Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats CHANGING THE RISK PARADIGM FOR U.S. DIPLOMATS JANUARY 2021 CONTENTS 4 5 9 13 Project Executive The Problem The Need for Participants Summary Congressional Advisory Assistance Group 15 19 25 28 Remedies Appendix A: Appendix B: Appendix C: Draft text for Project Table of amended 22 Supporters Abbreviations U.S.C. Chapter 58, Subchapter III Section 4831 PROJECT PARTICIPANTS Project Director The Honorable Gregory Starr American Academy of Diplomacy Support Team Ambassador Ronald E. Neumann, President Maria Reissaus, Program Director Destiny Clements, Program Associate Una Chapman Cox Foundation Support Team Ambassador Lino Gutierrez, Executive Director Nicole Brzozowski, Program Manager Advisory Group Dr. Graeme Bannerman Ambassador Thomas Miller The Honorable Eric Boswell Ambassador Ronald Neumann Ambassador Ryan Crocker Ambassador Richard Olson Ambassador James Cunningham Ambassador Anne Patterson Ambassador Gerald Feierstein Ambassador Charles Ray Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman The Honorable Gregory Starr Ambassador Robert Ford Ambassador Francis X. Taylor Ambassador Lino Gutierrez Dr. Michael Van Dusen Ambassador Hugo Llorens Ambassador Jacob Walles Ambassador Deborah McCarthy Page 4 • Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he State Department’s current risk aversion at higher-threat posts obstructs the performance of the most basic functions of a diplomat abroad — to influence host governments, explain, defend, and advance U.S. policies and objectives, and Tto correctly analyze political, social, and economic developments as well as the effectiveness of U.S. government programs. Each of these functions demands first-hand contacts and observations. Working only by telephone or an occasional meeting inside secure walls is not a substitute for developing the continuing contacts necessary with local officials and populations. In short, the formulation and execution of national security policy is hindered by the lack of access to foreign contacts at higher-threat missions. U.S. diplomatic and USAID development officers are rarely allowed to travel to meet sources, colleagues, or counterparts in less than fully secured areas or make unscheduled moves. Our U.S. military partners and members of the intelligence community are not encumbered by similar restrictions. Requests by Foreign Service Officers to discreetly meet with subjects and sources or to review remote programs are too often denied, and the ability to observe and report on a country they are expected to know with a high level of expertise is severely limited. Effective diplomacy to meet national interests requires a method to engage more broadly even in high-threat locations. We believe it is possible; but progress requires change in three simultaneous areas. Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats • Page 5 1. The language and structure of the Accountability Review Board (ARB) requirement in the Omnibus Diplomatic Security Act of 1986 must change. The law is widely interpreted within the Foreign Service as creating an overriding requirement to find someone at fault when a security incident involves serious injury or loss of life. A broad selection of former ambassadors and assistant secretaries have reported that ambassadors, deputies, and regional security officers believe decisions to allow travel outside the mission that result in death or serious injury would be judged in terms of their accountability with the presumption that someone erred in their judgment. Too frequently, the decision is to avoid risk by denying travel or requiring an unattainable level of security. Technological advances, such as videoconferencing or teleconferencing can supplement traditional meetings; however, they are not a substitute for face-to-face meetings that build personal relations and trust with foreign contacts, without which real understanding of sensitive issues is not possible. This is particularly true when sensitivities concern internal foreign political concerns. The U.S. military, intelligence agencies, FBI and Drug Enforcement Agency each have different requirements for managing accountability and risk. The Academy does not equate the levels of acceptable risk for Foreign Service Officers abroad to the levels of risks acceptable for U.S. military assets engaged in combat operations. However, Foreign Service Officers are frequently assigned to high-threat diplomatic missions abroad. Currently, embassies are hampered by an out-of-date accountability process that essentially is at odds with the current requirement to take reasonable risks in the performance of duty. The Academy recommends a reformulation of the law to put in place a system similar to that of other national security agencies. The new system would utilize an internal review process to evaluate precautions taken against known risks and then evaluate the decision and identify any lessons learned in a report to the Secretary of State. The Secretary would, in turn, inform Congress of the results. The review would focus on whether reasonable actions were taken based on known risks at the time. This would bring the process more in line with that used by the Department of Defense (DoD) and the intelligence community (IC). Equally importantly, it would be a tangible message to the officers of the U.S. Foreign Service that Congress understands and supports the need to take reasonable risks in the performance of diplomatic and foreign aid operations abroad. It would signal that Congress wants to assist in developing a culture where the security of our personnel remains important, but the priority must be implementing the foreign affairs and national security policies and operations of the United States. Page 6 • Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats 2. The Department of State must identify best practices and new techniques for operating in high-threat locations. Certain cadres of officers, to include political officers, economic officers, consular officers, United States Agency for International Development (USAID) field and project officers, would receive required training in advanced operational techniques and procedures to allow them to operate as safely as possible while accepting levels of increased risk. This will take a joint effort by the Foreign Service Institute, the Diplomatic Security Hard Skills Training Center (FASTC), and other agencies to determine best practices. Additionally, management-level officers at various levels will require additional training in managing threats and risk. Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats • Page 7 3. Culture: To fully benefit from the legal changes and improved tactics and procedures, the foreign affairs agencies will have to take steps to change a culture of risk aversion that has developed over the years. Senior and mid-level officers, serving domestically and overseas, will require improved education in identifying and managing threats and risks while balancing the need to fulfill foreign affairs-related goals and objectives. Decision makers responsible for approving operations abroad that entail higher risk — typically deputy chiefs of mission and regional security officers — must have more than just new tools and training. They must also have confidence that the foreign affairs institutions and Congress understand that the highest priority is fulfilling major national security priorities, not solely keeping people safe. Careful judgment of the importance of individual policy objectives balanced against risk and threat mitigation measures will always be necessary and never clear cut. All aspects of the problem — importance of the goals, risk, and mitigation — must be considered when judgments are made and things go wrong. Page 8 • Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats THE PROBLEM n late 2019 and early 2020, a small group of senior STATE DEPARTMENT PHOTO retired U.S. ambassadors, all members of the American Academy of Diplomacy (AAD), engaged several members U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. of Congress and their staff in discussions on the growing Pompeo departs Ilevel of risk intolerance experienced in U.S. missions abroad Erbil, Iraq on with the consequence that American diplomats and aid January 9, 2019. practitioners could not effectively fulfill their mandates. Subsequent to these initial discussions, the Una Chapman Cox Foundation agreed to fund an AAD project to examine the issue of changing the risk paradigm for U.S. foreign affairs agencies. AAD formed an advisory committee of senior Foreign Service (retired) officers to guide the effort. Changing the Risk Paradigm for U.S. Diplomats • Page 9 By May 2020, the advisory group had agreed upon a project narrative that effectively described the problem. “The risk mitigation paradigm currently employed for State Department personnel and those of other civilian U.S. government agencies at higher-threat posts is obstructing the performance of the most basic functions of a diplomat abroad — to influence host governments and other foreign interlocutors, to explain, defend, and advance U.S. policies and objectives, and to gain the information and access needed to analyze political, social, economic, and programmatic developments based on first-hand contacts and observations in a foreign country. Diplomacy is an incremental business in which numerous contacts and observations contribute over time to generate larger results. Diplomats are analysts, policy influencers, persuaders, and negotiators. Executing their mission only by telephone or an occasional meeting inside
Recommended publications
  • Dear Senator
    Dear Senator: We support, strongly and without qualification, President Obama’s nomination of Chuck Hagel to be the next Secretary of Defense. Most of us have known the Senator for a decade or more and consistently have found him to be one of the best informed leaders in the U.S. Congress on national security issues. Senator Hagel’s credentials for the job are impeccable. As a decorated Vietnam veteran, a successful entrepreneur in the private sector, and a two-term United States senator, he brings exceptional qualifications and experience to the Department of Defense, particularly at this time of budget constraint and challenges in reshaping America’s military power while keeping it strong for the coming decades. Senator Hagel’s political courage has impressed us all. He has stood and argued publicly for what he believes is best for the United States. Time and again, he has chosen to take the path of standing up for our nation, rather than the path of political expediency. He has always supported the pillars of American foreign policy: a strong military; a robust Atlantic partnership; a commitment to the security of Israel, as a friend and ally; a determination to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons; and the defense of human rights as a core principle of America’s role in the world. We have spent most of our lives in the service of our country, deeply committed to America’s security and the example of our democracy. Many of us served in the U.S. armed services and most of us have served for decades as professional diplomats.
    [Show full text]
  • Testimony of Ryan Crocker House Committee on Armed Services
    Testimony of Ryan Crocker House Committee on Armed Services Hearing on Afghanistan November 20, 2020 Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Thornberry, it is an honor to appear before you today to discuss the critical issue of the US military mission in Afghanistan and the peace process. Our military has been in Afghanistan almost two decades. After this length oftime, it is important to recall the reasons for our intervention. It was in response to the most devastating attacks on US soil since Pearl Harbor. Those attacks came out of Afghanistan, perpetrated by al-Qaida which was hosted and sheltered there by the Taliban. We gave the Taliban a choice: give up al-Qaida. and we will take no action against you. The Taliban chose a swift military defeat and exile over abandoning their ally. Why is this of any significance today? Because, after nearly two decades, the Taliban leadership sees an opportunity to end that exile and return to power, largely thanks to us. And its links to al-Qaida, the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks, remain very strong. Mr. Chairman, I appear before you today not as a scholar but as a practitioner. At the beginning of January 2002, I had the privilege of reopening our Embassy in Kabul. It was a shattered city in a devastated country. The Kabul airport was closed, its runways crate red and littered with destroyed aircraft. The drive to Kabul from our military base at Bagram was through a wasteland of mud, strewn with mines. Nothing grew. Kabul itself resembled Berlin in 1945 with entire city blocks reduced to rubble.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case
    Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-3240 (Paper) ISSN 2224-3259 (Online) Vol.32, 2014 Legal Regime of Persona Non Grata and the Namru-2 Case Marcel Hendrapati* Law Faculty, Hasanuddin University, Jalan Perintis Kemerdekaan, Kampus Unhas Tamalanrea KM.10, Makassar-90245, Republic of Indonesia * E-mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract Just like the diplomatic immunity principle, the principle of persona non grata aims to ensure justice for both the state seeking to evict a diplomat (receiving state) and the state whose diplomat is being evicted (sending state). This is because both principles can guarantee the dignity and equality of sovereign states when resolving issues in international relation. Not every statement of persona non grata has to culminate in expulsion because a statement may be issued by the receiving state both after the diplomatic agent has started performing his functions and even before he arrives at the receiving state. If such a statement is followed by the expulsion of the diplomat, it should be based on article 41 of the Vienna Convention, 1961 (infringement on laws of receiving state and/or espionage actions). Also, expulsion may occur due to war and severance of diplomatic relation between two states. Indonesia has had to deal with issues of persona non grata on several occasions both as receiving and sending state. This paper analyses several cases of declaration of persona non grata involving several countries, especially Indonesia in order to give a better understanding of how the declaration of persona non grata plays out between states, and the significance of the Vienna Convention of 1961 on diplomatic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • TNSR Journal Vol 2 Issue 4 Book Final.Pdf (12.61Mb)
    Texas National Security Review Texas T E R R A I TERRA INCOGNITA N C O G N I T A Volume 2 Issue 4 Volume Print: ISSN 2576-1021 Online: ISSN 2576-1153 MASTHEAD TABLE OF CONTENTS Staff: The Foundation Publisher: Executive Editor: Associate Editors: 04 Wars with Words? Ryan Evans Doyle Hodges, PhD Galen Jackson, PhD Francis J. Gavin Van Jackson, PhD Editor-in-Chief: Managing Editor: Stephen Tankel, PhD William Inboden, PhD Megan G. Oprea, PhD The Scholar Editorial Board: 10 More Significance than Value: Explaining Developments in the Sino-Japanese Contest Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Chair, Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief: Todd Hall Francis J. Gavin, PhD William Inboden, PhD 38 The Collapse Narrative: The United States, Mohammed Mossadegh, and the Coup Decision of 1953 Gregory Brew Robert J. Art, PhD Kelly M. Greenhill, PhD John Owen, PhD Richard Betts, PhD Beatrice Heuser, PhD Patrick Porter, PhD 60 The City Is Neutral: On Urban Warfare in the 21st Century John Bew, PhD Michael C. Horowitz, PhD Thomas Rid, PhD David Betz and Hugo Stanford-Tuck Nigel Biggar, PhD Richard H. Immerman, PhD Joshua Rovner, PhD Philip Bobbitt, JD, PhD Robert Jervis, PhD Brent E. Sasley, PhD Hal Brands, PhD Colin Kahl, PhD Elizabeth N. Saunders, PhD Joshua W. Busby, PhD Jonathan Kirshner, PhD Kori Schake, PhD The Strategist Robert Chesney, JD James Kraska, SJD Michael N. Schmitt, DLitt Eliot Cohen, PhD Stephen D. Krasner, PhD Jacob N. Shapiro, PhD 90 Thinking in Space: The Role of Geography in National Security Decision-Making Audrey Kurth Cronin, PhD Sarah Kreps, PhD Sandesh Sivakumaran, PhD Andrew Rhodes Theo Farrell, PhD Melvyn P.
    [Show full text]
  • WTH Is Going on with the Retreat from Afghanistan? Amb. Ryan Crocker On
    WTH is going on with the retreat from Afghanistan? Amb. Ryan Crocker on withdrawal, and the consequences for US national security Episode #115 | September 1, 2021 | Danielle Pletka, Marc Thiessen, and Amb. Ryan Crocker Danielle Pletka: Hi, I'm Danielle Pletka. Marc Thiessen: I'm Marc Thiessen. Danielle Pletka: Welcome to our podcast, What the Hell Is Going On? Marc, what the hell is going on? Marc Thiessen: I've never been more disgusted in my life with what's happening with what America is doing than I am right now watching the last planes leaving Kabul, leaving behind American citizens, thousands of Afghans who risked their lives to help us, the blood of 13 dead Americans and hundreds of Afghan civilians. It is the most shameful thing I have witnessed in my entire career in Washington. I'm shifting between absolute abject pain and rage as I watch this happen. Dany, what are your thoughts? Danielle Pletka: It is the worst thing in the world that a country like ours, we've suffered defeats, we've made mistakes, we've done terrible things. Never, I hope willfully, but by mistake, we've done terrible things. And we have betrayed allies before. We've not done enough for people who need us. We've let down the Kurds in Iraq, we've let down the Syrian people, but we have never actually gone in and rescued a group of people who in turn sacrificed all for us and for our security as Afghans did, because make no mistake, we were not in Afghanistan for the Afghan people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1974 The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71 Christopher Gerard Kinsella Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Recommended Citation Kinsella, Christopher Gerard, "The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71" (1974). Dissertations. 1378. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/1378 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1974 Christopher Gerard Kinsella THE DIPLOMATIC MISSION OF ARCHBISHOP FLAVIO CHIGI APOSTOLIC NUNCIO TO PARIS, 1870-71 by Christopher G. Kinsella t I' A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty:of the Graduate School of Loyola Unive rsi.ty in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy February, 197 4 \ ' LIFE Christopher Gerard Kinsella was born on April 11, 1944 in Anacortes, Washington. He was raised in St. Louis, where he received his primary and secondary education, graduating from St. Louis University High School in June of 1962, He received an Honors Bachelor of Arts cum laude degree from St. Louis University,.., majoring in history, in June of 1966 • Mr. Kinsella began graduate studies at Loyola University of Chicago in September of 1966. He received a Master of Arts (Research) in History in February, 1968 and immediately began studies for the doctorate.
    [Show full text]
  • Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We Are Writing, As
    Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We are writing, as Americans committed to the success of our country’s Afghanistan mission, to urge that you sustain the current level of U.S. forces in Afghanistan through the remainder of your term. Aid levels and diplomatic energies should similarly be preserved without reduction. Unless emergency conditions require consideration of a modest increase, we would strongly favor a freeze at the level of roughly 10,000 U.S. troops through January 20. This approach would also allow your successor to assess the situation for herself or himself and make further adjustments accordingly. The broader Middle East is roiled in conflicts that pit moderate and progressive forces against those of violent extremists. As we saw on 9/11 and in the recent attacks in Paris, San Bernardino, and Brussels, the problems of the Middle East do not remain contained within the Middle East. Afghanistan is the place where al Qaeda and affiliates first planned the 9/11 attacks and a place where they continue to operate—and is thus important in the broader effort to defeat the global extremist movement today. It is a place where al Qaeda and ISIS still have modest footprints that could be expanded if a security vacuum developed. If Afghanistan were to revert to the chaos of the 1990s, millions of refugees would again seek shelter in neighboring countries and overseas, dramatically intensifying the severe challenges already faced in Europe and beyond. In the long-term struggle against violent extremists, the United States above all needs allies—not only to fight a common enemy, but also to create a positive vision for the peoples of the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—House H2574
    H2574 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE May 19, 2021 Sewell (DelBene) Wilson (FL) Young (Joyce NAYS—208 Ruppersberger Slotkin (Axne) Wilson (SC) Slotkin (Axne) (Hayes) (OH)) (Raskin) Waters (Timmons) Aderholt Gohmert Moolenaar Waters Wilson (SC) Rush (Barraga´ n) Young (Joyce Allen (Barraga´ n) (Timmons) Gonzales, Tony Mooney (Underwood) Wilson (FL) Amodei (OH)) Gonzalez (OH) Moore (AL) Sewell (DelBene) (Hayes) The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Armstrong Good (VA) Moore (UT) question is on the resolution. Arrington Gooden (TX) Mullin f Babin Gosar Murphy (NC) The question was taken; and the Bacon Granger Nehls NATIONAL COMMISSION TO INVES- Speaker pro tempore announced that Baird Graves (LA) Newhouse TIGATE THE JANUARY 6 ATTACK the ayes appeared to have it. Balderson Graves (MO) Norman Banks Green (TN) Nunes ON THE UNITED STATES CAP- Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Mr. Speak- Barr Greene (GA) Obernolte ITOL COMPLEX ACT Bentz Griffith er, on that I demand the yeas and nays. Owens Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Bergman Grothman Palazzo The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- Bice (OK) Guest Palmer Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution ant to section 3(s) of House Resolution Biggs Guthrie Pence 409, I call up the bill (H.R. 3233) to es- 8, the yeas and nays are ordered. Bilirakis Hagedorn Perry tablish the National Commission to In- Bishop (NC) Harris Pfluger The vote was taken by electronic de- Boebert Harshbarger Posey vestigate the January 6 Attack on the vice, and there were—yeas 216, nays Bost Hartzler Reed United States Capitol Complex, and for 208, not voting 5, as follows: Brady Hern Reschenthaler other purposes, and ask for its imme- Brooks Herrell Rice (SC) diate consideration.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—Senate S1432
    S1432 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE February 25, 2019 a second staff person to accompany him or letter signed by 58 former national se- nancial Intelligence from 2011 to 2015 and as her on the dais he or she must make a re- curity officials, who served under Re- Deputy Director of the Central Intelligence quest to the Chairman for that purpose. publican and Democratic administra- Agency from 2015 to 2017. RULE 8. COINAGE LEGISLATION l. Eliot A. Cohen served as Counselor of the tions, criticizing President Trump’s U.S. Department of State from 2007 to 2009. At least 67 Senators must cosponsor any declaration of a national emergency to m. Ryan Crocker served as U.S. Ambas- gold medal or commemorative coin bill or build a wall on our southern border be sador to Afghanistan from 2011 to 2012, as resolution before consideration by the Com- printed in the RECORD. U.S. Ambassador to Iraq from 2007 to 2009, as mittee. There being no objection, the mate- U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan from 2004 to EXTRACTS FROM THE STANDING RULES OF THE rial was ordered to be printed in the 2007, as U.S. Ambassador to Syria from 1998 SENATE RECORD, as follows: to 2001, as U.S. Ambassador to Kuwait from RULE XXV, STANDING COMMITTEES 1994 to 1997, and U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon JOINT DECLARATION OF FORMER UNITED from 1990 to 1993. 1. The following standing committees shall STATES GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS be appointed at the commencement of each n. Thomas Donilon served as National Se- We, the undersigned, declare as follows.
    [Show full text]
  • Espionage and the Forfeiture of Diplomatic Immunity
    NATHANIEL P. WARD* Espionage and the Forfeiture of Diplomatic Immunity When nations conduct intercourse beyond their territorial boundaries, the need for transnational representation is fundamental if national objectives are to be accomplished. To accommodate this need, the world community has provided a special regime for diplomats, consuls and representatives to inter- national organizations.' That regime accords certain privileges and immunities in the receiving state2 to protect the sending state's unhampered conduct of foreign relations3 and to avoid embarrassment for its government.' The sources of these privileges and immunities are found in the customary practice of nations, the domestic laws of the receiving states' and multinational 6 and bilateral' treaties. This diplomatic grant confers criminal and civil immunity *B.A., Virginia Military Institute; J.D. California Western School of Law. A retired army cap- tain in military intelligence, Mr. Ward is currently a clerk for a federal magistrate in San Diego. 'J.L. BRIERLY, THE LAW OF NATIONS 255 (6th ed. 1963). 'RESTATEMENT (SECOND) OF FOREIGN RELATIONS LAW OF THE UNITED STATES, § 63, comment c at 195 (1965): The term "privileges and immunities" is often used in international law without differentiation between its two constituents. To the extent that any distinction is made between the two, there is a tendency to use "privilege" in referring to a right which is affirmatively described, such as the right to employ diplomatic couriers, and to use "immunity" in referring to a right which is described in a negative sense, such as freedom of diplomatic envoys from prosecution. As used in the Restatement of this Subject, the term "immunity" includes both, although the term "privileges and immunities" is retained when it conforms to existing practice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Country Team and Local Staff Role | Excerpt from Inside a U.S. Embassy
    PART II Foreign Service Work and Life: Embassy, Employee, Family By Shawn Dorman THE EMBASSY AND THE COUNTRY TEAM mbassies are located in the capital city of each country with which the United States has official relations, and serve as headquarters for U.S. gov - Eernment representation overseas. U.S. consulates are ancillary government offices in cities other than the capital. American and local employees serving in U.S. embassies and consulates work under the leadership of an ambassador to conduct diplomatic relations with the host country. The Department of State is the lead agency for conducting U.S. diplomacy and the ambassador, appointed by the U.S. president, reports to the Secretary of State. Diplomatic relations among nations, including diplomatic immunity and the inviolability of embassies, follow procedures framed by the 1961 Vienna Convention on the Conduct of Diplomatic Relations and Optional Protocols, ratified by the U.S. in 1969. The foreign affairs agencies that make up the Foreign Service—the Department of State, the U.S. Agency for International Development, the Foreign Commercial Service, the Foreign Agricultural Service, and the International Broadcasting Bureau—are part of the overall U.S. mission in a country and usually have their offices inside the embassy. Each embassy can also be home to the offices of other U.S. government agencies and departments, in some countries as many as 40 dif - ferent entities. Agencies with a significant overseas presence include the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Drug Enforcement Agency, the Treasury Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Department of Homeland Security.
    [Show full text]
  • Talking to the Taliban 2011 – 2012: a Reflection
    Talking to the Taliban 2011 – 2012: A Reflection BY MARC GROSSMAN hen then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asked in early 2011 if I would become the United States’ Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan (SRAP) – after the W sudden death of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, the first SRAP – she described the foundations Ambassador Holbrooke had laid to manage one of the most challenging tasks facing the nation. Secretary Clinton also said that she wanted to continue the experiment: having the SRAP organization prove that the “whole-of-government” philosophy – the idea that the United States must employ expertise and resources from all relevant parts of government to address the nation’s most important challenges – was the right model for 21st century diplomacy.2 The SRAP team brought together experts from across the U.S. Government (and included several diplomats from NATO countries) to develop and implement integrated strategies to address the complex challenges in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the region. Among the first things I learned when I arrived at my desk in February 2011, was that an allied government had put the United States in contact with someone who seemed to be an empowered representative of the Taliban, the Afghan insurgent group which the United States had removed from power in 2001, but which had ever since kept up a deadly war against Afghans, Americans and our allies, friends and partners.3 The contact was preliminary, but many in the White House and on the SRAP team hoped that this connection might open the door for the conversation everyone knew would be required if there were ever to be peace in Afghanistan: Afghans talking to other Afghans about the future of Afghanistan.
    [Show full text]