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Dear Senator
Dear Senator: We support, strongly and without qualification, President Obama’s nomination of Chuck Hagel to be the next Secretary of Defense. Most of us have known the Senator for a decade or more and consistently have found him to be one of the best informed leaders in the U.S. Congress on national security issues. Senator Hagel’s credentials for the job are impeccable. As a decorated Vietnam veteran, a successful entrepreneur in the private sector, and a two-term United States senator, he brings exceptional qualifications and experience to the Department of Defense, particularly at this time of budget constraint and challenges in reshaping America’s military power while keeping it strong for the coming decades. Senator Hagel’s political courage has impressed us all. He has stood and argued publicly for what he believes is best for the United States. Time and again, he has chosen to take the path of standing up for our nation, rather than the path of political expediency. He has always supported the pillars of American foreign policy: a strong military; a robust Atlantic partnership; a commitment to the security of Israel, as a friend and ally; a determination to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons; and the defense of human rights as a core principle of America’s role in the world. We have spent most of our lives in the service of our country, deeply committed to America’s security and the example of our democracy. Many of us served in the U.S. armed services and most of us have served for decades as professional diplomats. -
Testimony of Ryan Crocker House Committee on Armed Services
Testimony of Ryan Crocker House Committee on Armed Services Hearing on Afghanistan November 20, 2020 Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Thornberry, it is an honor to appear before you today to discuss the critical issue of the US military mission in Afghanistan and the peace process. Our military has been in Afghanistan almost two decades. After this length oftime, it is important to recall the reasons for our intervention. It was in response to the most devastating attacks on US soil since Pearl Harbor. Those attacks came out of Afghanistan, perpetrated by al-Qaida which was hosted and sheltered there by the Taliban. We gave the Taliban a choice: give up al-Qaida. and we will take no action against you. The Taliban chose a swift military defeat and exile over abandoning their ally. Why is this of any significance today? Because, after nearly two decades, the Taliban leadership sees an opportunity to end that exile and return to power, largely thanks to us. And its links to al-Qaida, the perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks, remain very strong. Mr. Chairman, I appear before you today not as a scholar but as a practitioner. At the beginning of January 2002, I had the privilege of reopening our Embassy in Kabul. It was a shattered city in a devastated country. The Kabul airport was closed, its runways crate red and littered with destroyed aircraft. The drive to Kabul from our military base at Bagram was through a wasteland of mud, strewn with mines. Nothing grew. Kabul itself resembled Berlin in 1945 with entire city blocks reduced to rubble. -
Open Letter on CIA MDR Regs- Final.Pdf
To: Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, David Petraeus Director of the Information Security Oversight Office, John Fitzpatrick February 23, 2012 Re: CIA Regulation change to 32 CFR Part 1908 allowing the Agency to charge requesters as high as $72 per hour for Mandatory Declassification Review requests. To whom it may concern: We the undersigned would like to call to your attention an alarming regulation that the Central Intelligence Agency entered into the Federal Register on 23 September 2011. Finalized without any notice for public comment, this regulation could cut off access to the most effective tool the public can use to request declassification of the CIA’s secret documents, the Mandatory Declassification Review (MDR) program. The regulation states that declassification reviews will now cost requesters up to $72 per hour, even if no information is found or released. The public must now also agree to pay a minimum of $15 in duplication fees. Throughout the government, and previously at CIA, MDR fees are commensurate to FOIA fees. Under FOIA, Congress stipulated that public interest, educational, journalism, and other fee waivers must be granted, when applicable under the statute. Furthermore, agencies must forfeit their right to collect some FOIA processing fees when they miss their processing deadline. The effect of the CIA’s new policy will be to price the public out of submitting MDR requests, a result not at all consonant with Obama Administration transparency policy in general or its declassification policy under Executive Order 13,526 in particular. The MDR process is a popular and successful tool for researchers, historians, public interest advocates and others, in part because of the independent accountability and oversight the program provides. -
Gen. David H. Petraeus on Withdrawing US Troops from Afghanistan Featuring General David H
The Dangers of Disengagement: Gen. David H. Petraeus on Withdrawing US Troops from Afghanistan Featuring General David H. Petraeus MARCH 16, 2021 Civil war and an unrestrained al Qaeda are all but certain should the US withdraw its forces from Afghanistan in May per the US-Taliban deal signed over a year ago. American disengagement will only embolden revisionist powers and create an even more dangerous security situation for the region and beyond. On this episode of Overwatch, Frederick W. Kagan, director of the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, and General David H. Petraeus sit down to discuss the US-Taliban agreement, the consequences of a US withdrawal, and a sustainable way forward that protects not only American interests, but also advances those of the Afghan people. Jacob Taylor: This is Overwatch, a podcast presented by the Institute for the Study of War. Just over one year has passed since the United States signed an agreement with the Taliban that commits US forces to leave Afghanistan this May if the Taliban has met certain conditions. On this episode of Overwatch, Freder- ick Kagan, Director of the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, sits down with General David H. Petraeus, to discuss the situation in Afghanistan, the state of the US-Taliban deal and the dangers for American national security of withdrawing US Forces from Afghanistan under the circumstances. General Petraeus is the former Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. His 37-year career in the US Military included command of the 101st Airborne Division in Iraq, Multinational Force Iraq, in which capacity he de- veloped and executed the Surge Strategy, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan and the US Central Command. -
TNSR Journal Vol 2 Issue 4 Book Final.Pdf (12.61Mb)
Texas National Security Review Texas T E R R A I TERRA INCOGNITA N C O G N I T A Volume 2 Issue 4 Volume Print: ISSN 2576-1021 Online: ISSN 2576-1153 MASTHEAD TABLE OF CONTENTS Staff: The Foundation Publisher: Executive Editor: Associate Editors: 04 Wars with Words? Ryan Evans Doyle Hodges, PhD Galen Jackson, PhD Francis J. Gavin Van Jackson, PhD Editor-in-Chief: Managing Editor: Stephen Tankel, PhD William Inboden, PhD Megan G. Oprea, PhD The Scholar Editorial Board: 10 More Significance than Value: Explaining Developments in the Sino-Japanese Contest Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands Chair, Editorial Board: Editor-in-Chief: Todd Hall Francis J. Gavin, PhD William Inboden, PhD 38 The Collapse Narrative: The United States, Mohammed Mossadegh, and the Coup Decision of 1953 Gregory Brew Robert J. Art, PhD Kelly M. Greenhill, PhD John Owen, PhD Richard Betts, PhD Beatrice Heuser, PhD Patrick Porter, PhD 60 The City Is Neutral: On Urban Warfare in the 21st Century John Bew, PhD Michael C. Horowitz, PhD Thomas Rid, PhD David Betz and Hugo Stanford-Tuck Nigel Biggar, PhD Richard H. Immerman, PhD Joshua Rovner, PhD Philip Bobbitt, JD, PhD Robert Jervis, PhD Brent E. Sasley, PhD Hal Brands, PhD Colin Kahl, PhD Elizabeth N. Saunders, PhD Joshua W. Busby, PhD Jonathan Kirshner, PhD Kori Schake, PhD The Strategist Robert Chesney, JD James Kraska, SJD Michael N. Schmitt, DLitt Eliot Cohen, PhD Stephen D. Krasner, PhD Jacob N. Shapiro, PhD 90 Thinking in Space: The Role of Geography in National Security Decision-Making Audrey Kurth Cronin, PhD Sarah Kreps, PhD Sandesh Sivakumaran, PhD Andrew Rhodes Theo Farrell, PhD Melvyn P. -
WTH Is Going on with the Retreat from Afghanistan? Amb. Ryan Crocker On
WTH is going on with the retreat from Afghanistan? Amb. Ryan Crocker on withdrawal, and the consequences for US national security Episode #115 | September 1, 2021 | Danielle Pletka, Marc Thiessen, and Amb. Ryan Crocker Danielle Pletka: Hi, I'm Danielle Pletka. Marc Thiessen: I'm Marc Thiessen. Danielle Pletka: Welcome to our podcast, What the Hell Is Going On? Marc, what the hell is going on? Marc Thiessen: I've never been more disgusted in my life with what's happening with what America is doing than I am right now watching the last planes leaving Kabul, leaving behind American citizens, thousands of Afghans who risked their lives to help us, the blood of 13 dead Americans and hundreds of Afghan civilians. It is the most shameful thing I have witnessed in my entire career in Washington. I'm shifting between absolute abject pain and rage as I watch this happen. Dany, what are your thoughts? Danielle Pletka: It is the worst thing in the world that a country like ours, we've suffered defeats, we've made mistakes, we've done terrible things. Never, I hope willfully, but by mistake, we've done terrible things. And we have betrayed allies before. We've not done enough for people who need us. We've let down the Kurds in Iraq, we've let down the Syrian people, but we have never actually gone in and rescued a group of people who in turn sacrificed all for us and for our security as Afghans did, because make no mistake, we were not in Afghanistan for the Afghan people. -
Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We Are Writing, As
Washington, DC June 1, 2016 Dear Mr. President, We are writing, as Americans committed to the success of our country’s Afghanistan mission, to urge that you sustain the current level of U.S. forces in Afghanistan through the remainder of your term. Aid levels and diplomatic energies should similarly be preserved without reduction. Unless emergency conditions require consideration of a modest increase, we would strongly favor a freeze at the level of roughly 10,000 U.S. troops through January 20. This approach would also allow your successor to assess the situation for herself or himself and make further adjustments accordingly. The broader Middle East is roiled in conflicts that pit moderate and progressive forces against those of violent extremists. As we saw on 9/11 and in the recent attacks in Paris, San Bernardino, and Brussels, the problems of the Middle East do not remain contained within the Middle East. Afghanistan is the place where al Qaeda and affiliates first planned the 9/11 attacks and a place where they continue to operate—and is thus important in the broader effort to defeat the global extremist movement today. It is a place where al Qaeda and ISIS still have modest footprints that could be expanded if a security vacuum developed. If Afghanistan were to revert to the chaos of the 1990s, millions of refugees would again seek shelter in neighboring countries and overseas, dramatically intensifying the severe challenges already faced in Europe and beyond. In the long-term struggle against violent extremists, the United States above all needs allies—not only to fight a common enemy, but also to create a positive vision for the peoples of the region. -
Congressional Record—House H2574
H2574 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE May 19, 2021 Sewell (DelBene) Wilson (FL) Young (Joyce NAYS—208 Ruppersberger Slotkin (Axne) Wilson (SC) Slotkin (Axne) (Hayes) (OH)) (Raskin) Waters (Timmons) Aderholt Gohmert Moolenaar Waters Wilson (SC) Rush (Barraga´ n) Young (Joyce Allen (Barraga´ n) (Timmons) Gonzales, Tony Mooney (Underwood) Wilson (FL) Amodei (OH)) Gonzalez (OH) Moore (AL) Sewell (DelBene) (Hayes) The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Armstrong Good (VA) Moore (UT) question is on the resolution. Arrington Gooden (TX) Mullin f Babin Gosar Murphy (NC) The question was taken; and the Bacon Granger Nehls NATIONAL COMMISSION TO INVES- Speaker pro tempore announced that Baird Graves (LA) Newhouse TIGATE THE JANUARY 6 ATTACK the ayes appeared to have it. Balderson Graves (MO) Norman Banks Green (TN) Nunes ON THE UNITED STATES CAP- Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Mr. Speak- Barr Greene (GA) Obernolte ITOL COMPLEX ACT Bentz Griffith er, on that I demand the yeas and nays. Owens Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Bergman Grothman Palazzo The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- Bice (OK) Guest Palmer Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution ant to section 3(s) of House Resolution Biggs Guthrie Pence 409, I call up the bill (H.R. 3233) to es- 8, the yeas and nays are ordered. Bilirakis Hagedorn Perry tablish the National Commission to In- Bishop (NC) Harris Pfluger The vote was taken by electronic de- Boebert Harshbarger Posey vestigate the January 6 Attack on the vice, and there were—yeas 216, nays Bost Hartzler Reed United States Capitol Complex, and for 208, not voting 5, as follows: Brady Hern Reschenthaler other purposes, and ask for its imme- Brooks Herrell Rice (SC) diate consideration. -
Kelley.V..Fbi.Amended.11-22-13.Pdf
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Gilberte Jill Kelley, and ) Scott Kelley, M.D. ) 1005 Bayshore Blvd. ) Tampa, Florida 33606 ) ) Plaintiffs, ) Civil Action No: 13-cv-825 (ABJ) ) v. ) ) The Federal Bureau of Investigation, ) 935 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. ) Washington, D.C., 20535-0001, ) ) United States Department of Defense ) 1400 Defense Pentagon ) Washington, D.C., 20301, ) ) United States Department of State ) 2201 C Street NW ) Washington DC, 20520 ) ) The United States of America ) 950 Pennsylvania Ave., NW ) Washington DC, 20530, ) ) Leon Edward Panetta ) ) Sean M. Joyce ) ) George E. Little ) ) Steven E. Ibison ) ) Adam R. Malone ) ) John and Jane Does 1 through 10 ) individually, ) 1 Defendants. ) 1 By agreement with counsel for the FBI, DOD State Department and United States, home addresses for the individual defendants have been suppressed out of respect for the privacy and security of the current and former government officials named. 1 VERIFIED FIRST AMENDED COMPLAINT AND DEMAND FOR JURY TRIAL 1. Plaintiffs Mrs. Gilberte Jill Kelley and Scott Kelley, M.D., bring this action to vindicate their legal rights to privacy and dignity that were infringed by the government’s improper searches, maintenance, and disclosures of their personal, private, and confidential information. While the government’s investigation led to the resignation of Central Intelligence Agency (“CIA”) Director David Petraeus (“Director Petraeus”) and abrupt retirement of General John Allen, the government was not legally entitled to treat the Kelleys’ like criminals, pry into and disclose their personal communications, violate their privacy, and disseminate confidential records as well as false information about them. 2. Therefore, Mrs. -
The Situation in Afghanistan Hearings Committee On
S. HRG. 111–867 THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JUNE 15 AND 16, 2010 Printed for the use of the Committee on Armed Services ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.fdsys.gov/ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 64–545 PDF WASHINGTON : 2011 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:09 Feb 18, 2011 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 Y:\BORAWSKI\DOCS\64545.TXT JUNE PsN: JUNEB COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES CARL LEVIN, Michigan, Chairman ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia JOHN MCCAIN, Arizona JOSEPH I. LIEBERMAN, Connecticut JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma JACK REED, Rhode Island JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama DANIEL K. AKAKA, Hawaii SAXBY CHAMBLISS, Georgia BILL NELSON, Florida LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina E. BENJAMIN NELSON, Nebraska JOHN THUNE, South Dakota EVAN BAYH, Indiana ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi JIM WEBB, Virginia GEORGE S. LeMIEUX, Florida CLAIRE McCASKILL, Missouri SCOTT P. BROWN, Massachusetts MARK UDALL, Colorado RICHARD BURR, North Carolina KAY R. HAGAN, North Carolina DAVID VITTER, Louisiana MARK BEGICH, Alaska SUSAN M. COLLINS, Maine ROLAND W. BURRIS, Illinois JEFF BINGAMAN, New Mexico EDWARD E. KAUFMAN, Delaware RICHARD D. DEBOBES, Staff Director JOSEPH W. BOWAB, Republican Staff Director (II) VerDate Aug 31 2005 14:09 Feb 18, 2011 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 Y:\BORAWSKI\DOCS\64545.TXT JUNE PsN: JUNEB C O N T E N T S CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WITNESSES THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN JUNE 15, 2010 Page Flournoy, Hon. -
A Tale of Two Manuals
A Tale of Two Manuals BY RAPHAEL S. COHEN n January 13, 2009, in the waning days of the George W. Bush administration, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, and U.S. Agency for O International Development (USAID) Administrator Henrietta Fore unveiled the U.S. Government Counterinsurgency Guide. The guide was the first of its kind—an attempt at an inter- agency doctrine reaching across civilian and military agencies in the U.S. Government. It sought to create unifying principles for the counterinsurgency fight and to unite the involved agencies through a common game plan to “achieve synergy among political, security, economic and informa- tion activities.”1 Coordinated by the Bureau of Political-Military Affairs at the Department of State, the guide was coauthored by all the major government stakeholders in the counterinsurgency fight: USAID; the Departments of State, Defense, Justice, Treasury, Homeland Security, Transportation, and Agriculture; and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Moreover, the guide’s creation brought together some of the leading counterinsurgency strategists from across the U.S. Government and drew upon current experience. Seemingly, the finished product was well poised to shape the way the U.S. Government thinks about and conducts counterinsurgencies. And yet, more than a year and a half after its publication, the guide has languished in relative obscurity with little apparent impact on interagency planning, strategy, or operations in Iraq and Afghanistan or elsewhere. The result is particularly surprising in historical context, given the great success of two other doctrinal guides in shaping counterinsurgency strategic thought. -
Strategy, Grand Strategy, and the Enduring War on Terror 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON A US STRATEGIC VISION IN A CHANGING WORLD Strategy, Grand Strategy, and the Enduring War on Terror HAL BRANDS Strategy, in national security as in other fields, consists of using the available means to accomplish some important end. Grand strategy requires, among other things, incorporating a nation’s various strategies into a coherent—and solvent—whole. There can be, then, an inherent tension between the demands of successful strategy and those of sustainable grand strategy, for the requirements of maintaining solvency across the range of national programs may limit the amount of resources made available to accomplish some particular objective or meet some pressing threat. This is precisely the challenge the United States faces today in dealing with the problem of jihadist terrorism: the demands of strategy and the demands of grand strategy are Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism becoming progressively harder to reconcile. The United States has now been fighting a global war on terror (GWOT) for nearly two decades, but the threat posed by extremist groups—particularly those capable of creating geographic safe havens and mounting significant external attacks— remains. The confrontation with al-Qaeda’s “core” after 9/11 led to a struggle against the al-Qaeda “affiliates” in Iraq and elsewhere. That struggle continues, even as the campaign against the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (often referred to as ISIS) has taken pride of place in American counterterrorism strategy since 2014. No sooner has the United States suppressed or even defeated one terrorist organization, it often seems, than a new and dangerous successor or group of successors takes its place.