And to the Speakers of Arawak Languages, Whose
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v To Christian, Zoe, and Isabella and To Chris (notasanotakempi) and To the speakers of Arawak languages, whose patience, dedication, and hard work with linguists from around the world have made this volume possible vi vii Table of contents 1. Introduction........................................................................................... 1 2. Garifuna Negatives ............................................................................. 11 3. Negation in Guyanese Lokono/Arawak .............................................. 51 4. On negation in Kurripako Ehe-Khenim .............................................. 71 5. Negation in Tariana: A North Arawak perspective in light of areal diffusion .................................................................................................. 83 6. Negation in Apurinã .......................................................................... 117 7. Negation in Wauja discourse............................................................. 143 8. Standard and non-standard negation in Paresi .................................. 165 9. Negation in Nanti .............................................................................. 179 10. Irrealis and negation in Mojeño Trinitario ...................................... 211 11. A comparative perspective on negation in Arawak ......................... 235 References ............................................................................................ 293 Index ..................................................................................................... 301 viii List of Maps 1. Geographic locations of Arawak languages in this volume ............................................................................... 4 List of Figures 1. Classification of Arawak languages mentioned in the volume, following Aikhenvald (1999) ......................................................................................... 7 2. Classification of Arawak languages mentioned in the volume, following Campbell (2012) ............................................................................................ 8 3. Classification of Arawak languages mentioned in the volume, following Ramirez (2001) .............................................................................................. 9 4. Position of the irrealis affixes withing the verb structure ....................... 221 5. Functions of reflexes of the PA privative ............................................... 271 ix Abbrev. Meaning COMP Completive 1 First person CONC Conclusive 2 Second person COND Conditional 3 Third person CONJ Conjuction A A-class verb COP Copula A/S Subject CPT Centripetal ABL Ablative CT Thematic ACT Actual consonant ACTV Active D D series ADL Adlative DAT Dative ADJVR Adjectivizer DECL Declarative AF Affirmative DEI Deictic AFF Affect DEM Demonstrative AG Agent DEO Deontic ALL Allative DIM Diminutive ANIM Animate DIR Directional ANT Anterior DIS Distant APL Applicative DSTR Distributive ART Article DV Dummy Verb AS A stem DX D+ series ASS Associative E Exclamatory stem ASSOC. Associated motion EP Epenthetic MOT EMP Emphatic ASSV Asseverative EXCL Exclamative ATR Attributive EXI Existential AUG Augmentative EXP Expectative AUX Auxiliary F Feminine B Base stem FEM Feminine BEN Benefactive FIN Final CAU Causative FOC Focus CAUS: Causative of FRU Frustrative INFL influence FUT Future CERT Certain GEN General CL Classifier GER Gerund CMP Complement GRAD Gradual marker H Hortative stem CNTF Counterfactual HAB Habitual CNTRST Contrast HYP Hypothetical COM Comitative I I-class verb x ICP Inceptive PL Plural IMMED Immediate PL.KIN Plural of kinship IMP Imperative terms IMPERS Impersonal PLURACT Pluractional IMPF Imperfective POL.SUG Polite suggestion INC Incompletive POSP Postposition IND Indicative POSS Possessive INDEF Indefinite POSSED Possessed INF Infinitive POT Potential INSTR Instrumental PR Prefix series INT Interrogative PRED Predicate INTE Intensifier PREP Preposition INTN Intentional PRES Present INTR Intransitivizer PRIV Privative IRR Irrealis PRO Pronoun LOC Locative PROG Progressive M Masculine PROH Prohibitive MAL Malefactive PROX Proximal META Metalinguistic PS Prefixable stem MID Middle Ps Possessor MS Male speech PUNCT Punctual N Negative stem PURP Purposive N.POSS Non-possessed REA Realis NEG Negative REC Recent NF Non-feminine REF Referential NH Non-human REFX Reflexive NL Nominal REG Regressive NM Non-masculine REL Relativizer NML Nominalizer REM Remote NOM Nominative REP Repetitive NS N series REST Restrictive NONVIS Non-visual RESULT Resultative O Object REV Reversative P Patient RPT Reportative PART Participle Q Question PAS Past S Subject PASS Passive Sa Subject of active PF Perfect intransitive verb PERF Perfective xi So Subject of stative intransitive verb SEC Secondhand SG Singular SJ Subject in stative predicates SS S series SUB Subordinator T T series TEMP Temporal TH Thematic suffix TRAN Transitive TRANS Transitivizer UNCERT Uncertain UNPOSS Unpossessed V Verb VER Veridical VBZ Verbalizer VIS Visual WH Wh XTRM Extreme CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION LEV MICHAEL AND TANIA GRANADILLO This volume brings together nine studies on negation in Arawak1 languages, representing most of the major branches of the Arawak family, and spanning a vast geographic area: from Bolivia (Trinitario) to Honduras (Garifuna), and from the Andean foothills of Peru (Nanti) to eastern Brazilian Amazonia (Wauja). All of the authors have conducted extensive fieldwork on the languages that their chapters focus on, and many of them have written comprehensive descriptive grammars on those languages, or are in the process of doing so. The goal of this volume is to advance comparative research on Arawak languages, especially in the areas of morphology and syntax. Although the Arawak languages were the first group of Native American languages to be identified as a linguistic family, in 1782 (Gilij 1965) – preceding even Jones’ famous proposal of the Indo-European family in 1786 – comparative work on Arawak languages has been halting. Efforts at reconstructions of Proto-Arawak (PA) have largely been limited to reconstruction of PA phonology and lexical items (e.g. Matteson 1972, Payne 1991a, Ramirez 2001a, Valenti 1986), and even these have generally met with skeptical receptions, due to a variety of methodological issues, especially the tendency to apply the comparative method inconsistently (Kaufman 1994, Michael 2009b, Payne 1991a). Although reliable comparative work on Arawak languages must ultimately rest on adequate phonological reconstructions, this volume is motivated by the belief that it is also important to make progress in developing a more detailed comparative picture of grammatical phenomena among Arawak languages. Efforts in this direction have been made for a number branches of the family, or for areally delimited groups of Arawak languages (e.g. Aikhenvald 1995b, 2001a, 2007a, Corbera 2005, Derbyshire 1986, Wise 1986); but family-wide comparative work of this nature is less developed, and focuses mainly on assessing morphological cognacy, e.g. in the domains of person marking (Payne 1987), noun classifiers (Payne 1991b), and valency-changing morphology (Wise 1990). Perhaps the most comprehensive effort of this kind is Aikhenvald’s (2002: 288-295) overview of a “common Arawak 1 See §3 for a discussion of the choice of the term ‘Arawak’ rather than ‘Arawakan’ to refer to the family. 2 INTRODUCTION morphological nucleus,” which summarizes and expands on the previous studies mentioned above. The contributors to this volume believe that this is a propitious moment to expand the comparative vision of Arawak specialists to include grammar more broadly, beginning with the comparative morphosyntax of negation. Negation is an attractive starting point for the comparative study of Arawak grammar for a number of reasons. First, negation has long played an important role in comparative Arawak linguistics, with the existence of a Proto-Arawak privative *ma- being one of the small number of points on which all reconstructions have agreed (see Chapter 11). Second, recent advances in the typology of negation also make the comparative study of negation in Arawak languages timely, including Miestamo’s (2005) typology of standard negation and van de Auwera and Lejeune’s (2011) typology of prohibitives. Each chapter in this volume describes a number of negation constructions in each language. These include standard negation (SN) constructions (i.e. negation in declarative main clauses) and the structural relationships between SN constructions and their affirmative counterparts; prohibitive constructions; and reflexes of the Proto-Arawak privative. Most chapters also discuss negative indefinites and negation in clause-linking constructions and subordinate clauses. Since the languages represented in the volume span most of the major branches of Arawak, the result is a wide-ranging and detailed overview of negation constructions in the family. Many of the chapters in this volume constitute the first detailed description of negation in the languages to which they are dedicated, and even chapters concerning better-described languages discuss hitherto unknown characteristics of negation in those languages. Munro and Gallagher’s chapter on Garifuna describes the complex negation system of this northernmost Arawak language, which employs both a reflex of the Proto-Arawak privative prefix and a negation particle. Especially noteworthy in Garifuna is the interaction between negation