1791,in which he refersto himselfas Tirst Horn' of the musical society.107 In the letter, Napier remindedthe directorsthat he had performedfor the societyfor over ten years,the first two without payment,as a deputyfor James . Marine, andthat he hadbeen promised a salaryequal to that paid to Marine on the latter'seventual demise.

The directorsof the EMS, in their letter of 1766to the Lords of Justiciaryin defence of their right to nominateappointees to the office of royal trumpeter,implied that the practicewas well established.We know that JosephReinagle, the elder,received his positionin the royal trumpet corpsin 1762through the influenceof the Earl of Kelly, but thereis no record of any royal trumpeterappointed between the establishmentof the EMS andthe appointmentof Reinagleperforming in the society'sconcerts. Three

107SROGD 113/4/164ng-so. 378

trumpeterswere admittedinto royal serviceduring this period: GeorgeInnes (1740),

Hugh Spark(1758) and ThomasGoldie (1761).Both GeorgeInnes and James Marine are describedas musiciansin the recordof their appointmentto the Canongate

Yjlwinning Lodge, registeredwith the GrandLodge in 1737.This designation,and his associationwith JamesMarine, suggeststhat GeorgeInnes may have been one of severalbrass players active in concertsaround the middleof the centurywhose

identitieshave been elusive. Just asthe directorsof the musicalsociety regarded the

royal trumpetcorps as a sourceof patronageto either supplementor replacethe

salariesPaid to its employees,108 it is possiblethat brassinstrumentalists who were not requiredto attendthe society'smeetings on a weekly basisperformed without remunerationwhen required,in return for attainingthe office of royal trumpeter.

It is not known how influentialthe directorsof the EMS were over the recruitmentof

deputiesto the royal trumpet corps.It is possiblethat the societyprocured the services of musiciansby affordingthem this form of patronage.If the long-servingdeputy in the

trumpetcorps David Bridgeswas the musicianreferred to as'Bro. Briggs',who receivedpayment for attendingSt. Luke'sLodge of Edinburghwithtwo f1rench Horns' on St. Andrews Day 1767,109his musicalactivities clearly extended beyond

performingon trumpet in a ceremonialcapacity. The possibilitythat he performedfor the EMS without receivingpayment cannot be ruled out.

Thereis no evidencethat any of the trumpetersactive in Edinburghduring the late

seventeenthor eighteenthcenturies gained recognition outside Scotland. Music

festivals,similar to thoseheld in a numberof provincialEnglish cities during the late

eighteenthcentury, were presentedin Newcastleupon Tyne in 1778,1781,1791and

1796.Several musicians from Newcastleand Edinburgh took part in theseevents, but

108Theappointment of JosephRcinagle, the elder,as a royal trumpeterin 1762coincided with his temporaryexclusion from the list of salariedEMS performers.The accountsfor the 1760-61and 1761-62seasons list paymentsof L9.10s. and L6.7s. respectivelyto Reinagle.In subsequentaccounts his annual salaryrose from D in 1765to L8.6s. 8d. in 1768. 109Lindsay,1935, i, p. 173. 379

the brassplayers were invariablyrecruited from London, as was customarywith festivalsheld elsewherein England.110

I IOAta festival in Newcastlein 1842a trumpeterby the nameof Mr Napier from Edinburghplayed secondto Mr Harper.This was mostlikely William Maxwell Napier, who was activeas a trumpet soloistin Edinburghat that time and who wasappointed royal trumpeterin 1825(SRO PS 3/14, f. 376). 380

Chapter7

TBE FIRST AND LAST BLAST OF THE TRUMPET: SYMBOLISM AND CEREMONIAL PRACTICE

Throughout the period covered by this study the trumpet was used primarily as a military and ceremonial instrument. In both capacitiesits function was both utilitarian and symbolic - it was used to convey military signals and declamatory fanfares, and provided a visual and aural symbol of status and authority for persons of the highest orders. This symbolic association of the trumpet can be traced back to its earliest known use in the ancient world. Referencesto the trumpet in the Old Testament attest to its role as a symbol of kingship and reveal that it was soundedby priests at sacred ceremonies.I In Roman times, besidesfulfilling its traditional military function, the trumpet was employed in religious ceremoniesand at funeralS.2 The use of trumpets in funeral ceremonieshas been traced back to the Etruscian civilisation of c.500400 BC.3

Scottish sourcesprovide detailed information on the role of the trumpet in funeral in ceremoniesand ceremoniesassociated with the administration ofjustice, areasof the trumpet's ceremonial usage which have received scant attention by scholars. In an earlier study, dealing with the role of the trumpet in funeral ceremoniesin Scotland during the seventeenthcentury, I provided an overview of the role of the instrument at funerals in various parts of Europe and showed that the trumpet was employed in funeral ceremoniesin a manner which was distinctly different to its usual ceremonial function. The sounding of trumpets at the passing of verdicts in judicial proceedings

lJoshua,6: 4-20; 11Chronicles, 5: 12-13.In Numbers,10: 2, God instructsMoses to maketwo trumpets out of silver and usethem to call the Israelitesto Assembly. 20LD, sx. 'tuba','tubiccn'and'tubilustrium. 'Trumpcters performedat the 'tubilustrium',the religious festivalsheld on 23 March and 23 May, at which sacredtrumpets were purified. 313ainesrefers to the depictionof trumpetersin funeral processionin Etruscantomb muralsfrom the fourth and fifth centuriesBc, and also on Romanmonuments (Baines, 1993, pp. 60,65). The discoveryof two trumpetsin the tomb of the Egyptianpharaoh Tutankhamun (d. 1331BC) suggests a possibleearlier funerealassociation of the trumpet (seeSmithers, 1989, pp. 14-15). 381

prior to the seventeenthcentury is referredto in a recentstudy by Taff, but the role of the instrumentin this capacityhas not beenstudied in detail.4

The funeralaccounts contained in the sourcesemanating from the Lyon Court record the order of the processionswith which the corpsewas transportedto the burial site and occasionallyalso describe the ceremonyat the interment.The participationof trumpetersis attestedto in all but a few of the earliestceremonies documented.

Almost all the participantsin the Scottishfuneral ceremonies can be identifiedas fulfilling a symbolicrole associatedwith one of two motifs centralto the occasion: triumph andmourning. These motifs canbe tracedback to funeralceremonies of the

Middle Ages,both in Scotlandand acrossEurope. The personalachievements of the deceasedand the distinctionof the family were honouredby a displayof heraldryand military accoutrementsin which the officiating heraldstook a leadingrole. The passing of the individualwas solemnisedwith the wearingof black mourningattire by numerousindividuals and the coveringof horses,and items such as bannersand the coffin with black cloth.

The earliestfuneral recorded in the 'Volumeof funeralprocessions' in which the participationof trumpetersis attestedto is that of Patrick,Earl of Kinghorn,in 1616.

Two groupsof three players,the secondof which was'Cled in Dule' (dressedin dark attire), were placedat differentpoints in the procession.At manyof the funeralsfour trumpeterswere in attendance,and at the funeralof Sir ThomasOtterburn. of Redhall in 1618they are describedas'sounding the Mort Sound'.Four trumpeters,proceeding in pairs,are portrayedin two almostidentical rolls depictinga Scottishfuneral processionof the early seventeenthcentury (see Illustration 1). The heraldrydelineated hasbeen interpreted as being intentionally vague and it is believedthat the rolls were

4Tarr, 1997, p. 84. 382

used as sourcesof referencefor the preparation and marshalling of funerals.5 A note on one of the rolls referring to the funeral of the Marquis of Huntly in 1636 suggeststhat it was used on that occasion; however, the costumesdepicted appear to belong to a slightly earlier period. Only the first pair of trumpeters are shown playing their instruments and a note on one of the rolls reads: 'the ane tua to relive the vther tua!.6

This suggeststhat the pairs of trumpeters performed in alternation to produce continuous musical provision for the procession.

The accountof the funeralof the Earl of Home in 1619describes the role of the trumpetersin the processionin more detail and providesthe earliestevidence of trumpetersfulfilling two contrastingroles. A lone trumpeteron horseback,dressed in the livery of the deceasedand soundingmilitaristic trumpet calls (expressed in the accountof the Earl of Home'sfuneral as'Sounding and Denuncing war'), rode at, or near,the front of the procession.Groups of trumpeters,dressed in mourningattire and sounding 'a mort Sound', were positioned later in the procession. This practice was adheredto in most of the subsequentfunerals documented. In many of later accounts the groups of trumpeters are describesas proceeding on foot. The lone trumpeter at the front of the procession and the groups of trumpeters that followed were inextricably linked to the triumph and mourning motifs respectively.

The earliestreference to an opentrumpet relates to the playeron horsebackat the front of the funeralprocession for Alexander,Earl of Linlithgow, in 1622.The trumpeterfulfilling this role in later funeralprocessions is often describedas an open trumpet.At the fiineral of the Countessof Wigton in 1636'A trumpett, open'preceded

'Four trumpettsin mourning,closse 2 and 2 in order'.Accounts of later funerals regularlydescribe the trumpetersproceeding on foot and dressedin mourningattire as clossetrumpets.

5SeeInnes, 1943. 6Scec. 1600. 383

The word closseis definedin dictionariesof Old Scotsas 'shut'or 'closed'.7 Farmer refersto the openand cIose trumpets at the funeralof the Duke of Rothesand

considersthe latter designationa referenceto mutedtrumpets. 8 The practiceof muting trumpetsat funeralsin variousparts of Europehas been traced back to the sixteenth century.In certaingeographical areas this involvedthe use of trumpetmutes to

dampenthe sound,while elsewherethe trumpeterswere silencedat variouspoints in

the funeralceremony. 9

The funeralprocession for the Duke of Rotheswas illustratedin the seriesof

engravings,which includesa depictionof the processionat the openingof the Scottish

parliamentin 1685(see Illustration 2).10 The engravings,which datefrom the early

eighteenthcentury and were later publishedin Edinburghby AlexanderKincaid, have

beenattributed to RoderickChalmers. II It hasbeen suggested that Chalmerscopied

the drawingsof the Rothesfuneral from an earliersource, since Captain John Slezer intimatedhis intentionto publishillustrations of the eventin 1696.12Althoughthe unknownprovenance of the original set of drawingsrenders an assessmentof its value as a historicalsource difficult, the fact that it appearsto representa nearcontemporary delineationof the processionis significant.In the engravingthe lone trumpeterin livery

and on horseback,and the pairs of trumpetersin mourningattire and on foot havethe

captions'An openTrumpet' and 'CloseTrumpets' written abovethem respectively.The

positionof the word 'open',above the maincaption, indicates that it was addedafter

completionof the text. The fact that trumpetmutes are not depictedin the illustrations

7SeeJamieson, 1879-82, s. v. 'closse.' Varmer, 1947,p. 205. 9SeeMcGrattan, 1995. IOEnAdv. Ms. 31.4.22. 11Kincaid, [17801.Roderick Chalmers served as Herald Painterand RossHerald between 1724 and his deathin 1746(Grant, 1945,p. 13). 12SeeLaing, 1836,p. 323. The illustrationswere to be includedin a proposedbook, entitledAncient and PresentState of Scotland 384

rendersthe hypothesisthat the expression'closse' trumpets referred to mutedtrumpets worthy of re-examination.

Severalfuneral accounts mention 'closse mourners'. The word clossein this context hasbeen defined as 'nearlyrelated'. 13 It appears,however, that the term did not only applyto family membersbut hadwider significanceand denoteda clearlydefined symbolicrole within the funeralrite. In a seventeenth-centurymanuscript by Sir James Balfour the trappingsto which the variousdegrees of the nobility were entitledat their intermentare described.14A Gentlemanwas to have'Moornersbot not closse',and an

Earl, 'A clossemoorner, and viii assistantclosse moorners'. At the funeralof the

Marquisof Montrosea horsein'close Mourning'was alsoincluded in the procession.

It seemsalmost certain that the'clossetrumpets'were associated, symbolically, with the 'clossemourners'.

The descriptionof the lone trumpeterat the headof the funeralprocession as an 'open trumpet'can likewisebe viewedin termsof the trumpeter'ssymbolic role in the ceremony.The visual displayof the deceased'sfamily heraldry,highlighted by declamatorytrumpet callsfrom the 'open'trumpet, canbe consideredanalogous to the deliveryof an'openproclamation'. References to an'openpro'clamation' are encounteredregularly in sixteenth-and seventeenth-centuryScottish sources. 15 The word 'opin' (open),in this context,is definedas 'performedpublicly or without concealment.116

In view of the fact that mutedtrumpets were utilised in funeralceremonies in various partsof Europe,and the ambiguityin the terminology- the words 'open'and 'closse'

13DOST,s. v. 'closse.' The citation from the accountof the funeral of the Countessof Niddisdaill given by Craigie wastaken from the nineteenth-centurycollection of Balfour'sworks (Balfour, 1837)in which the word 'closse,is misspeltas 'cossc'.The dictionarycontains no entry for 'cosse'. "En Adv. Ms. 34.4.16.(Nos. iii & iv). "For example,see 24 July 1638and 16 September1685. 16DOST,s. v. 'Opin,'4. 385

are antithetic,both in relationto the applicationof mutes,and their symbolicallusions - the propositionthat the military callsand the musicperformed at the gravesidewas performedon the unmutedtrumpet, and the solemnmusic, on the mutedtrumpet, with its lesssonorous timbre, cannotbe dismissed.In my opinion,however, the designationsopen and closse referred to the mannerin which the trumpetersprovided an auraland visual manifestation of the principalsymbolic motifs that permeatedthe ceremony

Heraldicfunerals continued to be performedduring the eighteenthcentury, but it is doubtfulif any on the scaleof the obsequiesfor the Duke of Rothesin 1681were againwitnessed in Scotland.The employmentof trumpeterssounding a'dead march'in the funeralprocession for the Duke of Douglasin 1761is perhapsatypical of funerary customsfor membersof the aristocracyof that period,but confirmsthat the trumpet continuedto provide ceremonialmusic with distinct funerealassociations during the eighteenthcentury. 17

The tradition of trumpetersperforming at funeralceremonies was retainedduring the eighteenthand nineteenth centuries at funeralsof freemasons.The Englishmasonic periodicalpublication The Free-Masons'Magazine for 1794describes the ceremony observedat the funeralsof freemasons'According to Ancient Custod. For membersof the third degree,'drums muffled, andtrumpets covered' and 'choristers,singing an anthem'wereto performin the procession.18 7he Constitutionand Laws of the Grand

Lodge of Scotland,published almost a centurylater, statesthat 'If convenient,martial music(drums muffled, and trumpets covered. )'was to be includedin funeral processionsfor freemasons.19 The genesisof freemasonryand the main developments in the 'craft' during the seventeenthcentury occurred in Scotland.During the eighteenthcentury, however, the leadin its proliferationand further developmentwas

17SeeJuly 1761. 18Free-Masons'Magazine,1794, pp. 20-22; cited in Morchen, 1981,p. 218. 19Lyon,1881, p. 109. 386

providedby the masonicmovement in England,particularly after the establishmentof the GrandLodge of Englandin 1717.The similaritiesbetween the funeralprocessions describedin sourcespublished nearly a centuryapart suggestcommon traditions of ceremonialpractice between the two countries.It seemslikely, therefore,that trumpets and drumswere employedat funeralsof freemasonsin Scotlandduring the eighteenth century.

Sir David Lindsayprovides clues as to the format of a pre-Reformationfuneral processionin The Testamentof SqvyerMeldrum.The poem,which datesfrom the early 1550sand is written in the first person,tells the life story of one of Lindsay's fliends,the Fife laird William Meldrum. It endswith a contemplativeaccount of the form of ceremonyenvisaged by Meldrurnfor his funeral.Instead of the traditional funeralprocession, involving membersof the clergy andincorporating the usual religiousimagery, his was to havea martialtheme and, as mentionedearlier (Chapter

2), the musicin the processionwas to by providedby'organe, Timpane, Trumpet, & Clarion'.20

Objectionsto ostentatiousfuneral ceremonies were madeby churchleaders in Scotland after the Reformationof 1560.These were expressedin Pie Book qfDiscipfine, which was producedby severalof the church'sleaders, including John Knox, as a guideto the doctrineand form of worshipto be adoptedby the newly formedchurch. 21 The Book qfDiscipline was presentedto, but not ratified by, a Conventionof Noblesin 1562.22

The rejectionof heraldicfunerals was in keepingwith the ideologyof reformed churchesin other parts of Europe.In 1562 7heBook of CommonOrder, which had beenproduced for the EnglishChurch of Geneva,was printed in Edinburgh.In

December1562 this book was endorsedby the GeneralAssembly of the Churchof

20Lindsay,1931-36, i, p. 193. 21Kn0X,1846-64, ii, pp.249-50; Reid, 1974, p. 196. 22RCid,1974, pp. 205-6. 387

Scotlandand adopted for usein servicesof the sacraments,marriages and burialS. 23

The book decreedthat at funeralsthe corps shouldbe broughtto the gravewithout ceremony,after which a sermoncould be givenin churchby the minister'if he be present,and required'. 24 It is unclearhow effectivethe churchwas in controllingwhat was perceivedas excessiveceremonial at funeralsduring the late sixteenthcentury. By the early seventeenthcentury the format of heraldicfuneral ceremonies that was to persistuntil the latter part of that centurywas established;however, there appearsto havebeen a reductionin the numberof heraldicfuneral ceremonies performed during the 1640s,when Scotlandwas ruled by the Covenantinggovernment.

The funeralceremonies recorded in the Scottishsources include those for Roman

Catholicand Presbyterian nobles, and, after the Restoration,bishops of the Episcopal

Church.Significantly, no discernibledifferences in the format of the ceremony performedfor membersof the variousreligious denominations are apparent.Elaborate funeralprocessions continued to be performedthroughout Protestant regions of Europeafter the Reformation.Protestant funerals were rich in symbolism,but devoid of the most conspicuousreligious imagery of thoseperformed in Catholicareas. It is apparent,therefore, that funeralceremonies fulfilled a socialfunction which transcendeddifferences in religiousdoctrine and practice.Thomas Innes of Learney arguesthat the symbolismpermeating Scottish funeral ceremonies derived ftorn a mucholder paganfunerary tradition. 25

Many of the Scottishfuneral accounts of the first quarterof the seventeenthcentury, and severalfrom the secondhalf of the century,26mention the soundingof trumpetsat the interment.References to trumpetssounding 'a bonevale' or'a bonevale andjoyful

23TheForme ofPrayers andMinistration ofthe Sacramentsetc. Geneva,1556. Reid, 1974,pp. 134- 35,228. 24'TheBook of CommonOrder is printed in Kno-ý,1846-64, vi, p. 333. The dateof ratification by the GeneralAssembly given in this edition of Kno)esworks is 1564. 251nnes,1943, p. 162. 26See1664,1679. 388

resurection'as the corpsewas loweredinto the graveor placedin a vault at a number of the earlyfunerals allude to the trumpetfulfilling a role with religiousconnotations at this point in the ceremony.'Bone vale' canbe translatedfrom the Latin as 'fond farewell'.27 Jamieson defines the word Bone as'prayer'andvale [To vaiý as'to make obeisance,to bow'.28

The use of musicalinstruments in religiousservices was rejectedby JohnCalvin on the groundsthat the practicerepresented the infiltration into worship of a customdevised by man.To churchreformers the Bible was consideredthe Word of God andreligious practiceswere only acceptedif sanctionedin the Bible. The soundingof trumpetsat the point of intermentin the Scottishfuneral rite representedthe soundingof the 'last trumpet'at the resurrectionof the deceased,referred to in I Corinthians 15:52 and I

Thessalonians4: 16. In his expositionon the First Book of Corinthians,John Calvin interpretsthe referenceto the soundingof the 'last trumpet'as beingmetaphorical:

In I Thess.iv. 16, he [St. Paul] connectstogether the voiceof the archangeland the trump of God. As thereforea commander,with the soundof a trumpet, summonshis armyto battle, so Christ,by his far soundingproclamation, which will be heardthroughout the whole world, will summonall the dead.29

The belief in havingbeen called to the serviceof God was centralto the thinking of

JohnKnox, who frequentlyreferred to his preachingas 'blowingthe master'strumpet'.

In his biographyof Knox, Reid links the 'trumpetertheme' to theologian!s senseof callingand the martial spirit of Calvinism:

He [Knox] believedthat he was calledin the sameway that Jeremiahand Amos, his two favorite prophets,were commissionedto bring God'sword to Israel.He

VOLD, s.v. bonum, bonus'andvalco.'ýBonum'is definedas'good andvalco', as'Goodbyc.The funerealassociation of the latter is alludedto in the contextualdescription, 'in taldng leaveof the dead!. 28Janiicson,1879-82, s. v. Tone'andvale, To vail. ' 29Calvin,1848-49, ii, p. 59. 389

was to blow the trumpet of Zion, summoningmen back to repentanceand faith in JesusChrist as Saviourand Lord. 30

In TheFirst Blast of the Trumpetagainst theMonstrous Regiment of Women, publishedin Genevain 1558,John Knox deliveredhis mostblistering attack on the divine right of femalerulers. 310ne of a seriesof woodcutsincluded in the publication depictsKnox and ChristopherGoodman, his fellow ministerin Geneva,blowing trumpetsat Mary of Guiseand QueenMary of England.32 The religiousassociation of the trumpetwith the Word of God is highlightedby the depictionof openBibles on the trumpetsbanners.

The centrality of the trumpet metaphor to Presbyterianideology during the periods of

religious conflict of the seventeenthcentury is clear from the utterance of the

Cameronianprisoner at the passingof his condemnationto death.33 The trumpet

metaphor was adopted by seventeenth-centuryEnglish Puritanical writers. 34The

analogy between the power of the trumpet and that of the printed book to convey the

Word of God resulted in the incorporation of the word trumpet in the title of many

religious publications.35

The associationof the trumpetwith the voice of God retainedits resonanceduring the eighteenthcentury and is alludedto in the writing of RobertBums. In the poem Yhe Holy Fair (c. 1785) the referenceto the soundof the Lord's trumpet addsvenom to the

Presbyterianminister's denunciation of the secularisationof the annualcelebration of

communion.By the late eighteenthcentury this event,which often extendedover two

days,had takenon the atmosphereof a carnival:

30RCid'1974, p. xiV. 31RCid'1974, pp. 14647. 32SeeKnox, 1846-64,iv, p. 362. 33SCe1681. 34Forexample, John Bunyan, in YhePilgrims Progress(London, 1678). 35SCeSprunger, 1994, p. x. 390

But now the Lord's ain trumpettouts [sounds], Till a'the hills arerairin [roaring], And echoesback return the shouts; Black Russellis na spairin: His piercinwords, like Highlanswords, Divide thejoints an marrow; His talk o Hell, wharedevils dwell, Our vera'saulsdoes harroW Wi fright that day! 36

Bums drawson the associationof the trumpetwith deathin TamSamsons Elegy

(1786), a poem written as an epitaph to one of his friends:

Owre moniea weary hag [bog] he limpit, An ay the tither shot he thumpit, Till cowardDeath, behint him jumpit, Wi deidly feide [enmity]; Now he proclaimswi tout o trumpet: 'Tam Samsonsdead! '37

The tone of the passageis essentiallysecular, but thereis little doubt that the religious associationbetween death and the soundof the trumpetwould not havebeen lost on

contemporary readers.

Thereis no evidencethat the role of the royal trumpetersat justice ayresand at the deliveryof chargesof treasonduring the sixteenthcentury was other than in keeping

with their traditionalceremonial role as ancillariesto the heralds.At the

pronouncementof the deathsentence in trials for treasonduring the seventeenthand

eighteenthcenturies and in the deliveryof chargesof treasonto felonsin custodyprior

to the Union of Parliamentsthe trumpetfulfilled a symbolicrole in thejudicial process.

It could be arguedthat the symbolicassociation is that of the trumpetwith death.It is

significant,however, that trumpetersdid not normallyperform at executions.To have

36Burns, 1993, p. 138. Slack Russell', referred to in the verse, was the Rev. John Russell of Cromarty (1740-1817). 37BUMS,1993, p. 241. 391

doneso would haveevoked an associationwith eternallife, somethingthat would have beendeemed inappropriate for a condemnedman.

The soundingof trumpetsin trials for treasonrepresented the authorityof God over the executionof monarchicallaw. Like Kno)esmetaphorical blowing of his master's trumpet,the originsof this practicelie in the biblical allusionsto the trumpet sounding the Word of God.38The concept of the divine right of kingswas embracedto varying degreesby seventeenth-centurymonarchs. James VI consideredthe monarch'srole to be that of 'God'slieutenants upon earth'.In a speechin 1610he espousedhis views on the authorityof God in mattersrelating to the administrationofjustice:

God hathpower to createor destroy,make or unmake,at his pleasure;to give life death,to judge to bejudged And or send all and nor accountableto none ... the like power havekings: they makeand unmake their subjects;they have power of raising,and castingdown; of life and of death,judges over all their subjects,and in all causes,and yet accountableto nonebut God only.39

Sincethe crime of treasonwas an act of treacheryagainst both the monarchand God, the useof trumpetsto denouncesuch a crimeprovided a powerful imageof the divine sovereigntyof the monarchand the justice system.

In the 'Post Scriptum! to his seminalwork on the history of the trumpet, Smithers stressedthe importance of the symbolism of the trumpet in explaining its raison detre and identified this as an area requiring further research.40 The Scottish sourcesprovide a valuable insight into the manifestation of the trumpet's funereal and religious connotations in its ceremonial usage.The role of the trumpet at funerals and in the processesofjudicial administration in Scotland, though idiosyncratic in certain

38An apparent anomaly exists between the belief in the divine right of kings and the assertion by the leaders of the reformed churches that they were 'Gods trumpeters'. This is particularly true in Scotland, in light of the frequent clashes between the Church and the policies of individual monarchs during the seventeenthcentury. That the two did not conflict is testament to the strong sentiment for the concept of royalty that prevailed in Scotland throughout the period (see Nfitchison, 1983, p. 70). 39SMith, 1984, pp. 397-98. 40Smithers,1973, pp. 24243. 392

respects,exemplify the mannerin which its usewas determinedby, and a manifestation of, symbolicassociations which were prevalentthroughout Europe. In the words of Smithers:

'The trumpet shall sound' has more than superficial sensualsignificance; it takes in an entire world of associations.It has no less significance for us today than it had when first addressedto the people of Corinthia. For the trumpet is more than a musical instrument: it is an idea, a concept, with deeper allegorical associations.41

41Smithers,1973, pp. 242-43. 393

GLOSSARY

Aire Pustice]. An itinerantcourt ofjustice. Alhallow evin. Halloween. Barres. An enclosurefor judicial combatsor tournaments. Boll. A measureof capacityor weight which variedfor differentcommodities. Chalder.A measureof capacityor weight. For grain, a chalderwas equalto sixteen bolls. Compt.Account. Croce.Cross (market-cross) Complicis.An associate,companion. Demyss.A gold coin worth 14s. Dutche. German,Dutch. Habillementis.Apparel. Ilk. Each,every. Kirk. Church Marrowis. Partners,companions. Mart. A cow or ox. Newar.New year Pasche.Easter Skyre7h ursida. The Thursdaybefore Easter. Tabernaris.' Drummer. Tother.Other. Tyrement.Interment, burial. Unicorn. A gold coin worth 18s. Uphalieday, Vphalyday, Uphaliday.The first day after the terminationof the Christmasholidays. 6 January. 394

Illustration I

Trumpeters in an early seventeenth-centuryScottish aristocratic funeral ploccssion (Edinburgh, National Museums of Scotland). Reproduced with the permissionofthe National Museums of Scotland.

cj ': 7

-

I C, C

so 395

Illustration 2

Trumpeters in the procession at the funeral of John, Duke of Rothes, 1681, from an illustration by Roderick Chalmers,herald painter to JamesVII and 11(En Adv. Ms. 31.4.22.). Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland.

? Zee.

C/ac Z, z#pc/..r.

": 396

Appendix 1

Extract from the Royal Treasurer'saccounts for 6 August 1506-6 September 1507 (SRO E 21/8, f 70r.). Reproduced with the permission of the Scottish Record Office.

rAo 4ý7-

14.Poll

.SIJ 21. 4f. TO"

LA

Ir-CL 17- /2fz; p, 42

. .1 c. / j?g 397

Appendix 2

Entry in the Register of the Privy Seal, recording the appointment of JosephReinagle, the younger, to the office of H. M. trumpeter in ordinary (SRO PS 3/10, f. 335).

Marginal note: 'Commission To JosephReinagle younger To be One of His Majesty's Trumpeters in ordinary'

Registred the 3 OthDecemr. 1775. George &c. WhereasWe Considering That the place & Office of One of Our Trumpeters in ordinary in that part of Our Kingdom of Great Britain called Scotland is now vacant & at Our Royal Gift and Disposal by the Demission of Mr JospehReinagle late One of the said Trumpeters, And We being well informed of the Loyalty & Qualifications of JosephReinagle the younger Son of the aforesaid Josephfor the said Office Therefore Witt ye Us to have Nominated Constituted & Appointed Likeas We by these presentswith the Advice & Consent of the Lord Chief Baron & remanentBarons of Our Exchequer in Scotland Nominate Constitute & Appoint the said JosephReinagle the younger to be One of Our said Trumpeters in Ordinary during all the Dayes of his Lifetime Giving & Granting to him during the Spaceaforesaid the said Office with all Fees CasualitiesLiberties Privileges and Immunities thereto belonging to be by him enjoyed as fully & freely as the said JosephReinagle the Elder or any others Our Trumpeters have enjoyed or lawfully might have enjoyed the same And especiallythe yearly Fee or Salary of Sixteen pounds Sixteen Shillings & Four pence money of Great Britain payable & to be paid to the said Joseph Reinagle the younger during the spaceaforesaid at such time or times as the Salariesof Our other Trumpeters have been and now are in Use to be paid Given at Our [Court] at St James'sand Under Our Privy Seal of Scotland at Edinburgh the Twenty SeventhDay of March 1775 In theFifteenth year of Our Reign Per Signaturarn&c. 398

Appendix 3

Programmeof the St. Cecilia'sDay concertpresented in Edinburghon 22 November 1695(printed in Tytler, 1792).

&c; S.o6 Of the FaJbionable Anuftements,

I'he OrderSf the ligrumental Mzfmcfor the Fea!fl Of St Cedlial 22d November1695.

Firjl, Violin. SecondViolim. Fluter. Hautb& I Bjet. James Chriftie Pitmedden Ja. Hamilton Lord Elcho Will. Carle of Tho. Pringle Era. Toward Sir jo. Erikine Mat. M, Gibbon Newhall Will. Cooper . Adam Craig o. Falconer of Mr Ro, Gordon C Tho. Brown' Henry Burn Fefdo Mr Sinkholm Will. Gordon Sir Tho. Nicolron Jo. Ruffell Ja. M, Clachlan Sir Jo. Pringle Jo. Corfe Henry Crumbden John Stewart Sir Al. Hamilton o. IMiddleton, Bafef. i ft Violin. -2d Violin. 3d Violin. 4th Violin. Pitmeddea Ja. Hamilton Will. Carle Henry Burn Ja. Chriffie Mr Ro. Gordon Tho. Pringle Adam Craig Mat. M, Gibbon Era. Toward M, Clachlen Will-Cooper Sir Jo. Pringle Will. Gordon I'vrr Sinkholm, .2 Ja. 0> Dan. Thomfoa "1 Baler. Ia Violin. 2d Violin. Hauthoit. Trunp-1. Y3 Sir Jo. Pringle Pitmedden Mat. M, Gibbon Dan. Thomron Ja. Chriftic rvIr Ro. Gordoix r_ Will. Gordon Era. Toward E Adarn CraiL, ja. Hamilton i 'renor, Mr Jo. Middleton 0lE. Henry Burý Pringle John Wilfba &Ir St Columb E-4 -rho. Will. Cooper Tho. Brown Ja. M, Clachlan Tho. Kennedy Will-Carf:

Sevia P zda. i ft Flute. 2dT.lu te. 111Violin. 2a Violin. Baler.

= Ilitmeddea S;r Jo. Pr; ngle Tho. Pringle Henry Barn 14. Newhall Craig Will Coopcr Ut 0 L Will. Gordon Adam aatea, Fr. Toward Ja Hamilton 'ja. r&Clachl:in Will. Carfe CA ; .= FeNci LNUt.M, Gibbon jo. Middleton ý4 jo. Eilltrine ,iir Bqjej. ill 1,7111e. 2d F-bite. I (I Rau Ib Y. 2d Hautbtv- r Tarie Ut Mr. Crunibdcn Tho. Pringle Mat. M, Gibb-n ant.-I 4P - 1: == Toward U. - I. t. Hamilton Fra. P:tnicdd,: n jo. INliddl,.-ton 399

in EdinArgh in the kfl Centkr7.* S07

TLIUS. ift. Trelle. zd Trelk. Hautboi;. Trzompet. -1ýajps-

Tho. Pringle Ad..trn Craig M. 'vl,Gibbon Dan. Thomfon Will. Gordon Pitmedden Will. Carfe fa. Hamilton Henry Burn 7e,7*r. r Era. To%vard Tho. Brown. jo.. Wilroa Omnes E Tho. Kennedy Sir J'O.Pringle T4* , 1 Choruj. Rawbov. I ft Violin. 2d Violin. 3,7ena3t'3- 2d B-fes. -, -0 = ýi c5 Adam Craig Mr Toward I It Hautboi. Will. Carfe. (imnes Will. Gordon ja. N1,Clatichlan Mat. M, Gibbon i it VNih. 2d Violin. Rarpji'chord. T=_ 'rho. Pringle Fra. T oývard' Henry Crumbden SchollarS Songsand Mot- Adam Craig Will. Gordon Dan. Thoinrons tetti of Bafrt. Scena4ta. boy ni 4 1ff violin, 2d Violin.

'- Mr Toward Tho. Pringle Sonata,Lord Col-Harprichord 0 cnC> Will. Gordon Adam Craig Ville Violin. 71rumpet. ail F,ýun- 2d 'Hatitbe!y- -Bj Sir jo. Pringle 'rho. Pringle Ma;. MIGibbon Dan. Thomfon .4 Pitmedden Fra. Toward % Henry Burn ja. Hamilton 7enor. Omnes. 0 Will. CDoper Will. Carfe. Jb.. wilron. ja. M, Clacblan jo. Stewart

x 11Treble. 2d Treble. Bafr. Will. Gordon Adam Craig U0 Omnes E- Scena ult.

Divili'on. Pla. n Part. 3d Part. 7enor. Bali. 4 0 Will. Gordon Dan. Thomfon Pitmedden jo. Wilrou Q U ja. M-Clachlan Fra. Toward Sir jo. Pringle Omnes cl Nfaz. MIG*, bb6n Henry Burn .1

S61oby Adam Craig; by John Middleton.. Grand Chorus.

JAMES CIIRYSTIE of Newhall, Pitisis. 400

Appendix 4

Facsimile of the first page of 'The Volunteers Fly to Arms' (Edinburgh, c. 1795). Reproduced with the permission of the National Library of Scotland.

L THE, VOLUNTEERs FLY. T'O ABUNIS ýy A Solig Adaptea to the Mufic of "Let the bright. SeraPh.iln" N D Ve --H _E JL"*, THE-. VOLU...NT EERs FLY- TO. Arzms Aliptea to the ýIufic. or'Ict the bright. Seraphim"by A . 1D sung b, ýPs CORRI. in sý_E cecilias Printedb7-COJ9RI DUSSEX-SC COMu" e SrUersto their Majesties'k their RoyalHi. Ch"Ir"" tý' 67 6: 68 D. Prinýeof Wales-and Duchefs of York.N? 37 NorthBridgSrreet Edin! SC*-N? ean Longoo. Newin thebfuricil Lini be ha Street Soho __ý_Whereevery thing way týl -01-i. =Mox -, I AccowýtI F-4u-, ' __ 4-, 5- ;i

41- t; tf iii tt- Harp! or

Baoo&rte _% 6 r AndanTe. i

-#-. - ý,:;t.Ot4 -

With fi; m iotrcp*'dcougge Ry to ýray

I

%W

0 Art Art al3rms w; 1h Let our br3ve Vulunteerssy 3. mi 312nus 2 m; --dit 4-, r=-=ý -OL =ý iF-i 0ý?IPL-F111 =- -,- - ý- ii --m. P ;- - - -aý- -i=; - 66 fi 666 'u\t ý !, 4;r - 401

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E RECORDS OF THE EXCHEQUER

E 21 Accounts of the Treasurer: 1473-163 5

E 21/8 6 August 1506-6 September 1507 E 21/24 2 October 1530-6 September 1531 E 21/28 26 September 1533-2 October 1534 E 21/34 24 March 1537/8-24 September 1538 E 21/65 1 May 1586-1 May 1587 E 21/67 1 May 1588-1 November 1590 E 21/70 1 November 1592-17 March 1595/6 E 21/71 17 March 1595/6-6 August 1597 E 21/76 1 October 1601-1 January 1604 E 21/77 1 January 1604-1 August 1605 435

E 24 Accounts of the Comptroller: 1491-1635

E 24/24 1602-1603 E 24/36 1617-1618 E 24/25 1603-1604 E 24/37 1618-1619 E 24/26 1604-1605 E 24/3 8 1620-1621 E 24/28 1606-1607 E 24/39 1621-1622 E 24/29 1609-1610 E 24/40 1622-1623 E 24/30 1611-1612 E 24/41 1623-1624 E 24/31 1612-1613 E 24/42 1624-1625 E 24/32 1613-1614 E 24/43 1625-1626 E 24/33 1614-1615 E 24/44 1626-1627 E 24/34 1615-1616 E 24/45 1627-1628 E 24/3 5 1616-1617 E 24/47 1629-1630

E 26 Treasury Accounts: 1635-1700

E 26/1 1 November 1635-1 November 1636 E 26/4 1 November 1636-1 November 1641 E 26/11 1 July 1667-1 May 1682

E 28 Treasury vouchers: 1635-1707

E 28/50 Fees,pensions etc., from H.M. Receivers 1661 E 28/51 Fees,pensions etc., from H.M. Receivers 1662 E 28/52 Fees,pensions etc., from H.M. Receivers 1663

E 28/82 Feesand pensions, Martinmas 1667 E 28/508 Feesand pensions,Martinmas 1698

E 34 Miscellaneous papers and accounts relating to the Royal Household

E 34/52/26 Papersrelating to Charles I's visit to Scotland and coronation, 1633. Note of things required for H. M. Trumpeters.

E38 ExchequerRolls: 1264-1708

E 38/432 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra, July 1550 E 38/445 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra,August 1555 E 38/447 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra,November 1556 E 38/451 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra,August 1558 E 38/454 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra, October 1560 E 38/455 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra,August 1559 E 38/457 Accountsof Ballivi ad extra,August 1561 436

E 100 Army Muster Rolls

E 100/6/3-29 Muster rolls of H. M. Life Guards: 1682-1703

E 224 Entry books of Establishment lists, etc. 1709-1866

E 224/1 June 1709-July 1718 E 224/2 July 1718-August 1728 E 224/3 June 1728-July 1735 E 224/4 October 1735-Decemberl744 E 224/5 December 1744-Octoberl753 E 224/6 Octoberl.753-Junel. 762 E 224/7 June 1762-Januaryl770 E 224/10 July 1783-April 1788 E 224/11 April 1788-May 1792 E 224/12 May 1792-October 1795 E 224/13 October 1795-July 1798 E 224/14 July 1798-June 1801

PS RECORDS OF THE PRIVY SEAL

PS I Register of the Privy Seal; Old Series: 1488-1651

PS 1/7 [1522]-1527 (earliest granting 1522) PS 1/21 1547-1548 (earliest granting 1545) PS 1/22 1548-1549 (earliest granting 1543) PS 1/28 1556-1557 (earliest granting 1554) PS 1/74 1603-1606 (earliest granting 1596) PS 1/76 1607-1609 (earliest granting 1599) PS 1/78 1608-1610 (earliest granting 1597) PS 1/82 1612-1614 (earliest granting 1608) PS 1/94 1622-1624 (earliest granting 1617 ) PS 1/96 1624-1625 (earliest granting 1622) PS 1/99 1626-1627 (earliest granting 1625) PS 1/104 1632-1633 (earliest granting 1630) PS 1/107 1635-1637 (earliest granting 1632) PS 1/109 1639-1642 (earliest granting 1635) PS 1/112 1643-1644 (earliest granting 1641) PS 1/113 1644-1646 (earliest granting 1642) PS 1/116 1649-1651 (earliest granting 1648) 437

PS 3 Register of the Privy Seal; English record: 1660-

PS 3/1 1661-1666 PS 3/2 1666-1675 PS 3/3 1675-1685 PS 3/4 1685-1695 PS 3/5 1695-1701 PS 3/6 1701-1711 PS 3/7 1711-1731 PS 3/8 1731-1757 PS 3/9 1757-1768 PS 3/10 1768-1782 PS 3/11 1782-1789 PS 3/14 1811-1829

PS 6 Mnute books

PS 6/3 15 August 1580-April 1615; equivalent volumes: PS 1/47-83 PS 6/4 15 April 1615-July 1651; equivalent volumes: PS 1/84-116

PS 13 Warrants relating to the Register of the Privy Seal; English Register

PS 13/IA 1661-1663 PS 13/2A 1668-1707

PS 13/IIA/1790/56 PS 13/IIA/1793/1

Gifts and Deposits(GD)

GD 1/482/1 Minute Book of the Incorporation of Goldsmiths of Edinburgh, 1525-1738.

GD 16/52/7 Airlie Muniments. Papersrelating to the army, militia and police.

GD 18/2820 Clerk of PenicuikMuniments. Petition by Mary Duncanto the Baronsof Exchequer[c. 1720].

GD 30/2016 Shairp of Houstoun Muniments. Order of procession at the funeral of JamesSharp, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 17 May 1679.

GD 85 Inventory of Nasmith Writs. 438

GD 113/4/164/44- Innesof Stow Papers.Documents relating to the Edinburgh 217,254-68 Musical Society,1783-1792.

GD 113/4/165/962- Innesof Stow Papers.Documents relating to the Edinburgh 98 Musical Societyand somemiscellaneous papers.

GD 113/5/208,209, Innes of Stow Papers.Documents relating to the Edinburgh 210,316,408 Musical Society, 1746-1797.

GD 124/10/61 Mar and Kellie Muniments. Description of the form of the coronation of Anne of Denmark, Queen of Scotland, at Holyrood house [17 May 1590], including the order of processions.

GD 124/15/115 Mar andKellie Muniments.Notes of preparationsand arrangementsfor the funeralof the Earl of Mar. 17 March 1635.

GD 135/2267 Stair Muniments. Receipt by Alexander Ferguson.

GD 172/329 Hendersonof Fordell Papers.Receipt by Alexander Ferguson.

GD 214/582 ProfessorR. K. Hannay'sPapers. Receipted account for sums dueby H.M. Solicitor to the trumpetersfor proclamations, 1677.

GD 332/69 RedfordMuniments. Certificate of homing, 17 July 1740.

Miscellaneous Papers (RH)

RH 2/4 Volumes of transcripts and photocopies of originals in the Public Record Office, London.

RH 2/4/415-533 Photocopies of Treasury: Entry Books, North Britain, 1707- 1856. Out-Letter Books (Lpro T. 17).

RH 9/1/38 Volume containingaccounts for recovering,embalming and interringthe remainsof James,first Marquis of Montrose, 1662;misc. funeral accounts, 1665-1725; and funeralletters, 1649-1684,1740.

RH 15/76/15 Correspondenceand other papersconcerning payment of accountsdue by the Royal EdinburghVolunteers, 1795. 439

NRA(S), Moray National Register of Archives (Scotland). 'Cataloguesof Muniments' the Moray Muniments, Darnaway Castle.'

Edinburgh, University Library (Eu)

The Edinburgh Musical Society. EMS Plan-books, 1768-71; 1778-86,3 vols. (La. Ill. 5624. ).

The Edinburgh Musical Society. EMS Library catalogue, 1765 (La. 111.761.).

Glasgow, University Library (Gu)

RA 84-89. Letters and documents sent to John Sainsburyin connection with his Dictionary of musicians, 1823-24.

Farmer Collection, Henry G. Farmer. British Martial Music: Its Origins, History 84 and Function from the Earliest Times to Waterloo. ' c. 1964. Typescript of a proposed book.