Pratnatattva Vol. 23; June 2017

Journal of the Department of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka ISSN 1560-7593

Pratnatattva Vol. 23; June 2017

Editorial Board Sufi Mostafizur Rahman Executive Editor Ashit Boran Paul Jayanta Singh Roy Mokammal Hossain Bhuiyan Bulbul Ahmed Shikder Mohammad Zulkarnine

Pratnatattva is published annually in June. It publishes original research articles, review articles, book reviews, short notes, seminar and conference news. The main objective of this journal is to promote researches in the field of Archaeology, Art History, Museology and related relevant topics which may contribute to the understanding and interpretation of the dynamic and varied interconnections among past, people and present. This journal is absolutely academic and bilingual. One can write and express his/her views either in Bangla (with a summary in English) or in English (with a summary in Bangla). Contribution to this Journal should be sent to Executive Editor, Pratnatattva, Journal of the Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka ([email protected]). Contributors should strictly follow the guidelines printed in the Journal or can ask for the copy of guideline from the Executive Editor. The Journal is distributed from the Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka – 1342.

Cover Concept : Jayanta Singh Roy

Front Cover : Hindu, Buddhist & Jaina

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© : Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh. EDITORIAL

In this volume (Vol. 23) of Pratnatattva contains articles across diverse topics. Different issues and problems regarding various aspects of the multidisciplinary practice of archaeology in South Asia have been addressed here. We strongly feel that many issues in the archaeology of South Asia are required to be dealt with more critical engagement. The first article of this volume is by Shubha Majumder. He has dealt with iconographic important of an image of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha. He discuss in detail the iconographic features of this newly documented Tīrthaṅkara image along with the earlier one. Swati Biswas’s paper is a very important initiative towards understanding and interpreting of an Unfinished Mughal Manuscript, known as Tutinama. He discuss the research till date around this interesting manuscript. Sabarni Pramanik Nayak have dealt with the nature and changing pattern of in Orissa, during 12th to 15th century on the basis of epigraphical records. It is a very interesting paper because Puri is a very familiar site to us due to the location of Jagannatha temple complex and many other small temples and monasteries and also for the enjoyable view of the Bay of . Sushmita Sen Pramanik and Tuli Guha Majumder’s paper is a very important contribution into the theme of understanding the context of historical origins and evolution of the Mahisamardini and her iconography in from archaeological and literary sources and to recognize the history of Mahisamardini Durga worship in Gujarat. Mepusangba explore the State museums of and and in his paper he try to understand how it represents the community and its identities. Swapan Kumar Biswas’s paper is a very significant report and analyses on a unique and rare iconic form of Mañjuśrī collected by Bangladesh National Museum. Md. Mosharaf Hossian and Md. Ataur Rahman have dealt with a temple complex known as local name Khelārāmdāta and its builder named Kenārāma who was a robber by profession in his early life and built this in honour of his father Khelārāma. We feel that the papers in this volume would offer different perspectives on several taken-for-granted assumptions and practices in archaeology. Any comment is welcome from you all. We would like to acknowledge our debt of gratitude to A K M Yaqub Ali, Md. Faruk Khan, Najma Khan Majlis, Bhairabi Prasad Sahu, Md. Mozammel Hoque, Md. Mosharaf Hossain, Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Swapan Kumar Biswas, Mahmudul Hasan and Md. Sohrab Uddin. These distinguished scholars have been kind enough to review all the papers which were submitted for this volume. With the aid of their rigorous peer reviewing and our firm decision to conform to their suggestions, we have published this volume without making any compromise on quality of the papers. The errors and shortcomings are the result of our limitations including budgetary constraints. Finally, the consistent efforts of Shahjahan Bhai and Nur Mohammad Bhai in press have made this production possible within the limited budget.

The responsibility for the facts stated, opinion expressed, or conclusions reached is entirely that of the contributors of the articles. The Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University accepts no responsibility for them.

Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 1-6 ISSN 1560-7593 A Rare Icon of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha from Purulia, : An Analytic Approach

SHUBHA MAJUMDER Archaeological Survey of New India Email: [email protected]

Abstract The attempt of the present paper is to bring forth the iconographic important of an image of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha. Recent discoveries and extensive field work has helped us to postulate that during the 8th -9th century onwards reach it zenith in the plateau region of ancient Bengal. The cultural heritage of this region received special momentum (with the radiation of sites, construction activities of temples, installation of icons, etc.) with the arrival of political lineages and religious ideologies during the early medieval period. This monumental feature of settlement structure is categorically envisaged by the enormous wealth of archaeological relics in form of abandoned temple complexes, architectural members and sculptural remains of the region. Interestingly, the impressive array of Jaina sculptures and architectural members in the database substantiates the fact that the region abounds in Jaina heritage and was one of thriving Jaina centre, at least for a considerable time during the early medieval period. These available Jaina sculptural and architectural ruins must be classified on the basis of their artistic as well as iconographic technique and also treat each and every sculptural specimen for their individual merit which may not always be wonderful but positively qualify for a valuable observation in connection with the artistic evaluation.

Last three years, extensive explorations were carried out in Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha: different areas of the western part of Bengal, mainly in the In Jaina ideology there is a great controversy regarding the District Purulia. This led to the documentation of an gender of the Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha (Bhattacharya 1974: amazing repertoire of archaeological sites/settlements 54-5; Shah, 1987: 159-60). According to the Śvetāmbara including huge sculptural as well as architectural remains, tradition the nineteenth Jaina Tīrthaṅkara, Mallinātha is a some known and some new discoveries. In this collection, female and she is the princess of King Kumbha and Queen Jaina sculptural and architectural remains are plenty in Prabhāvatī of Mithila in the Vaṅga country. Her birth took numbers and most of them have been recorded from the place in the Aśvini nakṣatra. On the other hand according different river valleys of the present study area including to the tradition, Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha is a the adjoining areas of Chhottanagpur plateau region. These male and they did not believe that a woman can obtain abundance Jaina antiquities indicate that this was the core mokṣa or kevalajñāna. Mallinātha obtains kevalajñāna region so far as the growth and development of Jainism in under an Aśoka tree and mokṣa on Mt. Sammeta. ancient Bengal are concerned. Except the sex, almost all other details about Mallinātha are During the exploration, the author also visited and common in both the Jaina traditions. It is very difficult for documented some collections of artefacts housed in the us to understand which tradition is older and more reliable local museums. Here again the Jaina sculptural remains are and what is the actual gender of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha. In in good number. The Ramkrishna Mission of Purulia town this connection the Jaina conical text Nāyādhammakahāo has a beautiful collection of stone sculptures, among them mention that Malli was the most beautiful princess of her an image of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha is especially age and this text is acknowledged by the Śvetāmbaras noteworthy and is the subject of the present study. This (Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacarita, vol. VI: 6; Uttarapurāṇa image is hitherto unreported and before the present research Parva 66; Nāyādhammakahāo 8). The several researches only one image of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha was reported show that this text is not earlier than the fourth century CE. (Chakrabarti 1993: 126) from ancient Bengal. However, the According to Hemacandra, this Jina was called Malli present study introduces another beautiful and unique because, when she was in her mother’s womb, the mother image of the nineteenth Tīrthaṅkara of Jaina ideology. The had a pregnancy desire for flower garlands (Bhattacharya, present paper will discuss in detail the iconographic 1939: op. cit.,). On the other hand Uttarapurāṇa says that he features of this newly documented Tīrthaṅkara image along was called Malli as he had conquered the wrestler (malla) with the earlier one. A brief note on Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha in the form of infatuation (Uttarapurāṇa Parva 66.1). The is also included here. symbol of this Jina is water-jar (kalaśa) and the Yakṣa and Yakṣiṇī of this Tīrthaṅkara is and Dharaṇapriyā (Dig. Aparājitā).

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 The debate regarding the gender of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha covered with a cloth is present. The right hands are displays still continues and the sculptural representations of this in abhya gesture and holding a broom, which is a Tīrthaṅkara create confusions. Very few sculptures of conspicuous element for ācāryas, in their left hands. The Mallinātha have been reported so far from the whole of alms-bowls of ācāryas are also depicting just behind them. India. Among them an interesting sculpture of female The presence of ācāryas or monks in the Jaina images is Mallinātha is presently preserved in the Lucknow museum not a common features in the present study area is (Acc. no.J.885) and was discovered from Unao in Uttar concerned1 however, this feature is widely popular in Pradesh (Fig. 1). Unfortunately the head of the image is Deogarh region of Madhya Pradesh. Klaus Bruhn (1986: missing and the cognizance, water pot in the centre of the 179-187) extremely studied the Jaina sculptural remains of seat, is much mutilated. The dhyānamudra and padmāsana this region and he identified and classified the Jaina posture and the prominent breasts make it quite certain that ācāryas or monks properly. According to him the ācārya the image represents Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha according to motif was popular mainly from ca. 1000 to 1150 CE. He the Śvetāmvara tradition. On the back of the image the also mentioned that in Deogarh region the Jaina ācāryas braid of hair is well represented (Shah 1956: 128). All these and monks motifs are belong to four categories derived feature shows that the image is actually a figure of female from the members (objects) which carry them: Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha and this is the only image where  Type A - compositions on lower door-jambs Malli is represented as a female. However it is interesting to  Type B - on lintels and oblong slabs (1 oblong slab) note that Mallinātha images in any present day Śvetāmvara shrine does not have female features. On the other hand,  Type C - on “niche slabs” and “frieze slabs” (2 niche except the earlier image all other sculptures of Mallinātha slabs) belonged to the Digamvara sect.  Type D - on capitals of pillars (mainly mānastambhas). However, in western Bengal, the Jaina ācāryas and monks are mainly depicted on the pedestal of the Tīrthaṅkara image.

Fig. 1. Mallinātha image in the Lucknow Museum

Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha image from Ramkrishna Mission, Purulia: The image (Fig. 2) under study is carved out on a rectangular back-slab with projected side frame and it measures 112 x 55 x 14 cm. The Jina is standing in kāyotsarga posture on a double-petalled lotus placed on a sapta-ratha pedestal. The pedestal of this image is unique. The central ratha of the pedestal (Fig. 3) bears the lāñchana of the Jina i.e., kalaśa is neatly carved and placed between Stylized representations of crouching lions. Two ācāryas Fig. 2: Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha image from Ramkrishna facing each other are depict in the next rathas of the Mission, Purulia pedestal. In front of them a sthāpanā (wooden stand),

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Undoubtedly, the present image is the work of a master craftsman and the entire composition signifies perfect symmetry and poise. It seems that the iconometric rules prescribed in the Jaina canons (those dealing with iconography) have been adhered to by the craftsman. This image may be carved for the central deity of the temple or monastery. Stylistically, the image may be assignable to c. 11th – 12th century CE. The exact find spot of this image is not known however, the artistic features of the image indicate that the image most probably collected or brought from Pakbirra or Chharra region of Purulia district.

Mallinātha image from Suisa: The earlier reported image of the Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha (Fig. 5) from Suisa, Purulia district of West Bengal is Fig. 3: Details of the pedestal of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha image measures 75 x 37 x 12 cm. The head of the Jina along with from Ramkrishna Mission, Purulia the upper part of the back-slab is missing. Due to the highly weathered it is very difficult to study the details In the present image, the remaining portions (the extreme iconographic features of this image. Like the newly image rathas) of the pedestal are decorated with geometrical the Jina is in his usual posture on a double-petalled lotus motifs interspersed with rosette motifs. The mūla-nāyaka placed on a pañca-ratha pedestal. The kalaśa i.e., the obviously devoid of any worldly attire, has elongated ear- lāñchana of the Jina is neatly carved at the centre of the lobes, and his hair is arranged in schematic curls with pedestal along with two devotees in namaskāra-mudrā prominent uṣṇīṣa. A circular śiraścakra with leafed edges (folded hands). At both ends of the pedestal a crouching adorns the head of the saviour. Above the śiraścakra is the lion is depicted. The back-slab also reveals the male cauri- depiction of the tree associated with the kevalajñāna of the bearers flanking the Jina at the lower corners. Most Jina i.e., Aśoka tree. Unfortunately, the trilinear chatra of probably this is a caubisī type of sculpture and the the image is damaged, which is flanked by two vidyādharas remaining back-slab contains some miniature figures of the holding long garlands. The Jina is flanked on both sides by Tīrthaṅkaras. stout male cauri-bearers. They wear deeply incised loin cloths and elaborate jewellery and both of them have plain, small oval shaped halos. Obviously, the modulation of surfaces apparent from the drapery and jewellery are restricted to these parikara elements. These cauri-bearers stand on lotus pedestals and their left hands are in kaṭyāvalambita posture and the right hands hold a fly- whisk. Another interesting feature of this image is the representations of ratna-pātras between the feet of the cauri-bearers and mūlanāyaka. The Jina figure is flanked by pillar like structural appendages surmounted by triangular fleurons. On the edges of the back-slab, on a projected frame, are miniature figures of eight planets (jyotiṣka-) arranged in a vertical row of four on either side of the Jina. Those on the dexter side appear to be Sūrya, Maṅgala, Bṛhaspati and Śani; while those on the sinister side are Soma, Buddha, Śukra and Rāhu. The eight planetary deities are seated in their usual postures (Sūrya is seated in padmāsana posture and except Rāhu remaining six planetary deities are seated in ardha-paryaṅkāsana posture) and holding their respective attributes in both the hands.2 The presence of planetary deities in Jaina images of Bengal is a common Fig. 4: Tīrthaṅkara Candraprabha image from Tiluri, features and the present author also documented a good Bankura (after Chattofadhyay 2010) numbers of this type of Jaina images.

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 early medieval period. The present discoveries highlight that the popularity of Jainism in ancient Bengal was dependent on the active role of the Jaina ācāryas as well as the monks who played a pivotal role in dispersing the Jaina teachings among the common people and thereby gaining new adherents to the religion and thus sustained it over a long period of time.

Fig. 5: Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha image from Suisa, Purulia

Observation: The above documentation highlights some issues which are really important to understand with respect to Jaina iconography as well as the sculptural activities of the said Fig. 6. Jaina ācārya sculpture from Chanderi Museum, Madhya Pradesh (Photo courtesy Ranbir Singh Rajput) region. The most important aspect of the present study is to identify the depiction of the ācāryas-and-monks motifs in Jaina images. The figures of ācāryas and monks are well known in the Jaina art of central India (Fig. 6 & 7) however, it is quite interesting that the Jaina images from Purulia and Bankura also bear the depiction of the figures of ācāryas and monks. The depiction of ācāryas and monks indicate that in and around these localities Jaina monastic system had developed and Jainism had strongly penetrated the local levels of the society. There is a serious lack of researches in this aspect about the minor motifs depicted in the Jaina images of ancient Bengal. Most of scholars studied the iconic detail of the main image and sometimes the planetary deities were also the subject of the study, however, these ācāryas-and-monks motifs were neglected. It should be realized that Indian iconography is multifaceted and it is not only in a general sense but also in so far as different motifs are concerned. There are not only main images but also small figures decorating images (mūrtis) and architectural members. The depiction of these motifs also reflects on the contemporary situation of the society as well as the different approaches of the then artist. In early Bengal, the presence of Śaiva ācāryas (Chattopadhyay, Ray & Majumder 2013: 173-256) as well as Buddhist monks were popularly well known and they Fig. 7. Jaina ācārya sculpture from Chanderi Museum, acted as religious propagators. Jainism was also one of the Madhya Pradesh (Photo courtesy Ranbir Singh Rajput) popular religious ideologies in ancient Bengal during the

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Acknowledgements I am really grateful to Dr. Jayanta Singh Roy, Associate Professor, Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh for his keen interest in the subject concerned and for agreeing to publish this discovery. I am grateful to Ranbir Singh Rajput, Curator Bihar Museum, Patna for fig. 6 & 7. I have no words to express my gratitude to my guide & teachers Professor Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay, Paresh Chatterjee Chair Professor of History, Department of History, Presidency University, Kolkata and Dr. Rajat Sanyal, Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, . The present paper is possible due to their constant support and guidance. I am sincerely grateful to my senior officer Dr. Arvin Manjul, Superintending Archaeologist, Archaeological Survey of India, Excavation Branch II, Purana Qila, New Delhi for her constant encouragement and valuable suggestions time to time. I thank Dr. Goutami Bhattacharya for her kind support in preparing the manuscript and I also thank to Abir Kumar Garai, Ph.D. Research Scholar of the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta for his kind co- operation and assistance during this field investigation. At the last but not the least I convey my heartiest regards to my Fig. 8. Śaiva ācārya sculpture from Uttarraybar, Moghalmari best friend and my ‘better half’ Pampa Biswas (Bristy) for region, Datan, district West Midnapur, West Bengal everything.

The image of Tīrthaṅkara Mallinātha further highlights the Endnote fact that the worship of this Tīrthaṅkara was also popular in 1. An image of Tīrthaṅkara Candraprabha (70 cm x 38 cm) was this part of ancient Bengal. The sculptures briefly described reported from the Tiluri village of Bankura district, West Bengal and discussed above may be assigned on stylistic and (Chattopadhyay 2010: 158 & 197). In this image Jina is in iconographic grounds to the period between the eleventh dhyānāsana posture and is finely executed. The Jina (Fig. 4) is seated on a double-petalled lotus placed over a high tri-ratha and the twelfth centuries CE. These, including the other pedestal depicting his lāñchana, the crescent (candra), and figures stupendous sculptural remains from this district as well as of some ācārya and monks. The ācārya is seated in padmāsana other parts of the rāḍha region of ancient Bengal, were their liṅga is invisible. The ācārya holds a book in his left hand, products created by the fusion of the art idioms of while his right hand is shown without any object. In front of the neighboring areas of the Chhotanagpur plateau region. The ācārya a sthāpanā (wooden stand) is visible and a monks seated depictions of ācāryas and monks motifs indicate that the near to the sthāpanā of an ācārya. Accepts these images there are some other images of ācāryas and monks and they are actively presence of these religious gurus also influenced the local busy with their own works. authority as well as the contemporary artists and they may not have been directly controlled by the ‘Pāla-Sena’ rulers The nude Jina with an uṣṇīṣa and elongated earrings is seated under a chhatra (umbrella) which is excellently carved on the top (Majumder 2016: 240). As a result of these, an essentially of the stele. The deity is flanked by his two attendants or cauri- local matrix of art form evolved in this region. This bearers. Two vidyādharas or garland-bearers are depicted on both tradition continued for a long period of time. sides of the top of the stele. On the back-slab of the image eight Dikpālas are depict, recognizable through their respective The present study indicates that the western sectors of West vehicles, arranged in a vertical row of four on either side of the Bengal deserve more careful archaeological investigation in Jina. Due to the abraded condition of the image it is very difficult order to understand the nature of participants of the Jaina to describe the iconographic details of eight Dikpālas. The image ācāryas and monks in the propagation of the Jaina religious may be assigned to c. CE. ideology in this sector of Bengal; secondly, it indicates that 2. Sūrya is holding two lotuses in his both the hands; Maṅgala such micro-regional study is expected to throw welcome holding the shaft of a spear in his left hand and a water pot (may light on the nature of Jaina art activities within a local be kamaṇḍalu) in his right hand; the right hand of Bŗhaspati is in tradition and also study the minute details of the images for abhaya mudrā and he hold a manuscript in his left hand; Śani is understanding the contemporary situation also. clearly distinguished by his peculiar sitting pose and the staff with a roundish top; Soma (Candra) is depict with a pot in his left hand and right hand is in varada mudrā. A crescent moon is depicting

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 just behind the head of Soma. Budha holds a bow and an arrow in Shah, U. P. (1987) Jaina-Rūpa-Maṇḍana (Jaina Iconography). his right and left hands respectively. Śukra holds a water pot in his Vol 1. New Delhi: Abhinav. right hand and an indistinct object in his left hand. Rāhu is Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacarita by Hemacandra, Translated in English identified with his robust like head and his hands are in the by Helen H.Johnson (1962), Baroda Oriental Institute. tarpana mudrā. Uttarapurāṇa by Ācārya , Edited and Translated in welqms‡ÿc by , (1954), Calcutta: Bharatiya Jnanpith Publication. wLªóxq c~e© lô kZ‡Ki ˆRb MÖš’ AvPvi½ m~Î Abyhvqx ¯^qs gnvexi ˆRb ag© cÖPv‡ii D‡Ï‡k¨ ÔjvpÕ †`‡ki Ôe¾f~wgÕ I

Ô¯^eŸf~wgÕ‡Z G‡mwQ‡jb, GB ÔjvpÕ †h eZ©gv‡bi ÔivpÕ AÂj Zv‡Z †Kvb m‡›`n †bB| cuyw_MZ m~Î †_‡K cÖvPxb evsjvq ˆRb a‡g©i m~Pbvi welqwU Rvbv †M‡jI GB g‡Zi mc‡ÿ AšÍZ beg wLªóvã ch©šÍ ivp e‡½ ˆRb ag© cÖPvi I cÖmv‡ii †Kvb my¯úó cÖZœZvwË¡K cÖgvY cvIqv hvq bv| Z‡e beg kZvãxi mgq †_‡K ·qv`k kZvãx ch©šÍ ˆRbag© cÖvPxb e‡½ AZ¨šÍ cÖejfv‡e kw³kvjx n‡q D‡VwQj| mv¤úªwZKKv‡j cÖZœvbymÜvb Pvwj‡q ivp AÂj †_‡K GKvwaK cÖZœ¯’j Avwe¯‹…Z n‡q‡Q †hLv‡b ˆRb gw›`i I ˆRb cÖ¯Íig~wZ© Ae‡nwjZ fv‡e c‡i Av‡Q| †Kv_vI ev †mB me ˆRb g~wZ©¸wj wn›`y †`eZv ev †`ex iƒ‡c c~wRZ n‡”Q| eZ©gvb cÖe‡Ü Av‡jvwPZ ˆRb cÖ¯Íi g~wZ©wU Zx_©¼i gwjøbv‡_i| GB Zx_©¼i Gi g~wZ© GL‡bv ch©šÍ mgMÖ fviZel© †_‡K Lye mvgvb¨ cwigv‡Y Avwe®‹…Z n‡q‡Q| ZvB GB g~wZ©wU Avwe®‹vi I Zvi g~wZ©ZË¡ MZ Av‡jvPbv evsjvi ˆRb cÖZœPP©vq GK beZg ms‡hvRbv n‡e| g~wZ©ZË¡ MZ fv‡e eZ©gv‡b Av‡jvwPZ g~wZ©wU we‡kl Zvrch©c~Y© Ges GB g~wZ©i wkíixwZ †mB mgq cÖPwjZ Ôcvj-†mbÕ hy‡Mi wkíixwZi mv‡_ mv`„k¨c~Y© bq eis †mB hy‡M ivp e‡½ GKK ¯’vbxq wkíixwZi D™¢e n‡qwQj|

References Bhattacharya, B. C. (1939/1974) The Jaina Iconography. 2nd ed. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Bruhn, K. (1986). ‘The Ācārya Motif at Deogarh’, edited by G.Bhattacharya in Deyadharam (studies in memory of Dr. D.C.Sircar), Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, pp: 179-188. Chakrabarti, Dilip K. (1993) Archaeology of Eastern India: Chhotanagpur Plateau and West Bengal. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Chattopadhyay, R. K. (2010) Bankura: A Study of its Archaeological Sources, Kolkata: Platinum Publisher. Chattopadhyay, R. K., Swati Ray & Shubha Majumder (2013). ‘The Kingdom of the Śaivācāryas’, Berliner Indologische Studien, Germany volume 21: 173-256. Majumder, S. (2016). ‘Recent Explorations at Balarampur (Purulia district, West Bengal)’, Purattva 46: 236-241. Nāyādhammakahāo edited by Muni Jambuvijaya, (1989), Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay. Shah, U. P. (1956) ‘A Rare Sculpture of Mallinatha’, Acarya Vijaya Vallabhasuri Smrti Grantha, Bombay.

6 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 7-14 ISSN 1560-7593 The First Mughal Intervention in an Unfinished Manuscript: Tutinama

SWATI BISWAS Department of Islamic History and Culture University of Calcutta Kolkata 700027 Email: [email protected]

Abstract The activities of Mughal atelier in the early phase remain to be very intriguing. Most of the manuscripts are undated. Thus, the chronologies of the manuscripts are hard to determine. The habit of intervention of the Mughal artist in unfinished manuscripts of different genre in their own idiom is another factor that has intrigued historians for a long time. The first such manuscript is an indigenous manuscript of Tutinama. The essay tries to probe in the cause of such an activity and has tried to analyse, and put into one place all the controversy around this manuscript, which once was considered the first manuscript of the atelier.

Tutinama: the intriguing Mughal manuscript In 1976AD Pramod Chandra went on to give a detailed The activities of the artists in the Mughal atelier in the early account of its two hundred and eighteen illustrations and phase are at times very intriguing. One such affair is the establish his earlier view in detail in a monograph. He tried Mughal intervention in the unfinished manuscripts of to establish that the different styles that dominated Northern different genre. The question is why the master artists and Indian Painting at the advent of the Mughals, namely the the apprentices tried their hand in these manuscripts at a Chandayana, Chaurapanchasika and Indo Persian or time when the grand project of Hamzanama and deluxe Sultanate School contributed greatly in the formation of the projects like Ashiqa and Anwar i Suhaili were in full swing. Mughal idiom. There can be no doubt that in the initial It was a time when the Mughal idiom was being established phase the artist of these genres did participate in the atelier. and a new school of painting was emerging. The projects It is also true that Tūtî-nāma indicates how different were the reflection of the dynamism of the young patron. elements ‘fed into the early Mughal style’ (Cleaveland As the empire expanded, the emperor Jalaluddin 1987: 53-95). mature. The subjects of the illustrated manuscripts changed and it resonated the mind of the emperor. In the initial phase Bukharan manuscript like Ashiqa was completed in 1568. The project was not exactly direct intervention. Two blank pages of the manuscript were completed by two magnificent illustrations in Mughal style and a complete deviation from the Persian school in its mood, style and movement quotient. The intervention in Tutinama is very different. It was a manuscript, which originated in the subcontinent and was partially illustrated in Chandayana style. The Mughal artist interestingly tried their hands in every possible was and it seems like a unique experimentation and the reason for it is still unknown. The essay will try to probe the reason to some extent and in the process will discuss the research till date around this interesting manuscript. Introducing the manuscript Tutinama, the illustrated manuscript of Zia al -din Nakhshabi in the Cleveland Museum was first introduced to the world in 1963AD by Sherman Lee and Pramod Chandra

(1963: 547-554). They tried to establish that the manuscript represented the basis of the formation of the Mughal style. Fig. 1: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 The work once consisted of three hundred and forty one The claim was challenged very rightly by John Seyller in folios of which six are missing and seven are in private 1992 AD. (Seyller1992: 283-318). The discussion below collection. The thin paper is of light ivory colour. The will therefore try to look into the argument of both Pramod present size of the folio including the margin is 16.5 by Chandra and John Seyller along with other scholars to find 10.5cm is enclosed by red, black and gold rulings with out the approximate date of Tutinama, the nature of the thirteen lines each in good Naskh. It contained fifty two manuscript and its contribution to the history of Mughal tales with illustrations. (Pramod1978: 76-82) The Painting. The study of this manuscript not only help in miniatures are of varying size but none are larger than the sorting out these problems to an extent but also will help to surface reserved for writing. There are two hundred and probe into the nature of the Mughal atelier in its initial eleven illustrated folios in the Cleveland Museum. The phase. It is important to probe the claim of the scholars as present binding in green was done in European style in the to what extent the manuscript is closely allied to the larger 19th century. Inspite of this some still have broad margins and later Hamzanama work for its ‘narrative directness’ though all do not have ascriptions. The ascriptions of (Beach1987: 53-95). Daswant and Basavan are large and done in . There It has far less stylistic homogeneity and comparatively are other ascriptions too. There are twelve painters whose rough in execution compared to Hamzanama. It is also name has been ascribed. On the ground of style it can be amazing as to how Akbar allowed so many variations from said that almost another thirty three painters worked on the pre Mughal Hindu and Muslim trends as well as Iranian manuscript (Pramod1978: 76-82). trends to exist in the same manuscript at a time when the well skilled uniform Hamzanama production was being done in full swing. It is from this query perhaps the argument of John Syller is very pertinent. The study by Syller was based on much advanced scientific methodology. The argument of Pramod Chandra was that the artists who worked on the manuscript were of three types. Firstly, the artists who still worked in the pre- Mughal manner, secondly, the artist who were in transition and thirdly, those who imbibed the Mughal idiom. Thus this manuscript is important for the journey that the artist took in the Mughal atelier for the sake of independent Mughal School. Based on the above argument J. P Losty also agreed that Tutinama is the perfect example which bears the work of the artists who travelled to the Mughal atelier in its initial phase. (Losty 1982: 74-85) It also gives the glimpse of the very beginning of the careers of some of the well-known artists, notably Daswant and Basavan and their work stood out for its skill. The Mughal idiom was in the process of its formulation and thus the artists left back the traces of their own trend in the work. The variety of work by single artist is noteworthy. The work has in its mood was the precursor of Darabnama of the . The range here is even greater. These arguments may be entirely not untrue but the degree of it lies in question. The argument though was challenged much before by Indian scholars like Anand (Krishna1973: 241-168)

and Karl Khandalavala (Khandalavala 1962: 9-13). They Fig. 2: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century have disputed on mostly dubious grounds the manuscript’s early date, the validity of its marginal ascriptions, and even

its imperial provenance. Argument was countered by The Controversy Pramod Chandra in the monograph of 1976AD. Thus it is Pramod Chandra regarded Tutinama as the earliest important now to summaries the observation of Pramod manuscript of the Mughal atelier. He also claimed that it Chandra and the other scholars who based on the thesis of was planned and executed at the behest of Akbar. This Pramod Chandra agreed on his claim to some extent. Then claim is based purely on an assumption. the counter argument of John Syller will be discussed.

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 year or so and the Mughal style was constructed very fast but not in a year. Pramod Chandra than went on to make a detailed observation regarding the style of the illustrations in the manuscript. In his view while depicting nature like trees, rocks and sky both pre-Mughal and Mughal idiom was used. The architecture though was done following pre Mughal Indian tradition. Proamod Chandra referred to AbulFazl in this regard where the 16th century court historian mentioned that the Emperor was the inspiration behind the transformation of the Persian taste of the master in the atelier to ‘a more sublime level and greater depth of spirit’. It was concluded that Akbar himself was trained in the art and could effectively appreciate both the limitations and possibilities of change. Thus Tutinama in the initial phase of the Mughal atelier became the symbol of how the Safavid and the pre Mughal Indian styles precipitated to the Mughal mood andstyle. The rapid transformation of the elements was done within a very short span of time. This magical transformation also hinted to the uniqueness of the Mughal atelier in particular and the at large.

Argument of other scholars Fig. 3: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century Milo C Beach is of opinion that the style of the Tutinama is so varied that it could be well contemporary to the early Argument of Pramod Chandra days of Hamzanama (Beach 1987: 51-96). The focus of the later manuscripts is lacking here and thus it can be dated to Pramod Chandra claimed interestingly that all these artists the very earliest years [1556-1560AD] of Akbar’s reign. were grappling with the Mughal idiom. Thus many of them The manuscript curiously portrays an animated expression freely borrowed from the Chandayana, Chaurapanchasika apt to its narrative and this feature is absent in the pre and Indo Persian style. Though the elements overlapped in Mughal genre of Indian or for that matter in Persian a manner that it is very difficult to mark all features painting too. On the other hand in case of technique it distinctly. The Mughal idiom to these features added to its follows the traditional method of carefully outlined layout complexity though it contributed greatly to its richness and filled with solid colours to create a strong pattern. Again in variety (Chandra1976: 152-168). another instance the painting has been done very quickly The work is mostly not ascribed. In spite of this Pramod and spontaneously so that the movement of the brush as Chandra discussed the works of the artists in his argument well as the texture of the pigment can also be noticed. Milo purely relying on the style. In his view artists like Daswant, C Beach finds this technique very close to the Banavari, and Basavan along with few unnamed artist contemporary Northern European trend. Again it is not showed the new acquired skill of the Mughal atelier. Again much possible to imbibe the European technique so early in in attaining the same skill the work of Iqbal was relatively the atelier intentionally which he agreed. This technique coarse and heavy. One named Lalu was still not was also seen in Hamzanama sometimes though the process comfortable with the new components of the Mughal of it remains unclear. atelier. is also another artist among the thirteen named The manuscript does not help in realizing that a definite in AbulFazl’s work whose painting is ascribed in Tutinama. pattern was emerging from it. It though followed a strict The illustrations in the first part are mostly done by the rule that if a folio bears a miniature on both sides than it artists who were more attuned to the pre Mughal style. The was essentially done by a single artist. The technique by artists who were able to acquire the Mughal style which the pictures were executed was same as that of the contributed to towards the end of the manuscript. Thus it is other schools of the time. The preliminary under drawing somewhat ‘tempting’ to conclude that the ‘manuscript was done with the brush over which a thin coat of zinc shows within itself the gradual evolution of the Mughal oxide was applied. Then the colour was applied. Gold was style’. This is ‘symbolically’ true but not ‘literally’ correct also applied in the same way. The smaller areas were (Chandra1976: 152-168). Here Pramod Chandra argues that coloured later. Burnishes were repeated after each colour. Tutinama was painted relatively in a short time, about a The dyes were definitely mineral extracts.

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 The Manuscript has close proximity to Hamzanama in Mughal style of the early Akbar period as represented by some of its illustrations where bold execution becomes the the Hamzanama, the 1568 Ashiqa, the 1570 Anwari–Suhaili marked feature. Again it has illustration very close to the and the Rampur Tarjama-i Sirr al-maktum manuscript is Chandayana at Chhatrapati Sivaji Maharaja Vastu not present.’ (Chandra1976: 155-170). Sangrahalay, with high domed horizon with a large leaning tree to the side. The variation is brought about Based on the above argument the scholars till 1992AD in the colours which are much richer. The depiction of grass more or less accepted the above notion and placing has this luxuriant effect of the Mughal School. The trunk of Tutinama in the earlier phase of Hamzanama tried to the tree is modeled and the leaves are freely daubed. The analyse the illustrations accordingly. trees have this lovely cluster of yellow leaved edges. In The observation made by the scholars regarding certain general the effect is livelier (Chandra1976: 155-170). style and its relationship is not all untrue. Like Milo C The common feature of the pre is the use Beach observed that the scene which depicts the ‘Meeting of Mango tree with drooping leaves and freshly sprouting of the Merchants daughter with the Gardener’ in Tutinama pink leaves. The Tutinama version of it has slender trunk has striking similarity with the scene representing ‘Nanda and compact top. In depiction of the water also the same and the Elders’ in the Bhagavata Purana series. In the progression is noticed. The typical basket pattern now same work the painting depicting ‘The Third Suitor shoots breaks and the ripple of the water becomes more prominent. the Wicked Fairy’ is completely different in style from the The artist here is struggling to depict the water with its above. It has more similarity with Persian school in its entire swirl as the freedom is attained in Hamzanama. layout, mood and choice of objects. It was believed that the Tutinama reminds us about the struggle of the artist. The Tutinama therefore can be said as a product which includes strip of the sky reminds one of the Chandayana group but all the elements that were incorporated in the Mughal the dots of the ground are replaced by shaded soft green and School while Hamzanama was the product of that yellow grass. The geometric monotony of the sky is broken incorporation at its best in the initial phase (Beach1987: 53- by the foliage of the trees (Chandra1976: 155-170) 96). There is a preference to depict women in the Chaurapanchasika style. The rhythmic outline and characteristic patterns of dress and types of jewelry are very same along with archaic features of the figure (Chandra1976: 155-170) The painters who were weak to adopt the Mughal style also in the treatment of human figures attempted to give depth to the composition and the modeling of the forms. Pramod Chandra prior to Milo C Beach has tried to fix a date to Tutinama. The problem with his dating is that he has ascertained the date of Hamzanama between the year1562- 1577AD. There is no doubt that the work is contemporary to Hamzanama. It belongs to the category of those manuscripts which has rapid and bold execution and more number of illustrations. The illustrations have been again done by single painters and thus are of various standards like the Darabnama. The supervision of Hamzanama is absent here. The manuscript has common features with Tarjama-i Sirr al-maktum, Beatty Tutinama and the British Library Darabnama. The absolute refinement of 1568 Ashiqa may not have been there but the character of it is also different. It has some archaic character which are absent in 1568 Ashiqa. Thus bearing in mind all the early manuscripts it can be said that Tutinama was executed in the early years of Hamzanama but was completed much earlier than that. This was the argument which was established in the monograph by Pramod Chandra in 1976. The overlapping of the styles in the manuscript made it curiously interesting. In spite of all the styles within ‘there Fig. 4: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century is not a single painting in which the movement towards the

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 It is also interesting to note certain innovations made at this Tutinama was examined under a microscope and infra-red time in the Mughal atelier. There are two early illustrations light and overpainting was seen in almost half of the which are otherwise naive in execution shows how with the illustrations. The overpainting was also observed by use of mountains in the middle of the picture the foreground Pramod Chandra but he considered the overpainting as a is separated from the background. ‘Prince Akbar Hunting a correction of iconography or style occurring with few days Nilgae’ at the Fitzwilliam Album and ‘A Woman or months of the execution of the original paintings. The Encounters a Leopard’ both uses this mountain in the above view was challenged by John Seyller and he notes middle and creates a spatial continuity. This in turn focuses that Tūtî-nāma was originally illustrated in the Chandayana the narrative on a single incident increasing its dramatic style several decades before it came into the hands of the impact. This innovation was aptly used in Hamzanama and Mughal artists. They in turn reworked on the existing other Akbari manuscripts to create the drama and to illustration and added new illustration in the blank space enhance the narrative intensity (Beach1987: 53-96). This left. hunting scene also shows the Humayuni headgear which was not in vogue during the time of Akbar and perhaps this Thus he made three conclusions: can also be used as an evidence to prove the early date of The thoroughly ‘Mughalized’ illustrations at the beginning ‘Prince Akbar Hunting a Nilgae’. Abul Fazl narrates a of the manuscript are completely over painted works. historical account in Akbarnama of an incident in July The painting in the central section that show more affinity 1555AD when Prince Akbar stuck a Nilgae and this pleased to the Chandayana are actually from the original style of Humayun to a great extent. This picture could be narrating the manuscript whose repainting has been limited primarily the same scene (Beach1987: 53-96). In comparison to this to the faces and clothes. picture another illustration ‘A Prince Hunting Falcon’, signed by Mir Sayyid Ali in Tutinama is interesting. The The most uninterrupted series of illustrations in the style of work of the master is much refined though the mood and the Hamzanama at the end of the manuscript represents genre of the work is similar to the ‘Prince Akbar Hunting a ‘fresh efforts in the previously unillustrated part of the Nilgae’. The later work may be that of his apprentice which manuscript’. (Fig 1 to 6) is much crude in execution compared to that of the master Therefore this observation concludes that ‘the variety of but this style ‘becomes basic’ to the most manuscript of the styles in the Cleveland Tūtî-nāma is a function not of the early Akbar painting (Beach1987: 53-96). atelier’s incomplete assimilation of large numbers of artist The portrait of Akbar is also found in one of the trained in regional styles , but rather one of the degree of illustrations of Tūtî-nāma. This was perhaps the first such overpainting’. accurate portrait. In the scene ‘The Magician Disguised as a Brahman, Visits the King’ the portrait of the king has almost exact resemblance to the scene ‘Akbar Receives the dancing Girls of Baz Bahadur’ in Akbarnāma of 1590AD where Akbar was presented the dancing girls captured by Baz Bahadur. Thus importance of portrait and its technique was well known in the Mughal atelier from the very beginning. This seems to be the only explicit visual reference to Akbar in the manuscript which is very appropriate (Beach1987: 53-96). It is interesting to note that the above scene in Tūtî-nāma depicts the powerful ruler of Babylon, a ‘symbol of power and creativity’. This was perhaps done intentionally to enhance the prestige of the Emperor. This trend was later frequently used in Mughal painting and it became a tool to identify the Empire and its powerful Emperor. The observation of the above paragraph is not false but it is under the impression that the Tutinama was wholly executed in the Mughal atelier and during the early phase of Hamzanama. Argument of John Seyller It is now important to summarise the proposition of John Seyller in 1992AD which ushered a new era in analysing the manuscript Tutinama in particular and the nature of Mughal atelier in general. Fig. 5: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 In many paintings the human figures were reworked and the with no hint of painted or drawn tile work or brick work. pre Mughal architectural settings were left virtually intact. The reworking of nearly all the previous paintings is that Sometimes gross and subtle alterations occurred in the same there was a desire for at least leaving a trace of continuity painting. The artist who worked on the manuscripts with the style of the new illustrations. reworking also contributed different change in different The Hamzanama on the other hand show another folio. For example an artist named Gujarati keeps intact the characteristic technical feature of the Mughal painting, that Chandayana styled gold domed sky and ribbon like clouds is, the remarkably detailed underdrawing of the figures. and repaints the human figure giving it new motion. The This underdrawing helped in adding detail to the facial same artist in another folio keeps intact the stiffness of the expressions, clothes and depiction of moustaches and human figures but alters the complexion with a lighter hue turbans. There is a complete absence of this technique in and changes only the clothes. The same artist again over the Tutinama. It follows the style of rudimentary sketch of paints a folio and adds new canopy to the existing old the figure like the pre Mughal Indian technique. styled architecture to give it a Mughal feel. He even goes on to change an interior scene to an exterior by adding lush Another aspect of early Mughal painting technique is also green thick grasses. interesting to note here. If some damaged folios of Hamzanama be examined than one finds that after the From this and many other examples like this John Seyller completion of a detailed underdrawing in black ink, Mughal came to the conclusion that the reworking of Tutinama was artists laid down the base colour for the broad areas of the taken in the atelier was primarily a matter of updating the landscape or architecture first and then filled in the hue style in which the imagery was rendered. The decision to before applying them and customarily modeled one colour rework the Tutinama manuscript was surely made at the forms with shades of the same colour. Thus it can be said atelier’s supervisory level, how much repainting was that to illustrate Hamzanama mostly a single layer of paint actually done on a given illustration was left up to the has been used. Only in the landscape and sky did Mughal individual artists, ‘who approached the task with artists strive constantly to achieve a multi-colored effect by unexpected variation in both painterly ambition and layering successive washes of different colours. Thus this practical concern’. ‘logical and efficient ‘technique is the reason for the In the technique of the overpainting also there were occurrence of covered layers of acrimonious colours in different methods applied. Thus the previous assumption of certain portions. This appears throughout much in Tūtî- the scholars who supposedly thought that the painting nāma. Thus this unconventionality is only because the format was uniform has been countered. John Seyller went manuscript is an overpainted one (Seyller 1992: 283-318). on to analyse the technique of early Mughal painting with There is a complete absence of the Chāndayānā style in a the technique of painting and overpainting in Tūtî-nāma. section of the manuscript and thus John Seyller came to the The work has to be seen as a previously illustrated conclusion that the artists in Mughal atelier refurbished and manuscript in pre Mughal technique where over painting completed a partially illustrated Chāndayānā manuscript. has been done in three ways:

The earlier illustrations were sometime removed with wet cloth or brush and painting was done directly over it. The artist applied an even layer of paint over most of the original image and then added something in the new style (Seyller 1992: 283-318). The question now is raised that even if Tutinama was substantially reworked, can it be that it is merely contemporary revisions and not overpainting. The answer may be sought in the techniques of the Mughal over paintings and the original illustrations, the number and position of demonstrably altered paintings throughout the manuscript and the absolute correlation of the Chandayana style to Chandayana motifs. The standard Mughal style of painting is absent in most of the illustrations of Tutinama. The Tutinama illustrations have been done by rubbing or direct over painting or layer by layer build up of the new image from the background to the final details of the face and costume. If this be compared to the heavily abraded section of a Tutinama painting with that of 1568 Ashiqa one Fig. 6: Tutinama, Mughal Manuscript, 16th Century finds that in later the damaged areas reveal a plain surface

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 This conclusion has been drawn from the following has paintings worked by individual artist in random without features: the strict control of Hamzanama also does not have any First the thick lines, opaque pigments and discoloration of trace of Chaurapanchasika elements (Seyller 1992: 283- the first half diminishes in the later folios which are 318). comparatively clear in form and the paints are attuned to the A number of Chaurapanchasika style illustrations in the rest of the early Mughal painting. Tūtiînama are in fact painted over the earlier Chandayana The illustrations which were done purely by the Mughal style layer of illustrations. Thus the fact that Chandayana artist in the latter half of the manuscript have an unpainted style is prior to the Chaurapanchasika style is established by gap between the painting and the gold ruling. In some case this fact. the rough preliminary line left by the Mughal artists are also The Chaurapanchasika style is antithetical to the Mughal visible. The gap sometimes is so wide that a second ruling features. If the Mughal features advocate vigorous in red is found around the actual edge of the painting field. modeling of figures, architecture, and rocks, animated poses The first half of the manuscript has paintings which over and expressions, muted colours, complicated compositions spill the space which intends actually to conceal the earlier and areas suggesting space then Chaurāpanchāsikā in painting. Many illustrations lack any sort of formal ruling at contrast was all for flattened forms, extraordinary schematic the top or bottom of their painting fields. This was only figures, saturated primary colours and abstract setting. possible if the painting area was not filled with earlier John Seyller in extension to the proposed idea of Milo C illustrations. Beach (Beach1987: 51-96) regarding the European The third major type of evidence of overpainting lies in the connection of the Mughal School suggest that the early co relation between the pure Chandayana motifs to not exposure of the Mughal School to European art brought retouched of the first set of illustrations. In most case the about a change in the attitude and technique of the Mughal Mughal artist merely strengthened features from the atelier. The unorthodox painting technique was perhaps the original composition. This in turn makes these kinds of conscious choice of a few artists in selected situations, motifs different in style, colour or surface detail. The perhaps as a short lived attempt to emulate effects seen in Chandayana motif that has been spared from repainting has European prints or more probably as an expeditious means lighter hue and thinner paint (Seyller 1992: 283-318). of supplying background details. The point of free use of The reason: pigment by artist in Tutinama has also led Milo C Beach to conclude that European art may have been the inspiration. The intriguing and pertinent question from the observations The eclectic effect of Tutinama occurs in aggregate and not by John Seyller is why the Mughals overpainted the at the level of the individual artist. Tutinama manuscript in the early phase of the Mughal atelier. Damage of the manuscript was not a major issue Thus it no longer demonstrates the ability or willingness of that can be ascertained from the manuscript itself. The an artist to borrow freely and on his own will from a variety credible reason for the thorough refurbishment of the of different traditions not his own. Rather Indian painting manuscript was perhaps the incompleteness of its series of has shown instances that one artistic style rendered illustrations. subordinate by the political decline of its sponsors in particular region yielding gradually to another style The above argument therefore changed the earlier notion favoured by a group in political or cultural ascendance about Tūtî-nāma in particular and to some extent the role of (Seyller 1992: 283-318). indigenous Indian elements in the formation of the Mughal style. The Mughal School from the very start deviated from This argument though can be countered by the fact that the all contemporary schools of Persia and the subcontinent. popular painting available in market and its demand has The artists who were trained in these schools had to change never been probed into due to lack of its understanding and their style and conform to the idiom of the school. The strict also for the paucity of the sources. There are many supervision of the master artists and the grand plan of the indigenous Indian traditions which still continue to exist in atelier did not allow any flexibility at all. some form or the other for a long time or they remained in the arena for a long time especially the religious painting The research of John Syller incidentally revealed startling genre. information of the Chaurapanchasika tradition in the Tutinama and it changed the linear conclusion of its At one instance it was supposedly the earliest manuscript of influence on the Mughal tradition. Moreover the notion that the Mughal atelier. The recent study has shown that the Chaurapanchasika tradition was incorporated into the early manuscript was overpainted by artists who were attuned to Mughal style is difficult to establish.The Hamzanama and mature Mughal expression. The Mughal idiom was the deluxe manuscripts of 1568 Ashiqa and 1570 Anwari - formulated through the style of Hamzanama of 1557- Suhaili has none of its trace. Chaurapanchasika tradition is 58AD-1572-73AD, the 1568 Ashiqa and 1570 Anwar i- few in Tutinama. The Rampur Tarjama-i Sirr al-maktum Suhaili. Therefore the Tutinama at best can be contemporary of later phase of Hamzanama and 1570

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Anwar i-Suhaili. The purely Mughal styled illustration in times. The old traces of illustration like Tutinama remained Tūtî-nāma are close to the above mentioned deluxe and sometimes few illustrations were not touched at all. manuscripts except for the fact that they are coarser. It does It was an experimentation of a new School while it was not propagate fusion but is an example of absorption of the emerging. It incorporated the techniques of other schools Mughal atelier. The process of this absorption was repeated but very carefully avoided any trace of other school be that on a modest scale again when the court moved from indigenous or Persian. The Mughal School stood apart. Fatehpur Sikri. The manuscript of Tūtiînama demonstrates the incredible welqms‡ÿc varied working methods of the Mughal atelier. It also speaks load about the Mughal attitude towards the non gyMj hy‡Mi Avw` c‡ei© wkíKjv msµvšÍ welqwU wQj h‡_ó Timurid illustrated manuscripts which otherwise was not RwUj| GB hy‡M cÖvß cvÛzwjwc¸wji mgqKvj wba©viY AwaKvsk compatible to their dynastic sensibilities. Interestingly it †ÿ‡ÎB †ek Kómva¨ welq| GgZe¯’vq GmKj cvÊywjwc¸wj‡K also can hint at the chronological strictures of the KvjwbiæcY-we`¨vi Øviv mywbw`©ó Kiv mnR bq| ZzwZbvgv nj Chandayana and the Chaurapanchasika traditions. One has to remember that the Chaurapanchasika elements were GB ai‡bi cÖ_g w`‡Ki gyNj mgKvjxb cvÊzwjwc| gyNj overpainted on Chandayana style. Though only these few wPÎwkíxiv ZrKvjxb mg‡qi Ab¨vb¨ AgxgvswmZ Ab¨ avivi examples are not enough for any such conclusion but cvÊzwjwc‡K gyNj wkí gvbwmKZvi Aby‡cÖiYvq DØy× n‡q GKwU definitely are interesting to note. cwikxwjZ MÖš’wPÎ iPbv Ki‡Zb| MÖš’wPÎ-wkíKjv wel‡q iwPZ The Tūtî-nāma therefore is an interesting refurbished early ZzwZbvgv nj Ggb GKwU cvÊywjwc hv iPbvq b›`bZ‡Z¡i manuscript of the Mughal atelier. It rightfully shows the effort of the Mughal artists who tried to complete and cy•Lvbycy•L weZwK©Z Kvh©Kjvc I Zvi e¨vL¨v m¤ú‡K© GKwU retouch a manuscript in the Chandayana style with their cÖvÄj aviYv cvIqv hvq| own Mughal style. This style may have been alien to the Persian artist and masters but surely this was a known style References to the North and West Indian artists who joined the atelier Beach, Milo Cleaveland (1987) Early Mughal Painting. The in the early days of the School. The important part in the Polsky Lectures in Indian and Southeast Asian Art and process is that these artists when overpainted or retouched Archaeology:53-95. the manuscript did it in the strict format of the Mughal Chandra, Pramod (1978) The Cleaveland Museum of Art’s Tuti- School whose idiom was surely established. Nama:Tales of a Parrot, Austria:76-82. The manuscript may not have been the first manuscript of Khandalavala, Karl. (1962) Some Problems of Mughal Paintings. the atelier but the importance of it lies in the fact it Lalit Kala 11:9-13. reconfirms that as early as 1570AD the Mughal School Krishna, Anand (1973) A Reassessment of the Tutinama attained an excellence of an independent painting school Illustrations in the Cleveland Museum of Art and Related which kept on improving itself with new techniques. Problems on Earliest Mughal Painitngs and Painters. Artibus Asiae 35:241-168. The claim that it was all indebted to the European technique may not hold true but it cannot be denied that European Losty, Jeremiah P. (1982) The Art of the Book in India. The techniques had influenced the Mughal School from its early British Library:London. days. The Persian masters changed their taste and technique Seyller, John (1992) Overpaitning in the manuscript of Tutinama. to the new palette of the patron. This evolved atelier also Artibus Asiae:42:283-318. was able to incorporate the different artists from different Sherman, Lee and Pramod Chandra (1963) A Newly Discovered areas and taste into its manifold. If the Bukharan artist had Tuti-Nama and the Continuity of the Indian Tradition of their share of contribution then there is no denial that the Manuscript Painting. Burlington Magazine 105:547-554. Indian artists also had their equal involvement in this huge workshop. The most significant part in the whole process was the taste of the patron whose ultimate demand led to the birth of this School. The reason for taking up these processes as discussed earlier was that the atelier and its management may have regarded these manuscripts important and thus artist were ordered to have completed the manuscript. In most case they tried to fill up the empty spaces left for illustrations in true Mughal style. Sometimes the damaged spaces were retouched but this was also done in their own methodology. The facial expression and clothes were also changed at

14 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 15-24 ISSN 1560-7593 Puri: A Journey through Temple Inscriptions (12th-15th Centuries CE.)

SABARNI PRAMANIK NAYAK Department of History Maharaja Nandakumar Mahavidyalaya West Bengal, India Email: [email protected]

Abstract Puri in Orissa is a well-known place of tourist attraction in India. It is famous for its temples and the view of the Bay of Bengal it offers. The city’s history goes back at least towards the end of the early medieval age. The temple inscriptions here ranging between the 12th and the 15th centuries CE. show the prevalence of different languages and scripts, indicate the existence of the communities who did not originally belong to the city and sometimes even to that of Orissa, points to a varied mixture of social groups attached variously with the temples and give hints of the range of articles circulated in markets in and around of the city. In a word, the epigraphs offer a picture of Puri which was vibrant. This liveliness owes to the fact that apart from being a pilgrimage centre, Puri was also the centre of political experiment of the kings of Orissa. Thanks to its location on coastal route and near the sea, it also became important for its connectivity with places known for trading activities and maritime link. The place can be linked with the phase of the ‘third urbanisation’ which began in the early- medieval period in India.

Introduction Puri: witnessing assemblage of people from different Puri in Orissa is a very familiar site to us. Due to the parts of India location of Jagannatha temple complex and many other Duing the Gaṅga and Gajapati rule, Puri came to the small temples and monasteries and also for the pleasant limelight as noticed from the temple epigraphs and copper view of the Bay of Bengal the place offers, it has emerged plate charters. People from different areas outside Puri as a famous tourist-spot of India. Apart from the Jagannatha started to come here. In the 12th century CE, during the rule temple, the Puri town has on its western boundary the of Choḍagaṅga, the king of the Gaṅga dynasty, a person Lokanatha temple, Markandeshwara temple in the named Rāyana and his wife Ratnāmmā came to Puri from close neighbourhood of Jagannatha temple, Kapalamochana Maṇḍa-grāma of Veṅgi-deśa and donated a perpetual lamp temple to the south-west corner of Jagannatha temple to the deity Kṛṣṇa and five māḍas of gold to the temple complex, Jameshwara temple located in the Gaudavada treasury (Tripathy 2010: 407-8). Now, the locality Sahi, Gundicha temple, Narashimha temple in close Maṇḍagrāma has been tried to be identified with neighbourhood of Gundicha temple, the Sidha Mahavira Maṇḍapeṭā in the Srikakulam district. But, the country Veṅgi-deśa, otherwise known as the Veṅgi-rājya or Veṅgi- temple and other religious shrines and monasteries maṇḍala, denoted the land which was bordered on the (Mahapatra 1986: 160-178). It can be called temple town. south by the Manneru river ,on the north by the Mahendra Not all of these temples yield inscriptions. Only four hills and whose boundary in the west was up to the temples supply us with epigraphic evidences. These are the confluence of the rivers Musi and Krishna. Veṅgi-rājya Markandeshwara temple, Nrisimha temple within the was demarcated from the Kaliṅga territory of which the premises of the Jagannatha temple, Pataleshwara temple Srikakulam district was a part (Murthy, Reddy, Sakuntala within the inner compound of the Jagannatha temple, 2009: 155). Therefore, Rāyana and Ratnāmmā came not Jagannatha temple itself, Gopalakrishna temple, Gopinatha from Srikakulam, but from further south. However, there is temple, and Panchapandava temple within the premises of the evidence of a person coming from Srikakulam too. His the Markandesvara temple. The political importance of the name was śrīkaraṇa Bhīmanātha. Bhīmanātha also came th Puri increased from the 12 century onwards. It was here during the rule of Choḍagaṅga and gifted a perpetual connected with the increasing importance of the Mahanadi lamp to the god Puruṣottama or Jagannatha.The place delta after the Gaṅga king Choḍagaṅga failed to expand his where he came from is recorded as Arasavalli (Tripathy kingdom southwards after his defeat in the hands of the 2010: 409-10). It is located in the Srikakulam taluk and Choḷas and Kalachuris in 1134-35 CE, though in the district of Andhra. Now the coming of the persons of meantime he had conquered central Orissa and southwest Andhra to Puri was probably linked with another history. Bengal. So, Choḍagaṅga’s homeland Kaliṅga became a B.P.Sahu noted the komatis (trading community), leṅkas southern border region and the Mahanadi delta emerged as (appointed in army) and gollas (herdsmen) were coming the natural centre of his new empire (Kulke 2014: 212). His from Andhra to the Gajapati-Ganjam area and beyond, and capital was shifted from Kaliṅganagara to Central Orissa they were gradually integrated with Oriya society (Sahu (Kulke 2014: 213). In this situation, the king enhanced the 2014: 199) Another person named Sommaṇa, the resident popularity of the deity at Puri which again, was located in of Śrī-Khimaḍa, also donated a perpetual lamp in favour of Central Orissa. the god Puruṣottama in the 12th century. Rajaguru identified

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 it as Khimaḍi-maṇḍala under the rule of the Kalachuri Tiruchirapalli district in Tamil nadu (Sircar 1987: 47). In dynasty ((Tripathy 2010: 403). Therefore, Sommaṇa seems the 13th century inscription from Shrikurmam temple to have hailed from the Kalachuri kingdom. Puri also located in Srikakulam area, we also find the existence of the attracted the kings of small territory. In the 13th century CE Vaiṣṇava-nāyakas of the (Tripathy 2010: 802) Pataleshwara temple inscription, we come to know that which is presently located on the border area of the Andhra Satyamārtaṇḍa of the Matsya family, the king of and Tamil Nadu. We do not know whether the brāhmaṇas Mukundagiri, gave 9 rūpyas (silver coins) on the occasion of the 15th century inscription hailed from the Tamil region of Lochana-utsava of the deity Puruṣottama. Lochana- or the part of Andhra and settled in the ‘Southern utsava has been considered as same with Netra-utsava Viceroyalty’. In the 15th century, another Jagannatha temple which is held on the previous day of the Rathayātrā festival inscription of Puruṣottamadeva records the royal order at Puri (Tripathy 2010: 424).The Matsya family ruled the urging the kings of Orissa (Ōḍiśārājyara rājāmānaṅku) to kingdom of Oḍḍādi located in the presnt Vishakhapatnam give gifts to the brāhmaṇas and never to deprive them of area. Therefore, can we assume that the king came to Puri their wealth, life and land as long as this world to witness the Rathayātrā festival and the festival drew lasts.(Subrahmanyam 1986: 121-122); thus suggesting the people from far off lands even seven hundred years before? importance of this community in the kingdom as well as at In one 15th century Jagannatha temple inscription of king Puri. In another epigraph Puruṣottama informed that ‘I have Puruṣottamadeva, which is in fact a royal edict, we come to confirmed the grants to the Supreme Lord, to the know that the brāhmaṇas of the south were exempted from Sevakas...[illegible] and to the Avadāna-Sevakas: 1. of the the payment of police tax. The epigraph states that the king forest countries of Jagannātha of Śrī Puruṣottama already ordered the remittance of chaukidari taxes leviable from the granted of old in the Southern Viveroyalty, 2. of the brāhmaṇas of the south (or of southern quarter). Also the countries of the Avadāna-Sevakas of the South and 3.of the government ceased to resume the wastelands and pastures income of the territories (deśa) as a sacred offering to the (Śrī Puruṣōttama kaṭakē āyigām hōyilā dakhiṇa digara Supreme Lord.’(Kulke 2014: 279-80).So, for Puruṣottama’s daṇḍoā si ohōra āmbhē brāhmaṇaṅku chhāḍilu attempt to appease the priests, the town further saw daṇḍāgopatha haraṇāhi chhāḍilu ēhā yī harai sē harilā brahmanical domination. dōsha pāi). (Subrahmanyam 1986: 107). Hermann Kulke has attributed this step to the policy to bribe the priests Prevalence of Telugu along with Oriya and followed the king Puruṣottamadeva who dethroned his elder The inscriptions discovered from the temples of Puri town and popular brother Hamvīra and remitted the watchman- show that the people of the place knew three languages tax collected from the brāhmaṇas of the Southern (Sanskrit, Telugu, and Oriya) and three scripts (Nagari, Viceroyalty- the stronghold of the latter (Kulke 2014: 280). Telugu and Oriya) (see Table 1, 2). Chronologically seen, If the phrase dakhiṇa digara is taken in the sense of the Sanskrit language and Nagari script maintained their brāhmaṇas of the south as held by Snigdha Tripathy dominance during the 12th and the 13th centuries. There was (Tripathy 2010: 433), then it is presumable that some of the prevalence of Telugu language and script during the 12th them were southerners and settled in and around Puri. The century. Oriya language and script were also there, but they coming of the brāhmaṇas was not new to the history of replaced all of the other languages and scripts not until the Orissa. A number of them had already settled themselves in 15th century. Telugu has mainly been used in the Nrishimha Orissa as migrants from Madhyadeśa and Bengal and had temple inscriptions (Table 3). There is no Tamil inscription received land grants. We do not know if there was in Puri. We can understand the usage of Oriya and Sanskrit, connection between the remittance of police-taxes and the but the use of Telugu requires explanation. Surely there policy of non-resumption of wasteland and pasture land. It were a large number of Telugu population in Puri. As the might be that the area offered to the Southerners to settle epigraphic evidences suggests, there were persons from was located amidst wasteland and pasture and for the Andhra (Arasavalli ,Mukundagiri and Veṅgi-deśa as noted interest of expansion of agriculture and growth of the earlier) who came and donated to the Nrishimha temple and brāhmaṇa settlement the king did not occupy the wasteland. other shrines of Puri. Here, another factor is to be noted. And, probably, in the area so newly settled, the police Nṛsiṁha or Narasiṁha is worshipped in the Lakṣmī- protection was either nominal (and so the taxes were not Narasiṁha temple of Simhachalam. Narasiṁha was also taken), or, it was under special protection. Or, it might be venerated in other parts of Andhra. In fact, the cult of that the brāhmaṇas already had started to use the wasteland Jagannātha at Puri, Narasiṃha at Simhachalam and and pasture and the king approved it. Probably the epigraph Viṭṭhala at Pandharpur had appeal over ‘wide social and also shows that generally the brāhmaṇas did not enjoy the spatial segments’ which made them the ‘focus of regional immunity from the police-tax. It is not clear exactly from political unrest’ (Sahu 2013: 11). Therefore, was it a which area of the south these brāhmaṇas came. Brāhmaṇas conscious move of the part of the Gaṅga kings to place the were known to have come to Puri district from as far as shrine of Nṛsiṁha within the Jagannatha temple complex in Kaḍamvura in the Choḷa deśa identified with Kadambur of

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Table 1. Number of temple-inscriptions of Puri with order to get the support of the Telugu population and at the different languages same time had a motive to include the deity Narasiṃha within the Jagannātha cult? For the inscribed donations Time-period S T O ST SO which were found from the Nrishimha temple always 12th century 23 3 10 2 mentioned about the god Puruṣottama as the donee who 13th century 10 1 6 was the deity of the main Jagannatha temple. Even the 14th century 1 donative record of the Gaṅga king (Tripathy 2010: 408) th himself found from the Nrishimha shrine mentioned about 15 century 9 the god Puruṣottama. 16th century 3 S=Sanskrit, T=Telugu, O=Oriya, ST=Sanskrit and Telugu, SO=Sanskrit Place of Saivism at Puri and Oriya Upinder Singh observed that until the middle of the 12th century CE, Orissa was the land of Saivite temples (Singh Table 2. Number of temple-inscriptions of Puri with 1993: 251). The Later Gaṅga king Anantavarman different scripts Choḍagaṅga, in order to strengthen the religious and social Time-period N T O NT NO base of his rule after the conquest of central Orissa, 12th century 22 6 9 1 patronized the Viṣṇu-Jagannātha cult established in Orissa. Puri was already an established tīrtha and Choḍagaṅga’s th 13 century 12 3 1 2 construction of the Jagannatha temple there united both 14th century 1 aspects of tīrtha and the imperial temple (Panda 1995: 94- 15th century 9 5). There was probably a pre- Choḍagaṅga temple of Puruṣottama at Puri (Kulke 2014: 202). The Jagannātha cult 16th century 3 migrated from western Orissa in connection with the N=Nagari, T=Telugu,O=Oriya,NT=Nagari and Telugu, NO=Nagari and conquest of coastal Orissa by the Somavaṃśī kings (Kulke Oriya 2014: 205). Later, by patronising an already existing autochthonous cult, the new king legitimised his power in Table 3. Temple wise distribution of languages the domain of the deity (Kulke 2014: 205). Actually, the Century Pātāleśvara Nṛsiṁha Mārkaṇḍeśvara Jagannātha Eastern Gaṅgas worshipped Śiva-Gokaṇeśvara as their th 12th S 21 2 family-deity (Kulke 2014: 207). Throughout 12 century, Śiva-Madhukeśvara at Kaliṅganagara probably remained T 3 the official deity and it was first under the rule of O Anaṅgabhīma III (1211-38) that Puruṣottama at Puri ST 8 2 became the official state deity of the Gaṅga empire. SO 2 Anaṅgabhīma declared himself a deputy (rāvuta) and the 13th S 2 5 2 1 son (putra) of the three deities Puruṣottama, and T Durgā in 1216 CE. The king claimed ritual relationship with the three dominant deities of Orissa, i.e., Puruṣottama O in Puri, Śiva in Bhuvaneswar (Śiva-Liṅgarāja under the ST 1 Somavaṃśīs), and Durgā in Jajpur (Durgā-Virajā under the SO 4 2 Bhaumakaras). This triad of Orissan deities became a 14th S predecessor of the Puri triad.(Kulke 2014: 215). And, this T move probably helped later to absorb the Saivite deities O within the Puruṣottama-Jagannātha cult. We notice that the inscriptions found in the Pataleshwara temple within the ST Jagannatha temple complex did not mention about SO 1 Pātāleśvara. Everywhere there is the name of Puruṣottama. 15th S As for an evidence, in the 13th century CE, an inscription T engraved on the right wall of the Pataleshwara shrine O 9 records the grant of some lands by a śrīkaraṇa or the officer of the record department to the god Puruṣottama, but ST not to the god Pātāleśvara (Sircar 1987: 197-203). SO Therefore, even any Saivite shrine located within the S=Sanskrit, T=Telugu, O=Oriya, ST=Sanskrit and Telugu, SO=Sanskrit Jagannātha temple complex had the tendency to get and Oriya appropriated by the Jagannātha cult. In 1230, Anaṅgabhīma called himself for the first time the son (putra)and the

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 deputy (rāutta) of only Puruṣottama. (Kulke 2014: 213-14). CE.(Tripathy 2010: 427). Kakatapura has been identified And, in an inscription recording the donations to the God with the present locality of the same name in the Puri Viṣṇu-Allālanātha in the Choḷa capital Kāñchīpuram, he district. declared himself as the deputy of Viṣṇu and a son of Another interesting fact is that in the 14th century, we find Puruṣottama (Kulke 2014: 216). During the height of the the first inscription in Mārkaṇḍeśvara temple which speaks struggle for the imperial heritage of the Choḷa empire about the donation of a Gaṅga queen to the god Anaṅgabhīma dedicated his empire to Puruṣottama (Kulke Mārkaṇḍeśvara. Umādevī, the queen of Bhānudeva, created 2014: 218). Kulke has looked for link among the a permanent endowment for a perpetual lamp for the god disintegration of Choḷa empire, Anaṅgabhīma’s attempt to Mārkaṇḍeśvara (Sircar 1987: 181). It cannot be determined conquer the Godavari-Krishna delta, Anaṅgabhīma’s whether the queen donated to the temple of this deity out of donations to a Viṣṇu temple in a Choḷa capital her personal devotion, or she was merely representing the Kāñchīpuram and, Anaṅgabhīma’s dedication of the urge on the part of the Gaṅga dynasty to recognise this Orissan empire to Puruṣottama. It was for acquiring vertical prominent Saivite deity. This urge was even more legitimation of his power over central Orissa as well as for prominent from a copper plate charter found from the attaining horizontal legitimation for the imperial heritage Śaṅkarānanda Maṭha at Puri and dated Śaka 1316.Though (Kulke 2014: 218-19). We do not know to what extent this charter does not have anything to do with any temple of Puruṣottama-Jagannātha took a Vaiṣṇavite turn due to the Puri town proper, yet it does indicate the favourable attitude competition with the Saivism of the Choḷa. It was royal of the Gaṅga king towards a Saivite god and its priest. policy and strategy to forward special favour to the Narasiṁha IV issued a copper plate charter which records Jagannatha cult. So, ultimately, Saivism could not attain the the grant of one hundred vāṭis of land in the form of two same position as Vaisnavism at Puri. villages (Sāisogrāma-Mokṣeśvara and Dakṣiṇa- There were Saivite shrines which maintained their identity. Rāḍasogrāma of Madanakhaṇḍa viṣaya which formed a The Markandeshwara temple,not situated within the part of Koṣṭhadeśa) in favour of a brāhmaṇa priest of the Jagannatha temple complex, was never appropriated by the Ugreśvaradeva. The gift-land had the boundaries fixed on Jagannātha cult. Whenever any donative inscription was all the four sides and including the temple of engraved on the wall of the Markandeshwara temple, it did Ugreśvaradeva was endowed with a paṭā (a deed) and was not mention about the god Puruṣottama, but about made deuli- (temple-land). Another plot of land Mārkaṇḍeśvara. Here one epigraph is noteworthy. In an consisting of 30 vāṭis was also granted by the king in 12th century inscription (Śaka 1033) found from the favour of the same temple of the god called Koṣṭhadeśa- Markandeshwara temple, we come to know that a person Ugreśvaradeva. The gift land is now called Ugreśvara- named Nārāyaṇa, the son of Daṇḍāya paggaḍa, gave a deuli, situated between the rivers Bhārgavī and Dhanuā in perpetual lamp in the Harī-tīrtha and deposited 5 niṣkas the Nimpara police station of the Puri district (Tripathy with a cowherd for supply of clarified butter for the 2010: 398). maintenance of the lamp (Tripathy 2010: 399). The Thus, there were a number of population in Puri which interesting point is that there is the mention of Harī-tīrtha. venerated Lord Śiva. And, not each and every Saivite god It denoted Puri. So, was there any hesitation on the part of could be integrated within the concept of Jagannātha and the donor to mention the name of Mārkaṇḍeśvara for the those deities had to be recognised by the kings. Interstingly, reason that he was a Saivite deity and the place was a later, the Gopinātha shrine was built up within the premises Vaisnavite pilgrimage centre? Or, was it because the donor of the Mārkaṇḍeśvara temple. However, a 18th century himself was aware that the place of Saivism at Puri was not inscription engraved on the former records the renovation at par with Vaisnavism? However, in another of the tank called Mārkaṇḍeśvara-hrada and the Markandeshwara temple inscription of Śaka 1051, the deity construction of steps into it, and also the building up of a was clearly mentioned as Mārkaṇḍeśvara. According to it, maṇḍapa(pavilion) near the tank by Harekṛṣṇa Siṁha, certain Gaṅganārāyaṇa Velāṇḍi alias Choḍagaṅga, son of described as Kīrtichandra (Tripathy 2010: 435-6). He was Atyāṇḍi, deposited 5 māḍas for the provision of oil for a the king of Bardwan in West Bengal. Interestingly, the perpetual lamp in the temple of Mārkaṇḍeśvara (Tripathy inscription was engraved on the Gopinātha temple. 2010: 409). In an inscription, we even find the name of one Therefore, does it show a continuation of an earlier process pujāhari (priest) of Mārkaṇḍeśvara and of two priests of whereby in any particular temple complex, a particular another deity called Kohṛṇeśvara (Sircar 1987: 185). In temple was given prominent place and other deities housed th another 12 century epigraph, the deity is mentioned as in other shrines within that complex was considered as Śiva Mārkaṇḍeśvara (Tripathy 2010: 415); thus clearly associated with the main god ? Or, could it be the identifying the god with Śiva. There were people in and Vaisnavite deities tried to occupy the surroundings of a around Puri, who venerated Mārkaṇḍeśvara. We find a Saivite temple? The answers of these questions await brāhmaṇa resident of Kākaṭapura gifting a perpetual lamp further research. in favour of the deity Mārkaṇḍeśvara in the 13th century

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Donations and social groups Table 4. Social Groups present at Puri and associated with Kings and queens donated to the temples. We have a 15th the temples century Jagannatha temple epigraph to show that the king Donors to temples Persons/group to Who were Puruṣottamadeva gave the village of Kamalapura, which the informed or Mādhoṭila situated in the viṣaya of Antarodha (in the donations were considered at Nimapara area) ,and the village of Gopapura (Gop of entrusted the time of Nimapara area) in the viṣaya of Vāchāṣa along with 500 donation bharaṇas of rice and 2000 kāhanas to the deity Kings and queens, leṅkā , sādhu, mālaṇī, Puruṣottama (Tripathy 2010: 432). Apart from the royal subordinate kings, kings of śreṣṭhī, pātra, pāṭhin persons and ladies, common men and women also donated other region; mālākāra- perpetual lamps. In the 12th century CE, Māṅkaṇi, the gajasādhanika, śreṣṭhī, daughter of Ammāṇi, donated 5 māḍas of gold for the sāndhivigrahika, mālākāra, mahādaṇḍādhikārin, maintenance of a perpetual lamp (Tripathy 2010: 413). In kāmpu, cowherd th mahāmāṇḍalika the 12 century, Vīra-Pramāḍideva gifted a perpetal lamp śrīkaraṇa, nāyaka, in favour of the god Mārkaṇḍeśvaradeva (Tripathy 2010: pergaḍa, leṅkā, padātaka, 413). A 13th century Nrishimha temple inscription speaks of common men and women the gift of 5 niṣkas for the maintenance of a perpetual lamp including brāhmaṇa in the temple of god Puruṣottama by certain Siṅgarasena Temple women and pujāhari engaged in temples and not (Tripathy 2010: 426). figured as donors In and around the Puri town, there dwelled a number of social groups (Table 4) such as the kāmpus. The title kāmpu Interestingly, the inscriptions found from the temple of Puri has already been found in an inscription coming from the do not mention about the potters whereas the 12th century southernmost part of Andhra Pradesh, Kalakada in the Siddheshwara temple at Vishnupur near Nimapara records th Vayalpal taluka of the Chittoor area in the 10 century the donation of land probably in favour of a potter (Narasimhaswami 1987: 280-84). It belongs to the reign of (kumbhakāra) for making provision for supply of earthen the king Bhuvana Trinetra of the Vaidumba dynasty. As wares and earthen lamps to the temple by a subordinate revealed from the inscription, several persons bearing king Svarṇadhara who has been described as Rāṇaka and different titles were included in the kāmpu community. Paramavaiṣṇava (Tripathy 2010: 424). As known from the Among these titles, we find the mention of gāmuṇḍa and Mādalapañjī, the potters, who prepared food for the raṭṭoḍi, the first term implying the village headman and the mahāprasād (consecrated food), were honoured as sevakas. second denoting persons associated with administration, They also took a surname Bisoi meaning leader in order to perhaps the village administration or belonging to the distinguish themselves from other potters (Hacker 1997: raṭṭaḍi or reḍḍi or śūdra community. Probably, the village 121). What their situation was during the period under population as a whole, involved in the smooth running and discussion is unknown from epigraphs. There were the supervision of agrarian and irrigational activities, were masons undoubtedly, though there is no epigraphic collectively called the kāmpus. The kāmpu community were reference to this group in the early medieval and medieval th involved in temples in one or other way. To show an period. In an 18 century epigraph found from the Pancha- evidence of the contribution of the kāmpus or the pandava temple standing within the premises of the cultivators, we can cite an inscription of 12th century. Markandeshwara temple we come to know that a person Nārāyaṇa, an officer of the rank of mahādaṇḍādhikārin, named Muṁjāji, designated as sāhā-sāmanta, made a chaultry constructed for the saints. The sūtradhāras he gifted a perpetual lamp to the god Puruṣottama and appointed were Sāgaradāsa and Bhīmadāsa (Tripathy 2010: deposited 5 niṣkas in the treasury of god Puruṣottama for 436). the maintenance of the said lamp. The gift was entrusted th with the kāmpus for the supply of clarified butter to A 12 century Nrishimha temple record informs us that continue the burning of lamp (Tripathy 2010: 401). Another Gaṅganārāyaṇa of Kaliṅga-viṣaya gave incense and other gift was entrusted with the kāmpus for supply of oil materials for worship and entrusted the gift with community (Tripathy 2010: 400). It is interesting to note that the kāmpu of garland makers (Tripathy 2010: 414). Therefore, at Puri, community is nowhere known in Orissa except Puri. there existed the group of garland makers. Florists also Therefore, some of them must have come here from the inhabited nearby villages. A mālākāra of Puraṇa-grāma was entrusted with the duties of the maintenance of a gift Andhra region. There is another probability. The prevalence made by Choḍagaṅgadeva in favour of Puruṣottama of Telugu language here branded the cultivating class of (Tripathy 2010: 408). A mālākāra named Śivadāsa appears Puri as kāmpus. in at least two inscriptions of Nrishimha temple. In the first

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 (of Śaka 1058) of the two, he was entrusted with the region, the temple girls have been mentioned in epigraphs supervision for the maintenance and continuation of a by their names and figured as donors and donees. Probably, perpetual lamp to be burnt before the god Chakrin gifted by in Orissa, the status of the devadāsīs was probably very low Māṅkaṇi, daughter of Ammāṇi, to the shrine of the god who had been named as taḷisebikās (Marglin 1985: 130), Kṛṣṇa. The donor deposited 5 māḍas of gold in the temple which has a meaning dishonourable for women. for the maintenance of the lamp (Tripathy 2010: 413). In A 12th century Markandeshwara temple epigraph during the another Nrishimha temple epigraph, the same mālākāra reign of Choḍagaṅga indicates how the merchants were Śivadāsa along with Vāsudeva was entrusted with the involved in the activities of temple. One sādhu Bhīmadeva supervision of a perpetual lamp gifted by a gajasādhanika of Nirola-grāma (on the bank of the river Baḍanadī in the named Lollapa. Lollapa was the royal officer of Ganjam district), accepted gold for the maintenance of a Choḍagaṅgadeva and also deposited some amount of perpetual lamp (dīpa-suvarṇam or dīpārtham suvarṇam) th māḍas of gold (Tripathy 2010: 416). In the 12 century CE, with image to be burnt before the god Mārkaṇḍeśara. His Kaliṅgāmmā, the wife of Nārāyaṇa, donated 5 niṣkas son Nāna freed himself of that responsibility. Instead, one (māḍas in Telugu) and a perpetual lamp. The gift was Jīvanta-śreṣṭa (śreṣṭhin) accepted the gold (dvīpa-sunā) entrusted to a family of florist. This family was also after the termination of the previous endowment for the responsible for supply of garlands of flowers daily to the supply of oil for a perpetual lamp (Sircar 1987: 184-85).A temple for the god Puruṣottama (Tripathy 2010: 401). In the point notable is the category of merchants Bhīmadeva th 13 century, śrīkaraṇa Suru-senāpati donated a piece of belonged to.The designation sādhu reminds us about the land measuring 10 mānas (½ vāṭi) for making provision for term sādhu-prajā, implying the sea-going merchants the supply of 10 halā (10 pairs or bundles) of fragrant (sādhuprajā lōkān pramukhīkṛtya) (Sircar 1987: 47). We do flowers (gandha phula) apparently per day. The grant was not know if Bhīmadeva was also one of them. The location made with the cognizance of Kāluā-mālaṇī,(Kāluā-mālaṇī of the place from where Bhīmadeva hailed is also gochare data bhūmi) who was probably a lady garland- significant in this context. It is not stated why the son of maker (Sircar 1987: 203). Bhīmadeva did not want to associate himself with the The devadāsīs or temple women, who participate in most temple any more. Another thing is interesting. Merchants palace ceremonies and festivals (Marglin 1985: 143) are were entrusted with cash by the donor. But, in the cases of called chalanti devī while the king is called chalanti viṣṇu other persons to which the gifts were entrusted, the cash (Marglin 1985: 118). Though this community was there we was deposited in the temple treasury. Probably, the cash put do not find any specific information about them. In a 16th into the temple treasury were invested by the temple century inscription of Gajapati Pratāparudra, we find the management in order to get the interest by which the king’s order being that dances will be performed from the condition of the gift was to be fulfilled and this investment end of the evening dhūpa (bed-time dhūpa) at the bhōga of required the help of the merchants. And where the the elder Thākur (Balarāma) and Gītagōvinda Thākur merchants themselves were assigned the responsibility of (Jagannātha). The king ordered that all the batches of taking care of the service, they handled the cash after taking dancers such as those of Kapilēśvar Thākur, the Telaṅgi it directly from the donor. Also, it might be the fact that the Bara Thākur, etc. would sing only Gītagōvinda of Bara temple authority of the Markandeshwara shrine did not Thākor. No other song or dance should be learnt or oppose to the arrangement of donating cash directly to the performed. Four Vaiṣṇava singers should only sing persons who were entrusted with the gift. Gītagōvinda. Also, it was the order that the superintendents, who knowingly allow other songs to be sung and other Evidence of social mobility dances to be performed, will be considered as rebels against Sometimes, the association with temples raised some of the Jagannātha (Jagannāthanku drōh karai) (Subrahmanyam persons within a particular community to a higher positon 1986: 159-60).It is interesting to note the presence of the and ensured them prosperity. We have the interesting case Telaṁji sampardāe (Telugu troops) under the Telaṅgi Bara of Jayarāja. This person appears in three different Thākur. And the lady dancers were the indispensible part of inscriptions found from the Nrishimha temple. In the 12th the troop or sampradāya as noticed from the epigraphs century CE, a donor gave a certain amount of niṣkas for the from the temple of Simhachalam in Vishakhapatnam. So, deities Puruṣottama, Balabhadra and Subhadrā and the influence of Bengal and Andhra in the cultural sphere of entrusted the florist or mālaākāra Jayarāja with the duty of Orissa is visible here. And, was there any tension between supplying garlands to the said deities (Tripathy 2010: 409). the Telaṅgi and Oriya culture? And, did the king take this In another inscription of Śaka Year 1053, we come to know step to appease the Oriya priests as well as to make it about another donation 100 gold coins, made to the temple known that he himself had the power to control the dance by Srīkaraṇa Bhīmanātha from Arasavalli, which was and music in temple? We know very little individually entrusted to the kāmpus headed by Jayarāja (Tripathy 2010: about the temple women of Puri from epigraphs for they are 410). Another 12th century inscription shows that during the always mentioned collectively. But, in Andhra and Tamil rule of Kāmārṇava 3 māḍas of gold and 32 māṇas of land

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 in the village of Madhupura were donated for the In the 12th century CE, someone invested 3 paṇas of maintenance of a perpetual lamp in favour of the deity cowrie-shells for making provision of 12 perpetual lamps to Puruṣottama by a person named Surapota and his wife. This be burnt in the temple of Mārkaṇḍeśvara (Tripathy 2010: gift was entrusted to Jayarāja, who was a mālākāra-śreṣṭhin 418). It is easy to understand that the cash was invested by (Tripathy 2010: 417). Now, in the first inscription, Jayarāja the temple authority themselves or through the merchants. seems to be only a florist who was assigned with the duty of But, when land or entire village was gifted for the purpose supplying garlands only. In the second epigraph it is clear of supplying articles, the items like paddy or betel- leaf that the same Jayarāja took the leadership of the whole cultivated within that village or in that piece of land most kāmpu community. In the third epigraph, he is not an likely went to the temple. In the 13th century CE., Kīrttivāsa ordinary florist or mālākāra any more, but a rich flower- Nāyaka gifted one vāṭi of land in Kurāṅga and one vāṭi of merchant (mālākāra-śreṣṭhin) if not a financier. The work land in Muraḍa in favour of the god Puruṣottama for he was doing according to the third epigraph was not offerings to be consisted of clarified butter (ghṛta), curds related to the supply of garlands, but was of supervision of (dadhi), curry (vyañjana) and betel-leaf (tāmvola) (Sircar the gift. Therefore, can we assume that from an ordinary 1987: 202). There is the probability of the item like betel- florist, Jayarāja gradually improved his position to assume leaf being cultivated on the donated plot of Muraḍa. the headship of the whole cultivating class and emerging as However, the requirement of clarified butter needed a a big merchant simultaneously? We do not know whether different arrangement with cowherds or the village the king had the power to change the caste of a person and a population. th th whole community in the 14 -15 centuries, but as Marglin We have a number of evidences of the donations of village has pointed out on the basis of the stories, the kings raised and pieces of land. One 13th century Pataleshwara the bhandāris or barbers to the position of inscription of 13th century records the grant of 3 vāṭis of bhadribrāhmaṇas and the śūdra śuāra cooks to the varṇa land in a locality called Kṣagopaḍa in favour of the god of brāhmaṇa (Marglin 1985: 141-42). Puruṣottama by the śrīkaraṇa Suru-senāpati (Tripathy 2010: 418-9). He also donated two plots located in Ālisaṇa Articles of donations in the Rāvaṅga division (Alisha in the Sakshigopal police Among the permanent items donated to temple, there was station of the Puri district) [kau (kai) bhūmi-vāṭi. Rāvaṅga- the jewellery which were exclusively given by the Ālasaṇāi] (Sircar 1987: 203). Suru-senāpati was also a kings.The deity Puruṣottama was gifted with the royal mahāmāṇḍalika who also donated two plots of land jewellery by the king Puruṣottama when the latter visited situated in a village of Andhavara viṣaya (locality of the city of Puruṣottama or Puri (Tripathy 2010: 432). Andhavaram of Srikakulam) in favour of the deities Kapilēśvara too gave ornamented wrist ornaments, Balabhadra and Kamalākṣa (Tripathy 2010: 423). In the decorated conch and two shells for the god. The 13th century, a padātaka (pāika or footman) named Khaṇḍa, mahāpātras brought a supply of gold for the bho̅ga of god. the son of Chaṇḍānā, donated 2 vāṭis and 5 mānas of land Crown, ear-rings, rings, ear-ornaments, necklaces, lockets, in the village Kṣātayī-Utapallī (Sircar 1987: 202). bangles, wrist-ornaments, feet ornaments, breast ornaments Thus, the god Puruṣottama received the villages and lands were among them. Kanaka or gold, Hīrā or diamond, not only from the king and nobility, but also from the māṇika or ruby, mukuṭāvaḍa or large pearls, marakat or ordinary footman. Sometimes the population of far away emerald were used in those jewelleries. The total amount of villages participated in the act of supplying articles to gold in them was said to be as 192 mardas (Subrahmanyam temples. The reference to the mahāmāṇḍalika Suru- 1986: 94-96). On the other hand, king Puruṣo̅ttama gave senāpati ,who donated plots in the Srikaulam area to the ivory couch (dantaratna pālaṅka), throne with kalasa and temple of Puri, has already been given. In the 12th century, dhvaja, bedstead, handled broom, fan,chandia (crescent Anantavarman Choḍagaṅga made provision of a perpetual shaped hair-ornament) and mirror, all ornamented. Also, 2 lamp to be burnt before the god Puruṣottama. The money handled chouries and 2 couches, along with 4 ear-rings and was entrusted with the residents of Māluda-grāma attached 2 pairs of mērugarbha wristlets were given, all ornamented with the Jalakhaṇḍa-viṣaya (Tripathy2010: 412). again (Subrahmanyam 1986: 105-106). Jalakhaṇḍa-viṣaya was the area comprising small islands The articles for consumption required in temples were within the Chilka lake, now under the Nayagarh district.The fragrant flowers, incense, garlands, oil, clarified butter, village was present Malud situated in a small island of the earthen wares and lamps. Milk (dugdha), rice (chāula), Chilka lake. Now, it is surprising to find that a community clarified butter (ghṛta), curds (dadhi) (Sircar 1987: 201), inhabiting not very near to Puri were attached with temple paddy (Tripathy 2010: 406), curry (vyañjana) and betel-leaf of Puruṣottama. So, was it a planned move on the part of (tāmvola) (Sircar 1987: 201) were also supplied to temples. the king to associate them with the temple of Puri and thus Along with gold (niṣkas and māḍas), and silver (rupya) the orbit of influence of the deity Purushottama was coins and kāhanas, there was the prevalence of the donation gradually made to increase? of cowrie-shells (kapardaka or kavaḍi) for perpetual lamps.

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Importance of Puri and its temple in the eyes of the king 429). But, according to Subrahmanyam, Punḍarikṣa gopa The height of the temple of the Puri was exactly the same as was a sari cloth (Puṇḍarīksa gopa sāḍhi) (Subrahmanyam th the imperial Rājeśvara-Śiva temple of the rival Choḷa kings 1986: 7). In the 15 century, the Gajapati king at Tanjore, which, till then, had been the greatest of the Puruṣottamadeva confirmed old grants and founded fresh whole of India. Probably, the urge to elevate the cult and endowments for the deity Jagannātha and his priests during building the biggest Viṣṇu temple for Puruṣottama at Puri his visit to the city of Puruṣottama. He donated the village was also prompted by the act of throwing the famous image of Mādhoṭila located in the Antarodha-viṣaya (Antarodha of Viṣṇu in the Śiva temple of out into the pargana under the Nimpara police station of Puri district). sea by the Choḷa king Kulottuṅga II who was a fanatic He also donated 500 bharaṇas of rice, 2000 kāhaṇas Śaiva (Kulke 2014: 214). The kings, issuing order from the (kārṣāpaṇa) and the village of Kamalapura as offerings to capital Vārāṇasī-kaṭaka, made them to be engraved on the the deity. For the bhoga (enjoyment) at the time of bathing wall of the temple of Puri. We find a 15th century epigraph and installing ceremony, the village of Gopapura of advising the kings of Orissa to be charitable towards the Vāchāṣa-viṣaya was granted by the king (Tripathy 2010: brāhmaṇas in the Jagannatha temple. This order was issued 431-2). Now, the deposits of cowrie-shells along with other by Puruṣōttamadeva when he was resting in the southern kind of cashes probably encouraged the temple to engage in portion of royal residence named Gōpālapriya at Vārāṇasī- the purchase of articles and the demand of the articles in kaṭaka (Gōpālapriya jagatīra dakṣiṇa mēḍharē vaḍa temple influenced the market and the movements of avakāsē) (Subrahmanyam 1986: 121-122). commodities. In the 15th century, the Jagannatha temple became the place The kings, while staying at Puri, granted land to other of declaration of important royal instructions. King persons and religious institutions except the Jagannatha th Kapileśvara made a gift of land (bhūmikhaṇḍa) while he temple. In the 13 century CE., Anaṅgabhīmadeva of the was holding his court in the audience-hall of the Southern Gaṅga dynasty donated land in the Paṭṭavāḍa-pāṭaka along block at his camp at Puri (Puruṣo̅ttamakaṭakē with the villages of Tigharia, Ambilo and also Phaphaḍā- dakhīnagharē mājanā maṇḍape) (Subrahmanyam 1986: khaṇḍakṣetra attached to the viṣaya of Koṭarāvaṅga in the 59). In an epigraph, Kapileśvara remitted the duties on salt division of Sagaḍāvadhi-khaṇḍa to the brāhmaṇas of and cowrie-shells throughout his kingdom several gotras while he was at Puri. Tigharia and (oḍisārājyaralo̅ṇa kauḍi mulakar nyāya chchhāḍili Koṭarāvaṅga were located in the Sakshigopal area. He also chchhāḍili chchhāḍili) in front of Lord Puruṣottama (Śrī granted several vāṭis of land in favour of Jameśvara maṭha Puruṣo̅ttama dēvaṅka dēvula dvārē) and in the presence of for the study of the , Purāṇas and Vyākaraṇas mahāpātras and with the cognizance of Pātra Agniśarman, (Tripathy 2010: 395). Therefore, the Saivite maṭhas were the examiner of the bho̅ga and the seal-bearer patronised by the Gaṅga kings. Anaṅgabhīma’s father (Subrahmanyam 1986: 3-4). It is not clear whether he Rājarāja III, while staying at the Puruṣottama-kṣetra, remitted taxes in favour of the god, or altogether stopped donated the village Korodā in the Aṭṭāyisa-khaṇḍa within the collections of those duties. Kulke observed that as the Sāilo-viṣaya of Utkala-deśa to the brāhmaṇas (Tripathy th Kapilendra, who was the grandson of a nāyaka, snatched 2010: 394). In the 14 century, Bhānudeva II of the Gaṅga the throne after the weak Gaṅga king Bhānudeva IV, he had dynasty, while staying at Puruṣottama-kṣetra, gave two to face the opposition of the rājās and the members of the villages named Somanāthapaḍā, situated in the erstwhile royal family. And, as a result, during the early Koṇṭarāvaṅga-viṣaya and Ākurvā in the Rāvaṅga-viṣaya critical years, the new king tried to win the support of the (within Sakshigopal area) to a brāhmaṇa sāndhivigrahin Oriyas through this kind of remittance of taxes. Kulke also (Tripathy 2010: 396). Making donations while staying at observed that this order was inscribed on such a spot so that Puri was likely to enhance the reputation of the king. all the pilgrims wishing to visit the Jagannātha surely could On another occasion, the king Kapilēśvara informed see it (Kulke 2014: 277-78). We cannot miss the point that through a temple epigraph that he would treat his soldiers in the 15th century CE, the cowrie-shells were still being and deputies as they deserved, for in spite of looking after treated as an item of trade as well as small change. We do them, these pāikas and rāvutas had forshaken him. He also not know if there was any salt-producing centre in Puri. added that Lord Jagannātha would judge the correctness or Though the remission was applicable to the entire kingdom incorrectness of his acts (Subrahmanyam 1986: 87). probably, the royal declaration was surely effected within Interestingly,he has addressed the deity in first person. the markets of the city itself. On another occasion, the Kulke noticed that this is the first inscriptional evidence Gajapati king Kapileśvaradeva gifted the village from Orissa of a king’s communication with his divine Puṇḍarikṣa-Gopa while encamping on return, in the city of overlord and in it the king has called himself a sevaka or Puruṣottama, after his victorious expedition against Malikā- servant of Jagannātha, which was a move to tighten the Parisā (the army of Vijayanagara under Mallikārjuna) and control over the powerful and influential priests of Puri after the prayer, in the presence of mahāpātra Raghudeva- (Kulke 2014: 278-79). Narendra, the superintendent of treasury (Tripathy 2010:

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Conclusion: Journey towards urbanity urbanization continued up to the 18th-19th centuries The authochthonic cult of Puri was famous in the 11th (Ranabir Chakravarti: Personal Communication 2013) and century as the cult of the country of Orissa and of the Puri is one of such places. Utkala country at the seashore as found from the Maihar welqms inscription (Kulke 2014: 213). Puri was primarily a ‡ÿc religious centre and known as Hari-tīrtha in the 12th century GB cÖe‡Ü Dwol¨vi AZ¨šÍ cwiwPZ ¯’vb cyixi gw›`i †_‡K cÖvß th (Tripathy 2010: 399). In the 14 century Nrishimha temple †jL¸wj †_‡K Øv`k †_‡K cÂ`k kZK ch©šÍ ¯’vbwUi ˆewkó¨ I inscription, we come to know that a gift of a perpetual lamp to the god Kṛṣṇa was made in the village of Puruṣottama cwieZ©‡bi wPÎ Zz‡j aivi †Póv Kiv n‡q‡Q| cyixi wgkÖ RbZvq or, Puruṣottamadevara-grāma which was intended for eûfvlvi ¯’vb wQj| GLvbKvi mvgvwRK †Mvôx¸wj hy³ wQj Puruṣottama-kaṭaka or Puri.(Tripathy 2010: 426). If the gw›`‡ii mv‡_| gw›`‡i cÖ‡qvRbxq mvgMÖx¸wji GKwU mvwe©K assumption is right, then it may be understood that even in wPÎI Avgiv cvB †jL¸wj †_‡K| ivR‰bwZK I agx©q, th the 14 century, Puri’s identity as a city was not firmly Kg©Kv‡Êi d‡j Ges †`‡ki wewfbœ ¯’v‡bi mv‡_ †hvMv‡hv‡Mi established. It was known as pura and kaṭaka along with tīrtha and grāma. It is obscure then, that at what point of Kvi‡Y bMi wnmv‡e cyixi weKvk N‡UwQj Ges ÔZ…Zxq bMivqbÕ time its change of identity from the village to city was fully †_‡K cyixi weKvk‡K Avjv`v Kiv hvq bv| complete and was accepted to the eyes of people. There were some factors which enabled this change. References Puri was an important centre for pilgrimage and it was Chattopadhyaya, Brajadulal (2012), Urban Centres in Early connected by land and water routes with other parts of India Medieval India: An Overview. In The Making of Early (Panda 1995: 100). People came here from parts of India Medieval India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press and settled here. Puri was more exposed to the Deccan and Hacker, Katherine F. (1997) Dressing Lord Jagannātha in Silk south India as shown by the inscriptions ranging between Cloth, Clothes, and Status. In Anthropology and the 12th and 15th century CE. It was only in the 18th century Aesthetics, no. 32, pp. 106-124 that we find the persons from Bengal and north India Kulke, H. (2014) Early Royal Patronage of the Jagannātha Cult. In associating themselves with the temples of Puri. Though it Eschmann, Anncharlott; Kulke,Hermann; Tripathi, Gaya was a Vaisnavite place and Lord Jagannatha tried to absorb Charan (ed) The Cult of Jagannātha and the Regional other Vaisnavite and and to a small scale the Saivite deities Tradition of Orissa Revised and Enlarged Edition, Delhi: too, it was not always possible. The influence of Saivism Manohar, pp.201-219 was never fully forgotton. Puri was multi-lingual as well. Kulke, H. (2014) Jagannātha as the State Deity under the Oriya, Telugu, and Sanskrit prevailed here. Different castes Gajapatis of Orissa. In Eschmann, Anncharlott; Kulke,Hermann; Tripathi, Gaya Charan (ed) The Cult of and communities, men and women of higher and lower rank Jagannātha and the Regional Tradition of Orissa Revised of society and the royalty and nobility participated in the and Enlarged Edition, Delhi: Manohar, pp.271-282 temple activities and circulation of articles. The association Mahapatra, R. P. (1986) Archaeology Of Orissa: Sites and of flower-merchant, seafaring merchant, the trade of salt Monuments, vol. I, Delhi: B.R.Publishing Corporation and cowrie-shells, the fairs held during the Nertra-utsava Marglin, Frederique Apffel (1985) Wives of the God-King The and Ratha-yātrā (the term utsava and yātrā themselves can Rituals of the Devadasis of Puri, Delhi: Oxford University be equated with seasonal fair) as well as the movements of Press articles encouraged by the donations to and activities of Murthy, S. S. Ramachandra, Reddy, N. Krishna, Sakuntala, V. temples here widened Puri’s possibility of being a place of (2009) Historcal Geography and Administrative Divisions. active commerce. Its communication with the Chilka In Prasad, B.Rajendra (ed) Comprehensive History and region, Ganjam area and Srikakulam enhanced the Culture of Andhra Pradesh (Vol. III): Early Medieval possibility of its being connected with the ports. The Andhra Pradesh AD 624-1000. New Delhi: Tulika Books, dancing and singing in temples raised its attraction and pp.140-173 marked it as a cultural centre too. And above all, Puri was Narasimhaswami, H. K. (ed) (1987), ‘Ins.B’ (Three Vaidumba the place of political experiment of the kings of Orissa. So, Inscriptions from Kalakada). In Epigraphia Indica 1953- Puri was religious, political and cultural and commercial 54 (Vol. XXX), New Delhi: ASI, pp. 280-84 centre.We know that the multiplication of different kinds of Panda, Shishir Kumar (1995) The State and the Statecraft in activities in a particular centre helped in its growth as a Medieval Orissa under the Later Eastern Gaṅgas prosperous urban area in the early-medieval period. The (A.D.1038-1434), Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Company multiplied functions of Puri helped it to emerge gradually Sahu, Bhairabi Prasad (2013) The Changing Gaze Regions and the as a famous city. This process was not separated from other Constructions of Early India, New Delhi: Oxford parts of early-medieval India where it was known as the University Press ‘Third Urbanization’ according to B.D. Chattopadhyaya Sahu, Bhairabi Prasad (2014) Community, Caste and Region in (Chattopadhyaya 2012: 154-78). At some places, this third Odisha: The Formative Period. In Veluthat, Kesavan,

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Davis, Donald R. Jr (ed) Irreverent History Essays for Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, Śaka 1053, no. 25, p. 410 M.G.S.Narayanan. New Delhi: Primus Books, pp. 189-203 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Year 58 Singh, Upinder (1993) Kings, Brahmanas and Temples in Orissa (?), no.28, p. 412 An Epigraphic Study AD 300-1147, New Delhi: Mārkaṇḍeśvara Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Year 60 Munshiram Manoharlal (?), no. 30, p. 413 Sircar, D. C. (ed). (1987 reprint) Algum Inscription of Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Śaka Anantavarman: Regnal Year 62. In EI XXIX (1951-52), Year 1058, no.31, pp.413 New Delhi, pp.44-48 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, Śaka Year 1058, no.32, p. 414 Sircar, D. C. (ed). (1987 reprint) Puri Inscriptions of Anangabhima III, Saka 1147 and 1158. In EI XXX (1953-54), New Delhi, Mārkaṇḍeśvara Temple Fragmentary Inscription, no. 34, p. 415 pp.197-203 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Year Sircar, D. C. (ed). (1987 reprint) Puri Inscription of Chodaganga. 70(?), no. 36, p. 416 In EI XXXIII (1959-60), New Delhi, , pp.181-185 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Kāmārṇava, Year 5, Subramanyam, R. (1986) The Inscriptions of the Sūryavaṃśī no.38, p. 417 Gajapatis of Orissa, New Delhi: Indian Council of Mārkaṇḍeśvara Temple Inscription of Rāghavadeva, Year 3, Historical Research, Agam Prakashan (The inscriptions no.39, pp. 417-8 mentioned below have been taken from this book) Pātāleśvara Temple Inscription of the Time of Anaṅgabhīma III, Puri Inscription of Kapilendra, no. 1, pp. 3-4 Śaka Year 1158, no. 43, pp.419-20 Puri Inscription of Kapilendra, no. 3, p. 7 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Anaṅgabhīmadeva, Puri Inscription of Kapilēśvara, no. 17, p. 59 Year 31, no. 48, pp. 422-3 Puri Inscription of Kapilēśvara, no. 28, p. 87 A Fragmentary Stone Inscription from Siddheśvara Temple, no. 50, pp. 423-4 Puri Inscription of Kapilēśvara, no. 34, pp. 94-96 Pātāleśvara Temple Inscription, Śaka Year 1188, no. 51, p.424 Puri Inscription of Purushottama Deva, no. 38, pp. 105-106 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, no. 56, p. 426 Puri Inscription of Purushottama Deva, no.39, pp. 107 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, no. 57, p. 426 Puri Inscription of Purushottama Deva, no.48, pp. 121-122 Mārkaṇḍeśvara Temple Inscription of the Time of Bhānudeva, Puri Inscription of Prataparudra, no. 64, pp. 159-60 Year 14, no. 60, p. 427 Tripathy, Snigdha (2010) Descriptive Topographical Catalogue of Jagannātha Temple Inscription of Kapileśvaradeva, Year 19, Orissan Inscriptions, Manohar, New Delhi: Manohar (The no.64, p. 429 inscriptions mentioned below are taken from this book) Jagannātha Temple Inscription of Puruṣottamadeva, Year 2, no.68, Dasgoba Copper Plate Charter of Rājarāja (III), Śaka Year 1120, pp.431-2 no. 13, pp. 393-4 Kapoteśvara Copper Plate Charter of Anaṅgabhīma (III), no.14, Jagannātha Temple Inscription of Puruṣottama, Year 2, no. 69, p. 432 pp.394-5 Punjabi Maṭha Copper Plate Charter of Bhānudeva (II), Śaka Year Jagannātha Temple Inscription of Puruṣottamadeva, Year 3, no. 1234, no.15, pp. 395-6 70, pp. 432-3 Gopinātha Temple Inscription, Śaka Year 1667, no. 76, pp. 435-6 Puri Copper Plate Charter of Narasiṃha IV, Śaka 1316, no. 17, pp. 397-8 Pañca-Pāṇḍava Temple Inscription, no. 78, p. 436 Mārkaṇḍeśvara Temple Inscription, Śaka Year 1033, no. 1, Śrīkūrmam Inscription, Śaka Year 1198, no.230, p. 802 pp.398-9 N si ha Temple Inscription, Śaka 1035, no.2,pp.399-400 ṛ ṃ Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Śaka Year 1035, no. 3, pp. 400-1 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, Śaka 1035, no.4, pp.401 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, Śaka Year 1049, no. 8, pp. 403 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, no.16, p. 406 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅgadeva, no. 20, pp. 407-8. Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of Coḍagaṅgadeva, Year 53 (?), no. 21, p. 408 Mārkaṇḍeśvara Temple Inscription, Śaka 1051, no. 22, pp. 408-9 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription, no. 23, p. 409 Nṛsiṃha Temple Inscription of the Time of Coḍagaṅga, Śaka 1053, no. 24, pp. 409-10

24 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 25-32 ISSN 1560-7593 Antiquity of Mahisasuramardini with Special Reference to Gujarat

SUSHMITA SEN PRAMANIK TULI GUHA MAJUMDER Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Department of Archaeology M S University of Baroda Comilla University , Gujarat, India Bangladesh Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

Abstract The root of is a Hindu denomination that focuses worship upon or . Sakti cult has been originated and worshipped as fertility cult, mother goddess, and phallic form and later on as Sakti. It has been worshipped in different forms in different places and in different times such as Durga, , Kamakhya, Katyayani etc. From the very ancient time until now Sakti occupied a high position in the religious field of different parts of South Asia. Sakti cult generally formed a new religious sect called Sakta sect. The goddess Durga or Mahisasuramardini represents the metaphysical principal of power (Adhyashakti), the transcendent source and support of all creatures and creation as propounded both in Vedas and in the . In the Indian religious traditions from the very beginning the divine reality is conceived of as both man and woman. The philosophy and the worship of the shakti gradually developed throughout the history of Indian religion. This paper aims to understand the worship of the goddess in Gujarat through archaeology and literary sources, where we find large numbers of followers are of and Saivism.

Introduction Devi (Rao 1916: 135-186). Miniature stone-reliefs of Durga Durgatinasini is the destroyer of all evil elements. It two/four armed Durga engaged in war with Mahisasura is stated in Skanda Purana that she obtained the name un-earthed from Bhita by Sir John Marshal are recognized Durga because she had slew an named Durga, the to the Gupta period (Blurton 1992: 200). A four armed name of the goddess being the feminine form of the brass image containing an inscription of the time of th demon’s name (Durgat tarayase Durga tat Tvam Durga Meruvarman ruler of Chamba (8 century CE.) is excellent smritajanaih…..). in composition. The Ellora specimen shows the eight armed Devi engaged in war riding her mount lion. The The antiquity of the Mahisasuramardini can be dated back intensity of the combat is excellently articulated. Thus from in remote past in India. She is mentioned in the Rig Vedas a Puranic and Ramayan days Durga worship was popular in universal Goddess called Vak. She is the symbol of highest India. Her incarnation in the form of Mahisasuramardini consciousness which is identical with . She is Durga was to kill the wicked demon Mahisa and to Ambika the mother of whole universe. In the Epics also she preserve on earth (Blurton 1992: 220-253). The is worshiped by and Arjuna and is known by objective of the paper is therefore to trace the context of different names. The original Devi-Mahatmya section of historical origins and evolution of the deity the Brahmanda Purana speaks of the various early forms (Mahisasuramardini Durga) and her iconography in of the Goddess, such as Mahisasuramardini, the Matrika, Gujarat from archaeological and literary sources and to etc. Rao (1916) has collected many other names understand the history of Durga worship in Gujarat. and forms of the deity along with her iconography details from the Agamas. Other Puranas where the goddess is The deity Durga in Mahisasuramardini form came to be mentioned are Varaha Purana, Vamana Purana. Different widespread throughout India from the Gupta age. The literary works describe various iconic types of the deity. surprising geographical spread of the image in ancient and The goddess represents the metaphysical principal of medieval Indian temples indicates that she was firmly in the religious and artistic vocabulary of the Hindu culture all power, the transcendent source and support of all creatures th and creations propounded both in the Vedas and in the over the sub-continent from the 5 century CE onwards. Purana (Dutta 2003: 2). The Devimahatmaya section of She is depicted in the early century Gupta temples of north Markandeya Purana represented her as the energy India and early Chalukya temples of the northern Deccan in accumulated from the Trinity and other gods and goddess 7th century CE and the Pallava cave temples of of the Hindu pantheon. She has been referred to as Uma, Mahabalipuram. During the great age of Indian temple th th Kali, Durga, , Katyayani, Ambika etc. She is building (9 to 13 centuries), she was depicted in the mentioned in and in the Tantras. She is also temples of Orissa, the Great Kailasanatha temple and other known as (Dutta 2003: 240). temples of Ellora, the central Indian Chandela temples of Khajuraho, and in the ornate Hoysala and Kakatiya temple The difference between different forms primarily lies in the of the Deccan. Indian artisans seem to have revelled in the number of hands and ayudhas (weapons) attributed to the

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 individual expression allowed by the complexity of the One of the early temples in Bhubaneswar, the Baital Deul, Mahisasuramardini scene, and have depicted the characters has an example of this form. The half-human Mahisasura in an amazing variety of positions, expressions, postures, seems to kneel in front of Durga as she pushes him down and movements (Rao1916: 47-50). and slays him with her trisula. Her outstretched arms holds The earliest representation of the Goddess swords, snakes, and a shield, all in a swirl of motion but Mahisasuramardini is in terracotta plaques discovered at her face is compassionate. Although constrained by a Nagar near Uniyana in Tonk district, . One of narrow rectangular frame the Orissan artist has produced an these has been dated from the first century BC to first image of stunning beauty and vitality, with not a single century AD. Another plaque found in period IV levels of element of either Durga or the asura disproportionate or Sonkh () represents Durga Mahisasuramardini. out of place (Blurton 1992: 225). The widespread distribution of the Mahisaurmardini In the next stage of evolution, found in late Chalukya and sculptures, the popularity of the concept of Goddess Hoysala temples (such as at Somnathpura) the slaying the demons, must have social significance. She compositions show a human Mahisasura being slayed by fight with the demons, symbolizing the ultimate triumph of Durga. The example shown is a late Chalukya example good over evil, must have provided the toiling masses with from Alampur. Here an eight-armed Durga is shown the illusion of a cherished reality, when the existing reality thrusting her trisula into a miniature Mahisasura as he went against their hopes and aspirations (Blurton 1992: 67- emerges from the buffalo. Although aesthetically less 70). pleasing than the earlier Chalukya example, this sculpture is more active. The lifeless buffalo collapses as Mahisasura Evolution of Mahisamardhini Iconography emerges ready to strike. Durga gently holds the asura’s Mahisamardhini iconography evolved and changed with head as she kills him, while her other hands brandish time and geography. With the passage of time, the weapons, a drawn sword, an arrow being taken out of its orientation and movement of the images changed, and the quiver, a bell being rung (Dutta 2003: 66-68). asura gradually attained a human form. In the earliest images the asura was represented in the form of a buffalo. Such images are found in the temples of the Chalukyas (Alampur). Pallavas (Mahabalipuram), and Pratiharas (Rajasthan). A Chalukya image from the ASI site museum at Alampur is an excellent example. Durga holds down the buffalo with one leg, bending its head to thrust a spear down its neck, while her simha attacks it from behind. Amidst this ferocious scene, her face is calm, and Mahisasura seems to submit without resistance. A second depiction that is found in slightly later temples shows with a human body with a buffalo head. Such images are found in the temples of the early Chalukyas (), Rashtrakutas (Ellora) and in Orissan temples (Guha 2011: 22-25).

Fig. 2: Mahisamardhini from Alampur, Jogulamba Gadwal district, Telangana

A fifth type, much more recent than the others mentioned so far, is found on terracotta temples of Bengal, particularly those in the Hugli and Howrah region. The standardized Bengali group of deities is shown here (figure 2): Durga slaying Mahisasura in the centre and her children surrounding her. In temples with triple-arched entrances, the images are positioned on the heavy octagonal columns in the porch. But in other temples, particularly those in Medinipur, the image can also be found among Rama and Fig. 1: Mahisamardhini from Aihole, Bijapur district, Krishna iconography in the panels above the entrance Karnataka arches.

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 region. It has been a major attraction as a meeting point for the traders and foreigners alike who utilized and exploited its wealth. Gujarat being a torrid region, the merchants went out of their way to exchange goods which were not produced or available there. Moreover the very geographical and physical features of this region brought about economic prosperity.

About 90 percent of Gujaratis are Hindu. The Figure 3: Radhagovinda Temple, Medinipur Vallabhacharya sect of Krishna worshipers has a particularly strong following among the Gujarati bania (trading) castes. is an important place of pilgrimage for this sect, and is considered one of India's seven sacred cities. Siva also has his following among Gujaratis. The , on 's southern coast, is an important Shaivite shrine. Among Goddess Amba Ma, and Kalika Ma are widely worshiped. and temple are flocked with pilgrims far and wide.

Sculptural Representation of the Goddess from Gujarat Numerous images of Mahisasuramardini have been found from Gujarat, of which selected images are described here. Mostly the figure the goddess is four armed and few are of six armed, ten armed and multi armed. She is in pratyalidhasana posture with aggressive look and big eyes, piercing the demon with a in her right hand and in other hands she is holding a sword and a bell respectively. She is bedecked with jewellery like kundalas, necklace armlets, anklets and bangles, sometimes with mukut or without mukut and sometimes has jatamukuta on her head.

Fig. 4: Mahisamardhini from Alampur, Jogulamba  Among the four armed two images have been found Gadwal district, Telangana from Ganedhara of Sabarkantha district of North Gujarat dated to late sixth to early seventh century CE. A fragmentary figure of Durga Mahisasuramardini murti has been found from north Gujarat. Her torso has only remaining along with the head of the buffalo. The figure is assigned to 5th century CE.  One unique stone image has been found from Limaj in Jambusar taluka of Baroda district. The unique thing is that her left hand, she inserts into the mouth of the buffalo and pulling his tongue out. Lion her vehicle is absent out here. Two of the images is found from Mansar of Baroda district, now in EME temple, Baroda. Another one of the four armed deity of Mahisasuramardini has been found from Galal near Kavi at Barhuch district. Her attributes and other things remain the same as the earlier one. This sculpture is assigned to seventh century CE. Another Fig. 5: Mahisasurmardini from Ellora cave no 16 one have been found from Kapadvanj in Kheda district of Gujarat. It is dated to 8th century CE. One image Gujarat which is kept in the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, M. S. University of Baroda was Gujarat, situated in a strategic point on the Western found from Kundala near Dhaboi of Baroda district. Littoral, the presence of a large coastal belt and its related Some of the similar images kept in the Baroda advantages has hastened the development of trade in this museum collected from Ladol in Vijapur Taluka of

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 North Gujarat, Salad from Baroda District and these Literary Sources: th th sculptures are dated to 11 to 13 century CE. The earliest passage regarding Goddess Durga occurs in  Six armed Goddess seen on the temple of Sunak in wherein it is elaborated the three fold aspect Mehsana district. These images are seen on the niches of her form, representing the triple qualities of the trinity. of the temple. The goddess is in Pratyalidhasana Two hymns in the Harivamsaandone episode in the posture with aggressive look and big eyes, piercing the Markandeya Purana known as Devi Mahatmaya talks demon with a trident in her right hand and in other about the legends of the Devi. hands she is holding a sword, shield, parasu, and bell. The sculpture is dated to 11th century CE  A Durga sculpture with eight arms has been found at Pithai near Kapadvanj in Kheda district is assigned to 11th century CE. Her attributes in her right hands are chakra trishul, sword and Varada mudra where as her left hand she is holding a bell, shield a dadam (pomegranate) fruit and the lower hand she is holding the tail of a buffalo. Another unique image was found in the debris of the Siva temple at Kaleshwari village of . Here with her right hand she is pulling at the head of the demon and attacking the demon from behind.

 The ten armed Mahisasuramardini goddess dated to ninth century CE. Other than the earlier attributes she Fig. 7: Mahisasuramardini from Galal near Kavi at Broach holds bows, arrow, naga, shati, and chakra. It is found district, Gujarat from the southern bank of river Banas (Bhattacharyya 2008).  Multi handed image of Durga has been found from Ghumli in Jamnagar district, housed in the museum of the same city, dated to ninth century CE.

Fig. 8: Mahisasuramardini from Pithai near Kapadvanj, Kheda district, Gujarat

It is said that and Vinayak are the only powerful and serviceable gods as far as Kali age is concerned Fig. 6: Mahisasuramardini from Gujarat (c. 16 century AD) (Majmudar 1967: 119). It is the non sectarian character of

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 the contents of the Durga Mahatmya that has led to the () sect in . The Shakti Peethas are prevalence and popularity of theme which is panegyric to mostly worshiped by tantra practitioners. Each Shakti the glories of Shakti the mother, protector, and the Peetha has a Kalabhairava shrine associated with it the benefactor of the human race. The aspect of love in its Kalabhairava of this Amba Matha Temple is Batuk various spiritual forms thus permeates the cult of Kali- Bhairav. Durga in Gujarat, where she lost most of her terrible phases and has become the sweet mother of beneficiary of the Universe.

Fig. 10: Image of Ambaji in Gujarat

Ambaji is one of the 51 ancient Shakti Peetha tirth in India. There are 12 main Shakti Pith Tirth, significant places of pilgrimage for the worship of Shakti, namely, Ma Bhagwati Maha Shakti at , Ma Kamakshi at , Mata Bramaramba at , Shri Kumarika at , Mataji Ambaji at Anar Gujarat, Mata Mahalaxmi devi at Kolhapur, Devi Lalita at Prayag, Vindhya Vasini at Vindhya, Vishalakshi at , Mangalavati at Gaya and Sundari at in .

Fig. 9: Mahisasuramardini from Mansar, Baroda district, Gujarat

The earliest literary reference to the Devi Mahatmya episode in Gujarat is the poem 'Surosthotsava' by Someshwaradeva, who was honoured as Gurjareshvara Purohita by the Solanki rules Bhimadeva and Vilasadeva in the thirteenth century CE. It talks about the King who got back his kingdom by his devotion and prayers to the Devi.

Durga worship in Modern days Gujarat Along with other gods and goddess; goddess Durga is also worshipped with great devotion by the present day people of Gujarat. Ambaji The shrine of Ambaji is regarded as a revered shrine by the Fig. 11: Image of Ambe Maa in Gujarat Shakta Shaktism sect of Hinduism. It is believed that the heart of Devi has fallen here. The origin of the Shakti There is no idol or picture in the temple but a simple cave Peetha status temple is from the mythology of Daksha like Gokh in the inner wall, in which a gold plated holy yaga and Sati's self immolation. Shakti Peethas were shakti visa Shree Yantra having kurma back convex shape believed to have been formed when the body parts of the and 51 Bij letters therein, connected with that of the corpse of Sati Devi fell into different regions when Lord original Yantras of Nepal and Ujjain Shakti Piths, is also Siva carried her corpse in sorrow after her death. The ritually installed in such a way it can be visible for shrines are considered as highly revered by Shaivist devotion, but never photographed in past nor can be so

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 done in future. The worship of this Visa Shree Yantra is Katyayani done only after tying a bandage on the eyes Katyayani, another form of Durga, is the sixth of Goddess Durga and is worshipped by the people on the sixth day of the Navratri. The legend states with her ferocious form she killed the demon Mahisasura and known as Durga Her passive form is Katyayani. Ma Katyayani is considered to be the prime Goddess of the Vraj Mandal. Rishi Katyayan had observed severe penance and the Mata took birth as a daughter to the Rishi and that’s the reason Mata is known as Katyayani. Kalika Purana states that Rishi first worshiped her and thus her name came to be known as Katyayani. The vehicle of the Mata is Lion. She has three eyes and four hands. In one hand Mata holds sword named, Chandrahaas, in the other hand Mata holds a Lotus flower and the rest of the two hands are in Abhaya and Varada mudras. She is a symbol of knowledge, victory over evil and courage. Fig. 12: Present day Mahisasuramardini image in Gujarat

There is also a place near Kapadvanj in Kheda district of Gujarat called Pithai. Today there is a temple of Devi Mahisasuramardini and a large number of sculptures lying around it.

Kalika Ma at Pavagarh Kalikamata; is worshipped one and all in Gujarat. Pavagadh is a temple complex and a pilgrim centre at the summit of Pavagadh Hill in Panchmahal district, Gujarat, within the -Pavagadh Archaeological Park. It dates from the 10th or 11th centuries CE. The temple has three images of goddesses: the central image is of Kalika Mata, flanked by Kali on the right and Bahucharamata on the left. On Chitra month, a fair is held at the temple which is attended by thousands of devotees. The temple is the site of one of the Great holy Shakti Peethas. Dating from the 10th-11th centuries, Kalika Mata is the oldest temple in the area. The goddess Kalika Mata was initially worshipped by the local (Sadashiv Patel), until she Fig. 14: Image of devi Katayayani in Gujarat was later invoked and installed by Vishvamitra on Pavagadh Hill summit, where she is worshipped as a form Social Aspect of Saktism in Gujarat of Durga or Chandi. The people of Gujarat followed Saktism and animism in the past. With Vaishnabhism coming to Gujarat both aspects of Saktism and Vaishnabhism blended in a beautiful form and two folk dances emerged the garba and the Raas. Garba continued to hold importance in the life of the people of Gujarat. It plays an important role in the social life of the people like the family gathering, marriages and any other social functions The most important festival of the people of Gujarat is Garba celebrated for nine days during the Ram Namavi a festival of Goddess Durga which comes along with the festival of Durga Puja of Bengal. It is also known as Garbi, Garbha or Garbha Deep. In ‘Garbha Deep’, the Fig. 13: Temple of Kalika ma in Gujarat word ‘Garbha’ , which means womb and ‘Deep’ means

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 little earthen lamps. Goddess Durga/Shakti is worshipped Another important fact is the long night drama called for nine days in different forms. The nine different forms Bhavai the name of the Sutradhara or Bhavnithe goddess, is are known as Shailaputri, Brahmacharini, Chandraghanta, originally associated with the dramatic performance of the Kusumanda, Skandamata, Katyayani, Kali, Gauri and glorious deeds of Amba (Majumdar 1967), which is Siddhidatri. It is usually performed in a circle around a big enacted night long before the sacred image of the goddess. lamp or the statue of Goddess Shakti. The word garba comes from the Sanskrit word for womb and so implies gestation or pregnancy life. Traditionally, the dance is performed around a clay lantern with a light inside, called a Garbha Deep (womb lamp). This lantern represents life, and the foetus in the womb in particular. A Garbha is a long poem describing the exploits of Sakti and singing her praise. As the cycle of time revolves, from birth, to life, to death and again to rebirth, the only thing that is constant is the Goddess, that one unmoving symbol in the midst of all of this unending and infinite movement. The dance symbolizes that God, represented in feminine Fig. 15: Garba Dance in Gujrat form in this case, is the only thing that remains unchanging in a constantly changing universe (jagat). They synchronize clapping their hands with the motion of their feet, often in a rather graceful and simultaneous motion. The Garba songs are usually in regards to this idol, and thus, people are paying their respects with prayers and devotion to this Holiness. The Garbha Deep has another symbolic interpretation. The vessel itself is a symbol of the body, within whom divinity (in the form of the Goddess) resides. Garba is danced around this symbol to honour the fact that all humans have the divine energy of Devi within them Garba is now Fig. 16: Garba Dance in Gujrat appreciated worldwide.

People of all ages from a small child to old person every one participate in this dance and festivities surrounding it. The night is lit up with beautiful decorations of Garba ground, colourful traditional dresses food stalls. It is like a huge fair in each and every Garba ground of the city. Beautiful colours are merged together from the array of Indian outfits and other decor. The most common music theme is starting with slow songs and moving to the faster, more upbeat songs. The nukkar or colony garba is also catching up. Due to heavy traffic and ocean of crowd people hire music system and light up and decorate an open area and play Garba. Whole nine nights of Gujarat is lit up Fig. 17: Present day nine different forms of the goddess with light, music, fair and festivities. It is also catching up globally as many foreigners come and participate in the Conclusions festival and in other countries it is celebrated with great pomp and show. The worship of Durga Mahisasuramardini is very popular and worshipped all over India. She is called by different This definitely cannot be said for all Garba, but especially names in different regions. She is also the cult god of during the vastly significant nine day Hindu festival of different tribes. She is worshipped in the Sharada Navratri. Navratri, the people forget the purpose behind why they Durga, the Mother Goddess is the symbol of all the are dancing around Ambe Maa (Goddess Amba), too caught auspicious and true qualities which define the Supreme up in the social aspect of this occasion. It is the meeting Being. Shakti was conceived as the mother principal in ground of the youth and social gathering like catching up India and naturally was associated with the mother with friends, street food fun and frolic. goddess. Both empirical and speculative elements go to make up the Sakti concept. Of all her forms, Devi Durga is

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 the ultimate representation of infinite power, purity and Blurton, T. R. (1992) Hindu Art, London: British Museum Press. strength of purpose, which resides within the divine Coburn, Thomas B. (1991) Encountering the Goddess: A essence of every being. The culmination of Shakti translation of the Devi-Mahatmya and a Study of Its conception is found in the Devimahatya of Markandeya Interpretation. New York: State University of New York Purana and epics, she is worshipped by the society for her Press. beneficiary aspect. The Durga stories and numerous Dutta, K. (2003) Calcutta: A Cultural and Literary History, Tantras explain to us the strength of worship of the Oxford: Signal Books Limited. goddess. These Tantras record the ideology of the worship Guha, A. (2011) Mahisasurmardini in . in Chitrolekha of the benign as well as the terrific aspect. In Gujarat the International Magazine on Art and Design, Vol. 1, No. 3. goddess became popular from the medieval period when Kinsley, D. (1997) Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine: The many sculptures were found from different places. The Ten . California: University of California aspect of the Mother as beneficiary and giving has become Press. more popular among the people of Gujarat. She is worship Majumdar P. K. (1967) Sakti Worship in Rajasthan In The Shakti in different forms during the Navratri which comes two Cult and Tara (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 92-100. Calcutta: times a year. She is more popular as Ambemata and University of Calcutta. Bhavanimata. Of all her forms, Devi Durga is the ultimate Mehta R. N. (1967) Origin of Sakti Cult’ In The Shakti Cult and representation of infinite power, purity and strength of Tara (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 61-65. Calcutta: University of purpose, which resides within the divine essence of every Calcutta. being. Rao, T. A. G. (1916) Elements of Hindu Iconography. Madras: Law Printing House. welq ms‡ÿc Sastri, G. (1967) The Cult of Sakti. In The Shakti Cult and Tara cÖvPxb fviZxq Dcgnv‡`‡ki wn›`y `k©b kv‡¯¿i Ab¨Zg GKwU (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 10-16. Calcutta: University of gZev` n‡”Q kw³ gZev`| kw³ gZev‡`i g~‡j i‡q‡Q kw³ ev Calcutta. Singh, L. V. (2015) Women and Gender in Ancient India. New †`exi Dcvmbv| niàv ms¯‹„wZ †_‡K ïiæ K‡i cieZx© wewfbœ Delhi: Aryan Books International. ms¯‹„wZ‡Z gvZ…c~Rv I De©iZvi †`exi c~Rvi cÖgvY cvIqv †M‡Q, Sinha B. P. (1967) Evolution of Sakti Worship in India. In The †h¸‡jv wQj cieZx© mg‡q kw³ ev †`ex Avivabvi cÖv_wgK Shakti Cult and Tara (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 45-55. ch©vq| kw³ †`ex‡K wewfbœ ¯’v‡b wewfbœ bv‡g I iƒ‡c Dcvmbv Calcutta: University of Calcutta. Kiv nq †hgb; gwnlvmyigw`©bx, `~M©v, Kvwj, KvgvL¨v, K¨vZvqbx, Sircar, D. C. (1967) Sakti Cult in Western India In The Shakti Cult and Tara (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 87-91. Calcutta: PvgyÛv, A¤^vgvZv cÖf„wZ| cÖvPxb Kvj †_‡K eZ©gvb ch©šÍ Avmvg, University of Calcutta. Dwol¨v, evsjv, KY©vUK, ¸RivU cfÖ „wZ A‡j kw³gZev` ev Thakurata, T. G. (2015) In the Name of the Goddess: The Durga †`ex Dcvmbv ¸iæZ¡c~Y© ¯’vb `Lj K‡i Av‡Q| `~Mv© ev Pujas of Contemporary Kolkata, New Delhi: Primus gwnlvmyigw`©bx gvZ…kw³i GKwU iƒc| g~jZ †cŠiwYK hyM n‡Z Books. gvZ…‡`ex wn‡m‡e gwnlvmyigw©`©bxi Dcvmbv ïiæ nq hv cieZx© The Upanishads. Max Muller F. (2004 reprint) vol. I, Kessinger Publishing: Whitefish, Montana). mg‡q wewfbœ bv‡g I wewfbœ iƒ‡c fviZxq Dcgnv‡`‡ki wewfbœ ¯’v‡b cw~ RZ n‡q Avm‡Q| GB M‡elYv cÖe‡Ü mvwnwZ¨K I cÖZœZvwË¡K m~‡Îi gva¨‡g ¸RivU A‡j gvZ…‡`ex wn‡m‡e gwnlvmyigw`©bx c~Rvi Drm AbymÜvb, g~wZ©ZvwË¡K weeZ©b Ges eZ©gvb mg‡qi †cÖwÿ‡Z kw³‡`exi Dcvmbv c×wZ m¤ú‡K© Av‡jvPbv Kiv n‡q‡Q|

References Amazzone, L. (2010) Goddess Durga and Sacred Female Power. London: Hamilton Books. Banerjee, S. (2004) Durga Puja: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow; Culcutta: Rupa & Co. Behera, K. S. (1967) Evolution of Sakti Cult at Jajpur, Bhubaneswar and Puri In The Shakti Cult and Tara (Ed. D C Sircar), PP. 74-86. Calcutta: University of Calcutta. Bhattacharyya, B. K. (2008) Earthen Sculpture of Goddess Durga, in The Tribune (6 October 2008).

32 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 33-38 ISSN 1560-7593 Exploring Identities through Museum: Manipur and Nagaland State Museum a case Study

MEPUSANGBA Department of History and Archaeology Nagaland University, Campus India Email: [email protected] Abstract Over the last decades, in response to critiques and multidisciplinary studies on modern museum objects, collection and process has been redefined. The shift has radically broadened the functions and process not simply emphasizing on collection and preservation but rather having codes and activities streaming to communicate with public. The new museum practices apart from visitor’s experiences, management and technology, display techniques- Objects, collections, historical narrations and representations, sometimes have close link with identity which has become core issues in museological discourse. Limiting the area, the re-signified and re-posited new museum is put forward to explore the State museums of Nagaland and Manipur as case study. The paper will explore displayed collections on how it represents the community and its identities.

The old notion of museum as a repository or a store house identities are the result of the identification of individual displaying collections has shifted towards a new trend with reference to groups, collective identities-the result of culminating in various disciplinary fields. Rather as an comparison of imagined communities which form the idea amusement or an entertainment center museum has of or the notions “who we are”. Kidd (2002: 24) defined emerged as an institution in careful understanding of the identity as ‘the characteristic of thinking, reflecting and social, culture, economic and political. The shift has self- perception that are held by the people in the society radically broadened the functions and process not simply and further identified three forms of identity; first emphasizing on collection and preservation but also codes individual identity- the unique sense of personhood held by and activities streaming to communicate with public. each person in their own right. Secondly, social identity- a Museum as a role model in educating -representation and collective sense of belonging to a group, identifying projection has a vital significance in disseminating the true themselves as having something in common with other aspects of the society or culture that is exhibiting. Either group members and thirdly, cultural identity- a sense of directly or indirectly display of culture represents identity belonging to a distinct ethnic, cultural or sub cultural’. The and most significantly perhaps the self-image and concept of identity is employed in various aspects as such sometimes who we are not. on nationalism, religion, political, cultural, psychology, The paper a preliminary investigation will try to explore sociology, electoral; ethnicity and many among others. identities represented in the two state museum- Manipur Museums objects and collections in its broader and Nagaland State Museum as a case study. The understanding link with above aspects, as collections and introductory- a brief concept of identity in general, how objects have their provenances which are identifiers. identity has been described in the context of museum. Identity has been discussed and research in museum Further, case study will try to explore identity of the literature in the past decades (Falk, 2006; Hooper- communities represented in the two state museums basing Greenhill, 2000; Leinhardt and Knutson, 2004). It has on history, culture and the people. shown that museum plays a crucial role in shaping both individual and national identities through their collections, The concept of identity is complex and dynamic; it has research and public programmes. A visit to a museum can been introduced in multidisciplinary fields justifying their influence both a person’s identity and their sense of self needs and explanations. According to Breckner (2014: 16) (Falk, 2006; Rounds, 2006). Identity can be shaped by “Identities are shaped in processes by acquiring, living in visitor’s interactions with museum objects:’… visitors and moving through different social contexts and positions recall meaningful objects during museum visits that elicit in families, generations, milieus, life spheres, institutions, feelings relevant to their own personal identities (Paris & societies, and not least collectivities constructed as national Mercer, 2000: 418). Objects are used to construct or ethnic ones. The actual placing, be it by others or by identities, on both a personal and national level. Objects oneself, is part of the processes in which social positions can become invested with deeply held feelings and can are created, stabilized, changed and transformed”. symbolize powerful convictions through which life is led According to Karolewski (2010: 24-43) from the (Hooper- Greenhill; 2000: 109). Cultural displays create methodological point of view there are social (group) opportunities for community to represent its identities. identities of individuals and collective identities. Social Thus, seeking for authentic knowledge of past traditional

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 society, museums play an important institution for the Bishnupur districts. The Zo and the Naga communities preservation and presentation of identities. The rapid mainly reside on the five hill district. There are thirty three change of culture attracts more expedition for (33) recognized Scheduled Tribes and other non recognized understanding the identity and knowledge from the past tribes- Aimol, Anal, Angami, Chiru, Chothe, Gangte, society and such research will directly or indirectly based Hmar, Kabui, Kacha Naga, Koirao, Kom, Lamgang, Mao, itself on the museum collections and other allied sources. Maram, Maring, Lushei/Mizo tribe, Mongsang, Moyon, Exhibitions represent identity, either directly, through Paite, Purum, Ralte, Sema, Suhte, Tangkhul, Thadou, assertion or indirectly, by implication. When cultural Vaiphei, Zou, Kharam, Tarao, Kuki and Poumai Naga. “others” are implicated, exhibitions tell us who we are and, Manipur with such groups and culture has vibrant culture perhaps most significant, who we are not. Exhibitions are and it is a land of diversity (Devi 2006: 7) privileged arenas for presenting images of self and “other” The Manipur State Museum originally established as an (Karp 1991: 14). Representation needs a clear concept anthropological museum in a humble way has considerably whether it is constructed, reconstructed or in its originality grow up into a full-fledged multipurpose museum today. describing its identities as museum plays a crucial role in The primary objective for its establishment underlines the educating the public about identities in this age of necessity to preserve and highlight the rich and varied respecting cultural diversities and democracies. cultural heritage of the region. Currently the museum has six galleries- Ethnological gallery, archaeological gallery, art gallery, natural history gallery, children gallery, Musical gallery. The galleries show the sequence of the state culture from the evidence of cave sites to the production and smelting of iron. The display sequence continues with megalithic culture representing the aspects associated with communities that practiced. Potteries and numismatic collection from various site a significant benchmark in understanding the earliest communities. The Epigraphical record, inscriptions, manuscripts, sculptures, stone relics adds to answer the later development and interaction of the region. Ethnographical gallery represents the visual perspective of the richness in cultural properties, the diversity of the

indigenous communities. The collections on display are Fig. 1: State Museum Manipur ornaments, headgears, and textiles which marks the identity of the different tribes. Another case of identity The notion of identities on social, political, ethnic or representation is the Royal utensils, Meitei textile, cultural identity has been engaging attention of scholars jewelries, arm and weaponry, indigenous games which are working in is of great significance in identifiers of Meitei communities. Here identity is understanding the diverse communities of the region. The structured as what was developed outside the museum state Manipur and Nagaland among the seven sisters share through the objects. The objects become essential criteria some common features – consists of tribal population, have for marking the identities. Another important gallery same group of community mark by political boundaries, supporting the understanding of identities of community colonial legacy, contest for identity cause and a rich multi through music is the musical instrument gallery, exhibiting diverse culture and communities. A brief outlook of the various indigenous instruments available in the state Manipur for understanding communities represented in the both from the hills and the valley. The arts gallery exhibits museum is essential- Manipur is situated in the the royal and prominent individuals’ portraits, northeastern frontier of India bordering Myanmar on the contemporary arts and paintings depicting nature, social east and south, the southern adjoins Mizoram and it is and creative works of the region. The natural history bounded on the west by of Assam, the gallery represents the varied wildlife, minerals, flora and south east by North Cachar Hills of Assam and the North fauna of the state. Visitor in museum includes all walks of by Nagaland state. The state covers area of land surface life from old to young and children for their own reasons measuring 22,256 sq. km. the state comprises of nine and museum have its own attractive showcases for children districts- East, Imphal West, Thoubal and which are informative through informal means. The Bishnupur in the Valley, Churchandpur, Ukhrul, Senapati, children gallery is one such which includes numbers of Tamenlong, and Chandel in the hills. The major indigenous dolls representing from around the world with their people of the state are Meiteis, the Nagas and the Zo national attires and costumes. For instances soviet, china, Communities. The Meiteis are mainly concentrated in the Japan, Korea, Latin America etc… other significant valley of Imphal West, Imphal East, Thoubal and

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 displays are the miniature dolls representing the A brief account of Nagaland state on land and people communities/state of India and the thirty three (33) tribes’ would be essential for understanding the museum set up couples in their traditions dress and costumes. Rasa Lila and the culture represented. The word Naga is a generic depiction through dolls is the centre of attraction showing term that refers to a group of over thirty tribes inhabiting the traditional Rasa songs. The replication of images not only in Nagaland but also some hilly regions of the through playful manner, children learn the identities, state’s viz Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Some culture, dress, religion, lifestyle…, through the dolls Naga tribes are also found in the north western part of representing from around the world and their surroundings. Myanmar bordering India as well. In Myanmar these Naga tribes are mostly inhabited Sagaing division and Kachin states. In Manipur Nagas are mostly inhabited in the districts of Chandel, Ukhrul, Senapati, and Tamenlong. Ukhrul district of Manipur is dominated by the Tangkhuls; Tamenlong district is by the Zelianrongs. Tamenlong district is also the home of Kharam Nagas. The Senapati District is dominated by the Maos, Thangals, Marams and Poumais. In Chandel and Senapati District eight Naga tribes are found. They were Anal, Chote, Chiru, Maring, Moyon, Tarao, Monsang and Lamkang. In the three District of Manipur, Bishnupur, Chandel and Senapati District, the three Naga tribes Koirengs, Chirus and Chotes are sparsely distributed in these Districts of Manipur. In Assam, two Naga tribes are found, namely Zelianrongs [Zeme, Rongmei] and Rengma. In Arunachal Pradesh, Fig. 2: State Museum Nagaland three Naga tribes have been found, identified as Tangsha, Wangcho and Nocte. The Naga tribes inhabited in The museum is an institution which officially decides what Myanmar are Konyak, Phome, Moyon, Tangkhul, Pangsha, is worthy of preservation and what is not, it constructs what Hemi, Hkalak, Htangan, Yimchunger, Rangpan, Pangaw, is to be remembered, but on the other hand it also chooses Khiamniungam, Shangpuri, Lainung and Pyangoo (Devi & what is to be forgotten. Manipur State museum play a Singh 2015: 33-36). The nagas are the most dominant crucial role in educating the public about Manipur ethnic group of the state of Nagaland. The other ethnic identities in this fast changing society. From the above groups are the Kuki, Garo, Miker and Kachari. There are observation of the galleries the primary objective of the sixteen (16) recognized major tribes of Nagaland viz, museum is fulfilled and shows the collections and objects Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Khiamniungam, on display share identities of the communities and the state Konyak, Kuki, Lotha, Phom, Pochury, Rengma, Sangtam, in general. The museum as a living institution is preserving Sumi, Yimchunger, Zeliang and Kachari. Apart from these the cultural heritage of the state, but considering the major tribes there are various minority sub-tribes, for representation of identities the museums lacks some instances- Tikhirs, Chirrs, and Makures, Lungfhurr among ingredients as such historical sequence, historical relation the Yimchunger. Evidence of such sub-tribes is also with other states/countries, and representation of sub- common among the other tribes. tribes. The other museums for instances Tribal Museum The Nagaland State Museum evolved from 1960s as an and Research Centre or the Museum of Tribal Research institution, known as the Naga Institute of Culture which Institute may have their own extensive collections and came to be known later as Directorate of Art and Culture in research on the tribal communities which adds knowledge 1970 which annex the state Museum. The initial purpose in understanding the culture and identity the state museum was to research the Naga life and culture and to bring forth should club all under one roof. However, the economic a State Museum and a Research Library. Unlike on the financial shortcomings which are common, state museum lines of 18th century cabinets of curiosities which museums as whole representing the state bare the significance of the evolve around, the Nagaland State Museum was ethnic way of life, costumes and traditional ritual of the established as an annex of the Directorate of Art and tribal communities cannot be still systematically Culture to research, represent, and conserve the cultural represented. The concern for the museum is to show more heritage of the Nagas. The policies and the concept behind status on the communities and their cultures of the region, the Museum cannot be identical and separated from its support them in representing themselves from their own parent Art and Culture Department. Even though not in perspectives using the various embedded sources. The written form which is very much in need in the present motive here is not to create further identity crises or issues, context a written policies, vision behind the creation of but rather to encourage and respecting cultural diversity state museum is the promotion of Naga culture, to preserve and democracies. identity and culture, to unite the Nagas, to educate the

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 younger generation and scholars. The museum has predecessor prior to independence has its own legacy on excellent collection of the communities residing in this part representation of identities not only in society by also in the of the region. The term Naga, its collections, objects and museum set up. The justification of the above notion can be culture are the most research topic at home and abroad seen in museum set up- the terming of tribes’ name, the since introduce to the world. culture represented on displays which are oriented on In the field of museum collections and objects various constructed identities. works had been carried out- Kanungo (2007, 2014), West Describing the museum as a whole has its shortfalls in (1985, 1992, 2001, 2011), Macfarlane & Turin (2008), many aspects. The collections are good enough to Schicklgruber (2008), Ganguli (1984, 1993), Jacobs understand the traditional culture in this modern society, (1990), Von Stockhausen, Oppitz, Kaiser, Stirn, P. Van however in its first step the collections needs a sequential Ham (2008). All the researches are mainly done on Naga gallery for each varied items. The labels on display play an collections from abroad which are remarkably important in important role in museum interaction, it needs a proper understanding the representation of Naga cultural identities research and study of the object as it represents identity of by outsiders. The question of representation of identity in culture and community. Random labels and description the museum at home has lost its genuine context, rather a may misguide the visitor- such examples are very common house that represents the constructed identity which has its in the state museum. Thus, recent research and studies roots. A careful observation on the display and related to objects, cultures and society on display needs representation will explore the state museum on how it rectifications and cross checking. To illustrate for instance, reflects the communities and their cultural identities. label on pottery in the state museum- “variety of naga The State museum Nagaland has collections representing pottery. Initially this trade was pursued only by few the major tribes of the state through various galleries. At families in a handful of villages, using several kinds of present the museum has ethnological collections, painting shaping sticks resembling a paddle, mass of pounded clay gallery, textile collections, Indigenous bamboo wall on were fashion into various shapes of pottery “. The label display, wooden sculpture collection, Dress, ornaments, shows it needs a research oriented description on the headgear and jewelry collections, art wing and pottery as Naga potteries are well studied from every archaeological park. As we could not have the data on possible perspective. As these materials display mark as an exact numbers of collection, it is estimated about 3000 identifier of the community and culture that representation collections are housed in the museum. In order to is of great importance. demonstrate cultural uniqueness, the state museum has The classifications to address identity of the communities maintained its classic Naga characteristics and recreated an are mainly through the maximum use of costumes, dress atmosphere that traditional culture and nostalgia preserved and ornament. The state museum which aims at preserving in museum are detached from the views of contemporary the identity and promoting culture of the community has Naga society. This representation of collective identity has unable to address the significance of historical sequence of helped generate an exotic ethnic image that satisfies the the region. The museum needs separate galleries on all the expectations of visitors. Considering the shift of the Naga collections appreciating the cultures from the earliest to the identity from the earliest to coming of Christianity, the present of the region and the relevance of neighboring post-colonial and struggle for Nationalism, the museum states and countries. For instances galleries on archaeology, remain unchanged with no further addition but focusing the Head Hunting to coming of Christianity, Colonial History, display on the lines of the creation of statehood, state Nagas participation in World Wars, the Naga National amendments , policies on communities identity. The Movement, Folklores and Myths etc can be put forward as present Naga identity is represented by collective identity a historical sequence respecting the cultures, understanding on grounds of having certain common traditions, customs, the significance of the culture and society making museum culture, language, myths and beliefs, further migration and livelier. Further simple and important matters on settlement patterns. Abraham Lotha (2008: 47-55) puts museological practices should be followed in describing classification and demarcation on the Nagas from the and representing the objects and collections. The use of historical context projecting with elaborate references and proper words and phrases, description of the tribes/ interpretations and marks colonial classification of tribes, communities after proper research along with the display to tribes and their relationship, migration of tribes, clan avoid misguiding as all visitors don’t visit for same system, morungs, head hunting, feast of merits, Naga purpose. nationalism and argues that the difference between the The present preliminary investigation on state museum of Naga tribes are not distinct and rigid as they are made out Manipur and Nagaland has encourage to understand the to be. Further construction of identity a new trend where identities of the communities in the museum set up and the the insiders who come up with reconstructed identities role of museum in educating the identities to public. which outsiders has done according to their share interest Understanding the pan cultural and diverse identity of the in recent times , this rigid system adopted from the region is the need from both museums, while at times

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 lending out each other’s hand in solving issues pretending Devi, S. K. (2006) Introduction to Tribal Research Institute. on identities for example on the issues of Rani Gaidinliu Directorate for Development of Tribals & Scheduled placing in museum. The investigation on representation of Castes Government Manipur. identities through display has strike some question –how Falk, J. (2006) An Identity-Centered Approach to Understanding minority and sub- tribal communities are clubbed and Museum Learning. Curator, 49 (2), 151-166 represented as collective identity for instance the tribe of Ganguli, M. (1984) A Pilgrimage of the Nagas. New Delhi: Chakhesang and Yimchunger in Nagaland, the Ralte in Oxford & IBH Publishing Company. Manipur. Who were the people identified and what were Ganguli, M. (1993) Naga Art. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH the criteria for classification? As such question has its Publishing Company. image on museum display as objects and collection has link Hooper, Greenhill, E. (2000) Museums and interpretation of with community identities. The collections, objects and visual Culture. London. Routledge. display are the main identifier or markers of identity. Jacobs, J. (1990) Hill Peoples of Northeast India the Nagas Up till now what has been presented at the state museum of Society, Culture and the Colonial Manipur and Nagaland does not reveal the full story of Encounter. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. museum origins. Visitors view the excellent collection and Kanungo, A. K. (2007) Naga Culture and British Policy for are exposed to general information concerning the regions Cultural Property Looting, Nagaland Post, 23rd -26th traditional life style of the past. The research on identities November. Dimapur: Nagaland. in these region needs careful analyzes as often scholars Kanungo, A. K. (2014) Who Owns the Ethno- Cultural Past: rewrite the constructed identities by outsiders, for what is Cultural Objects of the Nagas in Far off Museums? In reflected in the society and government policies reflects the Jamir, T and Hazarika, M (Eds) 2014. 50 Years after image in the museum set up. With limited financial support Daojali-Hading: Emerging Perspectives in the and professional training, the museum is fighting to sustain Archaeology of Northeast India. Research India Press New Delhi. its commitment to their respective cultures. Though both the museums mission may be different from other Karolewski, I. (2010) Citizenship and collective identity in Europe. London; New York: Routledge. museums, the positive and negative issues raised the exhibition space of museums needs to be redesign as it is Karp, I. (1991) Exhibiting Cultures. Smithsonian institution press the meeting place for understanding the shifting identities Washington and London. and cultures. Kidd, W. (2002) Culture and Identity. Hampshire: Palgrave. Leinhardt, G. Knutson, K. (2004) Listening in on Museum welqms‡ÿc Conversations. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press. Lotha, A. (2008) Naga Identity: Enduring Heritage. In Oppitz, M. weMZ K‡qK `k‡K Rv`yNiwe`¨vq eû-ÁvbKvÊ wfwËK PP©v I T. Kaiser, A.Von Stockhausen and M. Wettstein (Eds) mgv‡jvPbv Ges AvaywbK Rv`yN‡ii wb`k©b msMnª I cÖ`k©bxi 2008. Naga Identities: Changing Local Cultures in Northeast India. Snoeck Publishers Gent, †ÿ‡Î eû welq cybwe©Pv‡ii my‡hvM G‡m‡Q| GB cwieZ©b Volkerkundemuseum der Universitat Zurich. Rv`yN‡ii f~wgKv I Kg©KvÊ †KejgvÎ wb`k©b msMÖn I Mac Farlane, A. & Turin, M. (2008) The digitization of Naga msiÿ‡bi w`‡K †Rvi bv w`‡q `k©bv_©xi mv‡_ †hvMv‡hvM Collection in the West and the Return of Culture. In Oppitz, M. T. Kaiser, A.Von Stockhausen and M. ¯’vc‡bi wel‡q Av‡jvKcvZ K‡i| AvaywbK Rv`yNiwe`¨v PP©vq Wettstein (Eds) 2008. 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collection. In Shelton, A.A (Eds) 2001. Collectors, Expression of Self and Other. London and Coimbra: the

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Horniman Museum and the Museu Antropologico da Universidade de Coimbra.91-110. West, A. (2011) Contributions in critical Museology and material culture. Museum, colonialism and identity. A history of Naga collections in Britain. The Horniman museum and Gardens. London. https://austrilianmuseum.net.au/blogpost/museullaneous/what-is- identity. State Museum Manipur Brochures. State Museum Nagaland Brochures.

38 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 39-44 ISSN 1560-7593 gÄykÖx: GKwU Abb¨ I `yj©f cÖ¯Íig~wZ© ¯^cb Kzgvi wek¦vm evsjv‡`k RvZxq Rv`yNi kvnevM, XvKv|

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 iwPZ Avh©gÄykªxg~jKí bvgK MÖ‡š’ cÖ_g gÄykªxi bvg cvIqv D×…wZ w`‡q W. Gbvgyj nK wj‡L‡Qb Ñ Zuvi cÖ_g g~wZ© hvq| GQvovI AwgZvlyt m~Î ev myLveZxe~¨n MÖ‡š’ gÄykªxi cvIqv hvq bvj›`v I †bcv‡j (Sculptures in bvg cvIqv hvq, hv wLª÷xq 384 n‡Z wLª÷xq 417 mv‡ji Bangladesh: 118)| Z‡e mvibv_, gMa, †bcvj I evsjv g‡a¨ ˆPwbK fvlvq Abyw`Z nq| dv-wn‡qb (394-414 A‡j gÄykÖxi A‡bK g~wZ© cvIqv hvq (Bhattacharyya wLª.), wnD‡qb mvs (629-645 wLª.), Br wms (671-695 1968: 100)| wLª.) cÖgy‡Li ågY weeiYx‡ZI gÄykªxi bvg cvIqv hvq (Bhattacharyya 1968: 100)| GQvovI cieZx©Kv‡j iwPZ A‡bK †eŠ× MÖ‡š’ gÄykªx bv‡gi mÜvb cvIqv hvq| `kg kZ‡Ki c~‡e© iwPZ bvgm½xwZ MÖ‡š’ gÄykÖx‡K Avw` ey× wn‡m‡e D‡jøL Kiv n‡q‡Q (Getty 1914: 3)| Z‡e A‡b‡K bvgm½xwZ MÖš’‡K wLª÷xq mßg kZ‡Ki c~‡e© iwPZ e‡jI g‡b K‡ib (mybx_vb›` 1999: 90)| ¯^q¤¢y cyiv‡Y gÄykªx m¤^‡Ü wewfbœ Kvwnbxi D‡jøL i‡q‡Q| †bcv‡j cÖev` Av‡Q †h gÄykªx cÖ_g cvnvo †K‡U H †`k‡K evm‡hvM¨ K‡iwQ‡jb Ges AwMœiƒcx ¯^q¤¢y †`eZvi GKwU gw›`i ˆZwi K‡iwQ‡jb (fÆvPvh© 1362: 35)| Aci GK Kvwnbx g‡Z hLb gÄykªxi AvMg‡bi mgq Dcw¯’Z n‡qwQj ZLb †MŠZg ey× Zvui Kcvj n‡Z GK ¯^Y©gq iwk¥ Drcbœ K‡ib Ges Zv w`‡q wZwb GK R¤^y e„¶‡K we× K‡ib| AZtci †mB e„¶ n‡Z GK g‡bvig c‡Ùi m„wó nq| †mB cÙ Mf© n‡Z Avh© gÄykªx Avwef~©Z nb| Zuvi eY© njy`, GKgyL I `yB evû, Wvb evû‡Z Zievwi Ges evg evû‡Z cÖõzwUZ mbvj cÙ a„Z Ae¯’vq Ges c‡Ùi Dci iw¶Z i‡q‡Q cy¯ÍK (cÖÁvcviwgZv)| wZwb mKj †mŠ›`‡h©i Avavi Ges me©vjsKv‡i f~wlZ (Getty 1914: 96)| †eŠ× g~wZ©i wewfbœ iƒc I mvab c×wZ m¤úwK©Z kv‡¯¿ †evwamË¡ gÄykªxi wewfbœ iƒ‡ci D‡jøL i‡q‡Q| cÖK…Zc‡¶ †eŠ× g~wZ©Z‡Ë¡i wfwË wewfbœ Zš¿kv‡¯¿i Dci cÖwZwôZ| †m¸‡jvi g‡a¨ Ab¨Zg GKwUi bvg mvabgvjv| g~wZ©kv¯¿ m¤úwK©Z Avi GKLvwb we‡kl Z‡Ë¡i MÖš’ nj wb®úbœ‡hvMvejx hvi iPwqZv weµgkxj gnvwenv‡ii cwÐZ Av‡jvKwPÎ 1: evsjv‡`k RvZxq Rv`yN‡i msiw¶Z Ges Kzwgjøv cÖvß gÄykªx g~wZ© AfqvKi ¸ß| wZwb Øv`k kZ‡Ki †jvK| wb®úbœ‡hvMvejx †Rjvi jv½j‡KvU Dc‡Rjvi kªxivgcyi MÖv‡g Ñ MÖ‡š’ gÄykªxi iƒc ewY©Z n‡q‡Q Gfv‡e : mvabgvjvi 41wU mvabvq gÄykªxi w t lofy Yt LoMei`evYvb †kÖwY wefvM ewfbœ ÔcxZbxjïK¬m‡e¨Zieµ ‡Rv `w¶‰ iƒ‡ci eY©bv cvIqv hvq| webq‡Zvl fÆvPvh© mvabgvjvi ev‰gt cÖÁvcviwgZvcy¯ÍKbxjvâabyswl wefivYtÕ vK) gÄykªx | A_©vr gÄykªxi wZb gyL, wZb AšÍM©Z wewfbœ mvabvi (†kø Av‡jv‡K 13 cÖKvi (Bhattacharyya 1968: 94) (fÆvPvh© 1362: 35-38) gv_v, hvi is-njy`, meyR I mv`v| wZwb lofyR wewkó, g~wZ©i D‡jøL K‡i‡Qb | G¸‡jv n‡jv Ñ Wvbnv‡Z h_vµ‡g Zievwi, ei` gy`ªv I evY Ges evg nv‡Z (1) eRªivM h_vµ‡g cÖÁvcviwgZv cy¯ÍK, bxjcÙ I abyK i‡q‡Q (2) ag©avZz evMxk¦i (Bhattacharyya 1968: 96)| mßg kZ‡Ki c~‡e© gÄykÖxi †Kv‡bv cÖwZg~wZ© cvIqv hvqwb, G¨WjevU© †R †MBj-Gi (3) gÄy‡Nvl

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 (4) wm‰×Kexi L. Zvwš¿K iƒc (5) eRªvb½ (10) gÄykªx Ávb¯Í¡: GK gv_v, PvinvZ, cÖZxK-cÙ, cy¯ÍK, (6) bvgmsMxwZ gÄykªx aby Ges Zxi, njy` eY©| (7) evMxk¦i (11) eRªvb½: GK gv_v, Pvi ev Qq nvZ, njy` eY©| (8) gÄyei (12) gÄyeRª: wZb gv_v, Qq nvZ| (9) gÄyeRª (13) ag©avZz evMxk¦i: wZb ev Pvi gv_v, Qq ev AvU nvZ| (10) gÄyKzgvi (14) hgvšÍK: ag©cvj iƒc Ges kw³mn AvwP©K iƒc| (11) AicPb Avevi AZvwš¿K I Zvwš¿K‡f‡` gÄykªxi 12 cÖKvi †kªYx (12) w¯’iPµ wefvMI jÿ¨ Kiv hvq (Gordon 1959: 68-70)| †hgb Ñ (13) evw`ivU| K. AZvwš¿K iƒc (GKnvZ `yB gv_v) Ab I gÄykªxi ¨w`‡K wewfbœ Dr‡m Zvwš¿K AZvwš¿K iƒc‡f‡` (1) mvaviY iƒc GKvwaK bvg m¤^wjZ g~wZ©i D‡jøL cvIqv hvq (Getty (2) ag©Pµ gÄykªx | †hgb Ñ 1914: 96) (3) gÄy‡Nvl K. AZvwš¿K iƒc (mvaviY iƒc) (4) gnvivRjxjv gÄykªx

Zievwi I cy¯ÍK mn‡hv‡M (5) ag©k•L mgvwa gÄykªx (evK) (1) gÄy‡Nvl: cÖZxK-Zievwi I cy¯ÍK, cÖZxK c‡Ùi (6) wm‰×Kexi , weZK© gy`ªv| Dci ¯’vwcZ, †¯^Z eY© (7) AciPb (2) wmsnbv` g -Zievwi I cy¯ÍK, cÖZxK Äy‡Nvl: cÖZxK L. Zvwš¿Kiƒc (GK gv_v I `yB‡qi AwaK nvZ A_ev G‡Ki ag©Pµ c‡Ùi Dci ¯’vwcZ, gy`ªv, wms‡ni Dci AwaK gv_v Ges `yB ev Z‡ZvwaK nvZ) Dcweó| (8) eRªvb½ (3) gÄykªx: cÖZxK-Zievwi I cy¯ÍK, Zievwi Wvb nv‡Z aiv, njy` eY©| (9) gÄyeRª (10) ag©avZz evMxk¦i gÄykªx bxj cÙmn‡hv‡M (11) AvwP©K gÄykªx (4) gnvivRjxjv gÄykªx: cÖZxK-bxj cÙ| njy` eY©, (12) hgvšÍK ivRKxq f½x‡Z wmsnvm‡bi Dc‡i Dcweó| (5) gÄykªx: cÖZxK-bxj cÙ, njy` eY©, ag©Pµ gy`ªv, wmsn Av‡jvP¨ g~wZ©i eY©bv

ev wmsnvm‡bi Dci Dcweó cv SzjšÍ| GKgv_v I `yB nvZ wewkó †`eZvi Wvb nvZ D‡ËvwjZ (6) wmsnbv` gÄykªx: cÖZxK-bxjcÙ, njy` eY©, ag©Pµ Ae¯’vq Zievwi aiv, Zievwii kxl©fvM gyKz‡Ui DcwifvM gy`ªv, wms‡ni Dc‡i Dcweó, e× Avmb| ch©šÍ we¯Í…Z| evg nv‡Z AcÖùzwUZ c‡Ùi WvUv aiv, WvUvwU (7) ag©k•L mgvwa gÄykªx: cÖZxK-bxj cÙ, †¯^Z eY©, nv‡Zi wbP †_‡K D‡V ZR©bx I ga¨gv A½ywji gvS w`‡q a¨vb gy`ªv| Dc‡i D‡V Avevi wb‡P †eu‡K KbyB eivei evK wb‡q cybivq Dc | Ku (8) wm‰×Kexi gÄykªx: cÖZxK-bxjcÙ, †¯^Z eY©, ei` ‡i D‡V‡Q WvUvi Dc‡i i‡q‡Q cÙ zwo, hv †`eZvi gy`ªv, e× Avmb| gyLgÐj eivei DwÌZ| g~wZ©wU gwYLwPZ bvbvwea AjsKv‡i wef~wlZ| cv‡q b~cyi, nv‡Z evjv I evRye›`, Zv‡Z Zievwi I Drcj mn‡hv‡M Rcgvjvi ¸wUKvi b¨vq AjsKiY mg„×| †`eZv GKwU , hvi Wvb (9) gÄykªx: cÖZxK-Zievwi I Drcj, Kv‡jv ev Mvp bxj AjsK…Z DËixq cwiwnZ Ask Wvb Kvu‡ai Dci eY©, nvuUz †M‡o Aa©Dcweó, Z…Zxq †bÎ| w`‡q mvg‡b G‡m Wvb nvuUzi wKQy Dci ch©šÍ we¯Í…Z| DËixq-Gi Aci Ask wc‡Vi Dci w`‡q cÖevwnZ n‡q evg

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Kvu‡ai Dci w`‡q mvg‡b G‡m evg nv‡Zi gvS w`‡q †Kvgi eivei web¨¯Í| PvjwPÎ kxl©fvM A‡bKUv myPv‡jvu Ges wÎfyRvK…wZi| †hLv‡b gw›`‡ii Af¨šÍ‡i GB g~wZ©i Kzj‡`eZv wn‡m‡e Z_vMZ ey× A‡¶v‡f¨i ¶z`ª cÖwZK…wZ i‡q‡Q| gw›`ivK…wZi PvjwP‡Îi cvk¦©‡iLvq Av¸‡bi dzjwKi AjsKiYhy³| †`eZvi gv_vq gwYLwPZ I AjsK…Z wKixU gyKzU, Kv‡b e„n`vKvi KzÐj hv Rcgvjvi ¸wUKvi b¨vq AjsKiY mg„×| gÄykªxi Mjvq †QvU Rcgvjvi nvi (KÉ nvi), gwYgy³v LwPZ gvjv Ges wZb ¯Íihy³ mxZvnvi (hvi `ywU ¯Íi Rcgvjvi b¨vq ¸wUKvhy³) i‡q‡Q| mxZvnv‡ii gvSLv‡b i‡q‡Q AjsK…Z j‡KU| g~wZ©i †MvjvK…wZ †PvL, gyL Ges bvwmKv ùxZ| gyL Ggbfv‡e ùxZ †hb `‡šÍi wKQy Ask `„k¨gvb, Kcv‡j Z…Zxq †bÎ| ùxZ gyL bvK Ges †MvjvKvi †Pv‡L †µvafv‡ei cÖKvk| †`‡L g‡b nq †hb †`eZv Zievwi Øviv AÁvbZv ¯^iƒc AÜKvi‡K `~ixKi‡Y D`¨Z| GB gÄykªx g~wZ©i MVbˆkjxi mv‡_ we‡kl K‡i gyLgЇji mv‡_ Kzwgjøv Av‡jvKwPÎ 2: Kzwgjøv †Rjvi myfcyi MÖvg †_‡K cÖvß Kv‡jvcv_†i ˆZwi GKv`k kZ‡Ki †niæK g~wZ© †Rjvi myfcyi MÖvg †_‡K cÖvß Kv‡jvcv_†i ˆZwi GKv`k kZ‡Ki †niæK g~wZ©i (Av‡jvKwPÎ 2) mv‡_ cÖf~Z mv`„k¨ i‡q‡Q|4 GB mv`„k¨ cÖvPxb mgZU A‡ji GKB wkí‡K›`ª †_‡K ˆZwii cÖgvY enb K‡i e‡j Abygvb Kiv hvq| Gmg‡qi Ab¨vb¨ g~wZ©i ˆewk‡ó¨i Av‡jv‡K Av‡jvP¨ gÄykªx g~wZ©i mgqKvj GKv`k kZK wba©viY Kiv †h‡Z cv‡i| evsjv A‡j cÖ¯Íi I avZz wbwg©Z A‡bK gÄykªx g~wZ© cvIqv †M‡Q| evsjv‡`‡kI †ek K‡qKwU g~wZ© cvIqv †M‡Q Ges Av‡jvP¨ g~wZ© QvovI RvZxq Rv`yN‡i AviI `ywU gÄykÖx g~wZ© i‡q‡Q (Av‡jvKwPÎ 3 I 4)| Z‡e Rvbvg‡Z nvuUz †M‡o Aa©Dcweó Zievwi I cÙ nv‡Z Ges Z„Zxq †bÎhy³ Av‡jvP¨ g~wZ©i Abyiƒc †Kv‡bv gÄykªx g~wZ© GZ`v‡j cvIqv hvqwb| Ab¨ †Kv_vqI cÖ¯Íi wbwg©Z Giƒc g~wZ© B‡Zvc~‡e© cvIqv †M‡Q e‡j Avgv‡`i nv‡Z †Kv†bv Z_¨ †bB| †m we‡ePbvq GwU `yj©f Ges ¸iæZ¡c~Y© GKwU g~wZ©| Av‡jvP¨ g~wZ©i mv‡_ mv`„k¨c~Y© we‡kl K‡i evg nvuUzi Dci fi K‡i Aa©Dcweó `ywU g~wZ© wZeŸ‡Z cvIqv †M‡Q| Gi GKwU †eªv‡Äi ˆZwi Kv‡jv gÄykÖx g~wZ© (Av‡jvKwPÎ 2) hvi D”PZv 16.5 †mw›UwgUvi Ges Wvb nv‡Z Zievwi, evg nv‡Z duvm,

Kcv‡j w·bÎ Ges gyKz‡U cÂZ_vMZ ey‡×i ÿy`ª cÖwZK…wZ Av‡jvKwPÎ 3: bvivqYMÄ †Rjvi RvjvKzÐ †_‡K cÖvß GKv`k i‡q‡Q (Gordon 1959: 68)| kZ‡Ki gÄykªx g~wZ©

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 mv`„k¨c~Y© wZeŸ‡Z cvIqv Aci g~wZ©wU †cvovgvwUi ˆZwi gÄykÖx g~wZ© (Av‡jvKwPÎ 2) hvi D”PZv 6.5 †mw›UwgUvi Ges Wvb nv‡Z Zievwi I evg nv‡Z c‡Ùi WvUv aiv Av‡Q (Getty 1914: 99)|

Av‡jvKwPÎ 6: wZeŸ‡Z cvIqv †cvovgvwUi ˆZwi gÄykÖx g~wZ©

gÄykªxi cwiPqÁvcK wPÎ 4: Av‡jvP¨ g~wZ©i ˆewkó¨c~Y© †Kv‡bv Av‡jvK †bvqvLvjx †Rjvi nvZcyKzwiqv †_‡K cÖvß `kg vK ev mvabv kZ‡Ki gÄykªx g~wZ© †kø g~wZ© kv‡¯¿ n‡Z hZ¶Y ch©šÍ bv Rvbv hv‡”Q ZZ¶Y ch©šÍ wZeŸ‡Zi DwjøwLZ `ywU g~wZ©i m‡½ mvhy‡R¨i Kvi‡Y Kv‡jv cv_‡ii ˆZwi evg nvuUzi Dci fi K‡i Aa©Dcweó G g~wZ©wU‡K Avgiv Kv‡jv gÄykªx (Black Manjusri) g~wZ© wn‡m‡e AwfwnZ Ki‡Z cvwi| UxKv 1| ˆ`wbK w`bKvj, 11 GwcÖj, 2004| 2| cÎ bs 8-wm-1/2003-2004/3372, ZvwiL 20GwcÖj, 2004| 3| ¯§viK bs 2-11/04/†UªRvwi-81, ZvwiL 10AvM÷ 2004, †Rjv cÖkvm‡Ki Kvh©vjq, Kzwgjøv| 4| †niæK g~wZ©wU evsjv‡`k RvZxq Rv`yNi M¨vjvwi‡Z cÖ`wk©Z| Dnvi D”PZv 165 †mw›UwgUvi Ges Rv`yNi msMÖn b¤^i 47| K…ZÁZv ¯^xKvi

2 bs Av‡jvKwPÎwU Antoinette K Gordon iwPZ The Iconography of Tibetan Lamaism MÖš’ †_‡K M„wnZ Ges 3 bs wPÎwU iwPZ Av‡jvKwPÎ 5: wZeŸ‡Z cvIqv †eªv‡Äi ˆZwi Kv‡jv gÄykÖx g~wZ© Av‡jvK Alice Getty The Gods of Northern MÖš’ †_‡K M„wnZ|

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 Summary Mañjuśrī worship is very popular in the Buddhist 1 | world. He is the god of wisdom. Mañjuśrī is 2 | represented as a male god having a blazing sword in 3 | his right hand, signifying the realization of superior 4 knowledge which cuts down illiteracy and duality. He | held padma (lotus) in his left hand and representing the blossoming of wisdom. Icon of Mañjuśrī discovered from different places of Bengal. This paper discuss a unique and rare iconic form of Mañjuśrī collected from Comilla district by Bangladesh National Museum.

Z_¨m~Î

Bhatasali, N. K. (1929) Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum. Dacca: Dacca Museum. Bhattacharya, D. C. (1978) Studies in Buddhist Iconography. New Delhi: Manohar. Bhattacharyya, Binoytosh (1968 reprint) The Indian Buddhist Iconography. Kolkata: Frima K.L. Mukhopadhyay. Dani, A. H. (1959) Buddhist Sculpture in East . Karachi: Department of Archaeology in Pakistan. Getty, Alice (1914) The Gods of Northern Buddhism, New York: Oxford Publication. Gordon, Antoinette K. (1959 2nd edition) The Iconography of Tibetan Lamaism. Tokyo: Charles E-Tille. Rahman, M. (1998) Sculpture in the Varandra Research Museum: A Descriptive Catalogue. Rajshahi: Varandra Research Museum. Sculptures in Bangladesh (2008) Enamul Haque & Gail, Adalbert J (eds.). Dhaka: ICSBA. fÆvPvh©, webq‡Zvl (1362 e½vã) †eŠ×‡`i †`e‡`ex, KwjKvZv: wek¦ fviZx MÖš’vjq| mybx_vb›`, wfÿz (1999) evsjv‡`‡ki †eŠ× fv¯‹h©, XvKv: evsjv‡`k GwkqvwUK †mvmvBwU| †nv‡mb, †gvkviid (2006) wn›`y ˆRb †eŠ× g~wZ©ZvwË¡K weeiY, XvKv: w`e¨ cÖKvk|

44 Pratnatattva Journal of the Dept. of Archaeology Jahangirnagar University, Vol. 23, June 2017: 45-49 ISSN 1560-7593 †Ljvivg`vZvi gw›`i: ¯’vcZ¨ I †jvK-HwZnvwmK ch©‡jvPbv

†gvnv. †gvkviid †nv‡mb †gv. AvZvDi ingvb 71 wµ‡m›U †ivW cÖZœZË¡ Awa`ßi XvKv 1205 XvKv 1207

Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected]

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¯’vbxqfv‡e Ô†Ljvivg `vZvi gw›`iÕ bv‡g cwiwPZ GKwU cyi‡bv Kv‡Q wewµ K‡i †`q| ˆkke AwZµ‡gi ci †Kbviv‡gi mv‡_ gw›`i XvKv †Rjvi beveMÄ Dc‡Rjvi Kjv‡Kvcv MÖv‡g nvjyqv WvKv‡Zi weev` euv‡a| †m m~Î a‡i †Kbvivg GKw`b Aew¯’Z| ivRavbx kni XvKvi wR‡ivc‡qÈ †_‡K moKc‡_ Gi wb‡RB wbR `j MVb K‡i ¯^Zš¿fv‡e WvKvwZ ïiæ K‡iwQj| `~iZ¡ 35 wK. wg. Ges A‡b‡K G‡K ÔAvÜvi‡KvVvÕ bv‡g wPwýZ †Kbviv‡gi cwiwPwZ `uvwo‡qwQj Ô†Kbv WvKvZÕ| Zvi bvg ïb‡j b| kni-XvKvi ¸wj¯Ívb K‡i _v‡K gw›`iwU †`L‡Z †h‡Z n‡j †mKv‡j me cÖfvekvjxiv f‡q †Ku‡c IV‡Zv| GKw`b Zvi Øviv GjvKv †_‡K †`vnvi A_ev ev›`yivMvgx ev‡m †P‡c nvofv½v AvµvšÍ n‡qwQj Kwe P›`ªveZxi wcZv wkef³ eªvþY Kwe wg. †mZz‡Z bvg‡Z n‡e| Zvici GKwU ¯’vbxq c_ a‡i 200 ØxReskx| wZwb hvw”Q‡jb gbmvi fvmvb MvB‡Z| †Kbvivg hLb w`wN Ges Wvbw`‡K GwM‡q †M‡j cvIqv hv‡e wekvj †PŠKwbqv Zv‡K †g‡i †dj‡Z D`¨Z n‡qwQj ZLb wZwb Zv‡K Rxe‡bi

†m w`wNi DËi cv‡o gw›`iwUi Ae¯’vb| eZ©gv‡b GwU evsjv‡`k †kl B‡”Q c~i‡Yi Rb¨ gbmvi fvmvb MvIqvi my‡hvM †`qvi miKvi †NvwlZ GKwU myiw¶Z cyivKxwZ©| m¤úªwZ GwUi Aby‡iva Rvwb‡qwQ‡jb| †Kbvivg †m Aby‡iva iÿv K‡iwQj| cybiæ×vi I †givgZ KvR mgvcb K‡i cwi‡ek Dbœqbmn wKš‘ Kwe ØxReskx hLb cvjv Mvb MvB‡Z ïiæ K‡iwQj ZLb `k©bxq I Dc‡fvM¨ K‡i †Zvjv n‡q‡Q| Zvi gb Ggb fvev‡eM ZvwoZ n‡q c‡owQj †h, †m Rxe‡bi gw›`iwUi wbg©vZvi cwiwPwZ wn‡m‡e †Ljvivg `vZv bvgwU †jv‡Ki bZzb A_© Luy‡R †c‡qwQj| gbw¯’i K‡iwQj †h Avi KLbI †Kvb gy‡L gy‡L Rwo‡q _vK‡jI Zvi mwVK cwiPq wKsev BwZnvm cÖKvi Amr KvR Ki‡e bv| †m m~Î a‡i †m †kl ch©šÍ WvKvwZi Rvbvi g‡Zv †Zgb m~Î cvIqv hvq bv| Z‡e 1575-1600 †ckv †Q‡o w`‡qwQj| GgbwK WvKvwZ K‡i AwR©Z me m¤ú` mv‡ji g‡a¨ iwPZ (Sen 1929) evsjv‡`‡ki cÖ_g gwnjv Kwe mrKv‡R e¨‡qi cwiKíbv K‡iwQj| Aewkó m¤ú` b`x‡Z P›`ªveZxi iwPZ Ô†Kbv WvKvBZÕ bv‡gi cvjvMvb †_‡K Rvbv hvq RjvÄwj w`‡qwQj| myZivs a‡i †bqv hvq †h, †Kbvivg m¤¢eZ †h, †mKv‡j †b·Kvbvi nvIo A‡ji c~e©-Rvwjqvi evKzwjqvq g„Zz¨i Av‡M †b·Kvbv AÂj †_‡K b`xc‡_ Kjv‡Kvcv A‡j ØxR †Ljvivg bv‡g GK `wi`ª evm Ki‡Zv| †Kbvivg bv‡g GK AvkÖq MÖnY K‡iwQj| Av‡jvP¨ gw›`iwU wbg©vY K‡i wcZvi bv‡g wkï AvZ¥R‡K †i‡L Zvi ¯¿x we‡qvM NU‡j Afv‡ei ZvoYvq †m bvgKiY Kivmn wcZvi bv‡g `vb KvR Ae¨vnZ †i‡L wb‡R wkïwU‡K wbR k¨vj‡Ki evwo‡Z cvwV‡q w`‡qwQj| G NUbvi wKQz gw›`iwU‡Z e‡m ag©Kg© K‡i evwK Rxeb AwZevwnZ K‡iwQj| w`b ci †`‡k `ywf©ÿ m~wPZ n‡j gvÎ cuvP KvVv av‡bi wewbg‡q Avi †m Kvi‡YB Av‡jvP¨ gw›`iwU ¯’vbxq evwm›`v‡`i wbKU ax‡i AvkÖq`vZv gvgv †Kbvivg‡K nvjyqv bvgK GK `ya©l© WvKv‡Zi ax‡i Ô†Ljvivg `vZvi gw›`iÕ bv‡g cwiwPwZ jvf K‡iwQj Ges

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 GLbI †m bv‡g wU‡K Av‡Q| GwUi †g‡Si gvSLv‡b g~j Ae¯’vq GKwU †ew`i Dci cÖavb - wn›`y ag©xq gw›`i ¯’vcZ¨ evsjvi cÖvPxb ¯’vc‡Z¨i GKwU †KvbI Dcvm¨ g~wZ© cÖwZwôZ wQj| G aviYv hw` mZ¨ nq Z‡e G ¸iæZ¡c~Y© Abym½ (ivq 1993: 679)| Av‡jvP¨ †Ljvivg`vZvi †KvVvwU g~wZ©‡KvVv MY¨ n‡Z cv‡i| m¤¢eZ †mwUB hyw³hy³| gw›`iwU evsjvi beiZœ gw›`i ¯’vc‡Z¨i GKwU D‡jøL‡hvM¨ meKÕwU †KvVvi Qv` Ôcurved cove and horizontal vaultÕ wb`k©b (ingvb 2015: 65)| ¯’vcwZ¨K cwiKíbvi w`K †_‡K c×wZ‡Z wbwg©Z| gw›`iwU GKwU weij `„óvšÍ| GwU wØZj AvKvi wewkó BU I myiwK wbwg©Z Ggb GKwU BgviZ hvi P~ovšÍ cwiYwZ `uvwo‡q‡Q beiZœ HwZn¨aviv (Ahmed 1984: 107)| D³ cwiKíbvi gw›`i ¯’vc‡Z¨i wØZxq `„óvšÍ AvR Avi Avgv‡`i †`‡k wU‡K †bB| myZivs G gw›`iwUi BwZnvm-¯’vcZ¨ wfwËK GKwU ch©v‡jvPbv mn‡RB wkí-HwZnvwmKM‡Yi †KŠZ~nj †gUv‡Z mÿg n‡e| Avi †m Kvi‡YB eZ©gvb wbeÜwU iwPZ n‡q‡Q| BgviZwU AvqZvKvi wfZ-cwiKíbvi Dci wØZj AvKv‡i wbwg©Z (McCutchion 1972: 17-18)| D”PZjvi cwigvc DËi-`w¶‡Y 21.336 wg. Ges c~e©-cwð‡g 18.288 wg.| †g‡SwU‡K evB‡ii Ê wef³ Kiv w`K †_‡K †fZi w`‡K ci ci wZbwU PZz‡®‹vY L‡ bK&kv 1: †Ljvivg `vZvi gw›`‡ii f~wg cwiKíbv Ê n‡q‡Q| evB‡ii w`‡Ki cÖ_g L‡ i cÖwZ evûi gvSLv‡b wZbwU cvkvcvwk Ges cÖwZ †Kv‡Y GKwU K‡i †KvVv i‡q‡Q| Gi cieZx© gv‡Si PZz‡®‹vY L‡Êi cÖwZ evû‡Z ms¯’vwcZ Kiv n‡q‡Q GKwU K‡i Awj›` AvKv‡ii †KvVv| †m¸‡jv ci¯úi hy³ n‡q GKwU AvqZvKvi KvbvMwji iƒc aviY K‡i‡Q| Avi G‡Kev‡i †K‡›`ªi PZz‡®‹vY L‡Ê i‡q‡Q me‡P‡q eo cwim‡ii GKwU †KvVv| Gfv‡e †KvVvi msL¨v `uvwo‡q‡Q †gvU 21wU| †K›`ªxq †KvVvwUi mv‡_ cÖwZ evûi gvSLv‡b ms¯’vwcZ GKwU `iRv w`‡q Pviw`‡K cÖwZwU Awj›`-†KvVvi mv‡_ †hvMv‡hvM ¯’vcb Kiv n‡q‡Q| wKš‘ cÖvšÍxq PZz‡®‹vY L‡Ê Aew¯’Z evû¸‡jv e¨wZµgagx©| KviY, GwUi †ÿ‡Î cÖwZwU †Kv‡Yi cÖwZwU †KvVv evB‡ii †_‡K cÖwZwU cvkmn cv‡ki †KvVvi mv‡_ GKwU K‡i wLjvb-`iRv w`‡q hvZvqvZ †hvM¨ Ges †cQ‡bi e× †`qvjwU bK&kv 2: mb¥yLfv‡Mi ewn©`„k¨ GKwU Kzjw½ w`‡q †kvwfZ| Aewkó gvSvgvwS As‡ki cvkvcvwk wZbwU †KvVvi g‡a¨ gv‡SiwU cwim‡i cv‡ki mgcwim‡ii `ywUi Dc‡ii Zjvi mvwe©K cwiKíbv wb‡Pi Zjvi Abyiƒc| Mf©M„‡ni †P‡q eo| †mwU †hgb evB‡ii w`K †_‡K cvkvcvwk Aew¯’Z Dci i‡q‡Q DuPz g‡Âi Dci cÖwZwôZ GKwU c¨v‡fwjqb wZbwU wLjvb-`iRv w`‡q cÖ‡ek †hvM¨ †Zgwb Abyiƒc wZbwU Av`‡ji †KvVv hv ¯’vcwZ¨K web¨v‡mi wePv‡i †`vjgw›`‡ii g‡Zv `iRv w`‡q †fZ‡ii msjMœ KvbvMwj Awj‡›`i mv‡_ hy³| (PµeZ©x 1985:1-6)| †mwUi Pvi cv‡k wb‡Pi Zjvi KvbvMwji ZvQvov GwU GwUi cv‡ki †KvVvwUi mv‡_I hvZvqZ‡hvM¨| Abyiƒc Awj‡›`i cwie‡Z© i‡q‡Q cÖ`wÿYc_| cÖvšÍxq As‡ki myZivs gv‡Si †KvVvwU †h, †Kej Af¨_©bv †KvVv wn‡m‡e e¨eüZ cÖ‡Z¨K †Kv‡Y GKwU Ges †m¸‡jvi gvSvgvwS GKwU K‡i n‡Zv Zv‡Z m‡›`n †cvl‡Yi †KvbI AeKvk †bB| wKš‘ †mwUi PZz‡®‹vYvKvi ¯^Zš¿ †KvVv Av‡Q| †Kv‡Yi cÖwZwU †KvVv GKwU Dfq cv‡ki †KvVv¸‡jvi `iRv wenxb †`qv‡j GKwU K‡i Kzjw½ K‡i †PŠ-cjvKvi Le©Kvi wkLi w`‡q XvKv| Aewkó¸‡jvi cÖwZwU i‡q‡Q| A_v©r G cÖwZwU †KvVvq wZbwU K‡i Kzjw½ i‡q‡Q| wbwg©Z n‡q‡Q GKevsjv Z_v †`vPvjvNi AvKv‡i| cÖwZwU †KvVv cÖwZwU Kzjw½ cÖwZwU †`qv‡ji gvSLv‡b †h ms¯’vc‡b i‡q‡Q Zv G‡K Ac‡ii †_‡K wbw`©ó `~iZ¡ eRvq †i‡L‡Q| DËi evûi †mLv‡b cweÎ e¯‘ msiÿ‡Yi aviYv cÖ`v‡b mÿg| myZivs G gvSvgvwS Ae¯’v‡bi †KvVvwU‡Z wKQy e¨wZµgagx© ˆewkó¨ j¶¨ †KvVv¸‡jvmn c~‡e© DwjøwLZ †KvYvi †KvVv¸‡jv †h, †KvbI bv- Kiv hvq| KviY, GwUi wfZ‡i c~e© I cwðg †`qv‡j †g‡S †_‡K †KvbI weMÖn c~Rvi Rb¨ e¨eüZ n‡Zv Zv †gvUvgywU a‡i †bqv 91.4 †m. wg. Dc‡i 1.82 wg.- 2.13 wg. j¤^v, 3.36 wg. PIov hvq| Avi GKwU welq jÿYxq †h, †K›`ªxq †KvVvwU †fZi w`‡K Ges 33.02 †m. wg. Mfxi `ywU †Mvcb †Lvei Av‡Q| hvi g‡a¨ AvU‡KvYvKvi iƒc †`qv n‡q‡Q| Avi Zv‡Z K‡i a‡i †bqv hvq g~j¨evb wRwbmcÎ Mw”QZ wQj e‡j Rvbv hvq| ¯^vaxbZvi

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 cieZ©x mg‡q 1981 mv‡ji †k‡li w`‡K †`qvj †f‡½ †K ev Kviv G mg¯Í ¸ßab wb‡q hvq| †`vZjvi cwðg-cv‡k¦©i gvSLv‡bi †`vPvjv †KvVvq ZrKvjxb mg‡qi †gvRvBK Kiv g~wZ© ivLvi †e`x j¶¨ Kiv hvq Ges †mwUi cvwb mieiv‡ni c_I i‡q‡Q| GK Zj †_‡K Aci Z‡j DVvbvgvi Rb¨ `w¶Yc~e© †Kv‡Y GKwU wmuwo Ges DËi-cwðg †Kv‡Y cvkvcvwk `ywU wmuwo Av‡Q| G `ywU wmuwoi wb‡P f~Mf©¯’ GKwU †Mvcb cÖ‡Kvô Av‡Q| GKwU myo‡½i ga¨ w`‡q wbgœMvgx GKwU wmuwoi mvnv‡h¨ D³ †Mvcb cÖ‡Kv‡ô hvZvqZ Kiv †h‡Zv| c~e© w`‡K GKwU wmuwo Ges cwðg w`‡K cvkvcvwk `ywU miæ wmuwo Av‡Q| wmuwo¸‡jvi wb‡P AviI GKwU K‡i f~Mf©¯’ †Mvcb cÖ‡Kvô Av‡Q| †m¸‡jv‡Z hvZvq‡Zi Rb¨I Avjv`v myo½c_ wQj Ges Zv eZ©gv ‡b fivU K‡i †`qv n‡q‡Q| vcb ¯’vbxq evwm›`v‡`i g‡a¨ A‡b‡K ¯’vcbvwU‡K WvKvZ‡`i †M Av‡jvKwPÎ 1: `wÿY w`K †_‡K aviYK…Z mvaviY `„k¨ Av¯Ívbv wn‡m‡eI we‡ePbv K‡i _v‡K| wb‡Pi Zjvi cÖ‡Z¨K w`‡K i‡q‡Q Djø¤^ web¨v‡m ¯’vwcZ 9wU wkíf~wg (panel)-Gi GKwU mvwi| gv‡Si 3wU wkíf~wgi cÖwZwU Ges me‡kl cÖv‡šÍi wkíf~wg¸‡jvi cÖwZwU‡Z GKwU K‡i wLjvb- `iRv i‡q‡Q| Aewkó wkíf~wg¸‡jv‡Z i‡q‡Q e×wLjvb bKkv| Zvi Dci i‡q‡Q †QvU cwim‡ii wkíf~wg| †`qvj¸‡jvi ewnivei‡Y i‡q‡Q myiwKi cÖwjwß| wfwËf~wg †_‡K †K›`ªxq gw›`‡ii wkLiwU cÖvq 10.66 wg. DuPz| Gi wb‡Pi 4.57 wg. wbPZjv| G Zjvi ÔQv`cÖvšÍ (cornice)Õ Avbyf~wgK| wØZxq Zjvi †`vjgÂwUi µgk wPKb n‡q Ic‡i IVv wkL‡ii P~ov ÔcÙPzox (lotus apex)Õ m‡gZ ÔKiw½ P~ov`Ê (pitcher finial)Õ LwPZ| wLjvb¸‡jvi gyL LuvRKvUv| ZvQvov Ô¯ú¨vb‡Wªj

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¯’vcbvwU‡Z †Kvb cwiwPwZ djK bv cvIqv hvIqvi `iæb Gi wbg©vYKv‡ji wba©vwiZ mvj I ZvwiLmn Gi wbg©vZvi bvg wbwðZfv‡e D‡jøL Kiv m¤¢e bq| Z‡e G m¤ú‡K© wKQz c‡ivÿ m~‡Îi mvnvh¨ wb‡q AvcvZZ †gvUvgywU GKwU aviYvq DcbxZ nIqvi †Póv Kiv hvq| Av‡jvKwPÎ 3: msiÿY c~e©eZ©x `wÿY cwðg †Kv‡Yi `„k¨

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fëmn Zr Av‡jvKwPÎ 8: msjMœ †`qvjvs‡ki KviæKvR Av‡jvKwPÎ 4: msiÿY cieZx© `wÿY cwðg †Kv‡Yi `„k¨ cÖ_gZ, ¯’vcbvwUi wbg©vYKv‡R †QvU cwigv‡ci Z_vKw_Z Rvdwi BU Muv_vi Rb¨ myiwK e¨eüZ n‡qwQj| †`qvj¸‡jvi Imvi M‡o 91.44 †mwg.| G ai‡bi gkjv hw`I gyNj kvmbvgj †_‡K cÖPwjZ n‡qwQj e‡j mvaviYfv‡e wek¦vm Kiv nq Z_vwc Zv‡`i c~ee©Zx Avgj †_‡K wLª AvVvi kZ‡Ki †kl ch©šÍ GKB ai‡bi B‡Ui mv‡_ gkjvwUi e¨envi cÖPwjZ _vKvi eû bwRi Luy‡R cvIqv †M‡Q| wØZxqZ, eZ©gvb wbeÜwUi ïiæ‡ZB D‡jøL Kiv n‡q‡Q †h, ¯’vcbvwUi bvgKi‡Yi mv‡_ Rwo‡q Av‡Q Ggb GK Pwi‡Îi bvg whwb †lvj kZ‡K fvwU A‡ji evwm›`v wQ‡jb| †mKv‡j †m AÂj †_‡K XvKvi Kjv‡Kvcv ch©šÍ f~fv‡M fvwUi ivRv e‡j Av‡jvKwPÎ 5: msiÿY c~e©eZ©x DËi cwðg †Kv‡Yi `„k¨ L¨vZ evifuyBqv †bZv Cmv Luv I Zuvi AvZ¥R gymv LuvÕi ivR‰bwZK AvwacZ¨ cÖwZwôZ wQj e‡j BwZnvm‡eËvM‡Yi ¯^xK…wZ i‡q‡Q| Z„ZxqZ, fvwU A‡ji AšÍM©Z wK‡kviMÄ †Rjvi KwUqvw` Dc‡Rjvi Pvwicvov GjvKvq Dc‡Rjv m`i †_‡K 2.5wKwg. Dˇii †fvM‡eZvj MÖv‡g wLª. 1897 mv‡ji f~wgK¤ú c~e© ch©šÍ Ô†Mvwcbv_ gw›`iÕ bv‡g cÖvq Abyiƒc (wØZ‡j Avjv`v Avjv`v wkLi I †`vPvjv wewkó †KvVv ms¯’vwcZ) cÂiZœ Av`‡ji ¯’vcbv wbg©v‡Yi `„óvšÍ wU‡K wQj (`Ë ivq 2001: 278)| GwUi mv‡_I

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PZz_©Z, wK‡kviMÄ †Rjvi Aci ¸iæZ¡c~Y© cyivKxwZ© cvKzw›`qv Dc‡Rjvi GMviwm›`y‡ii kvn gvngy` gmwR` (Mv‡q muvUv‡bv dviwm cwiwPwZ djK Abyhvqx wbg©vYKvj wLª. 1600 mvj) I Av‡jvKwPÎ 6: msiÿY cieZx© DËi cwðg †Kv‡Yi `„k¨ mv‡jn gmwR` (Mv‡q muvUv‡bv dviwm cwiwPwZ djK Abyhvqx wbg©vYKvj wLª. 1662 mvj)| Dfq ¯’vcbvq GgbwKQz ˆewkó¨ wg‡jwg‡k GKvKvi n‡q †M‡Q †h¸‡jv evifuy&Bqv kvmbvg‡ji (wLª. †lvj kZ‡Ki †kl w`‡K †_‡K m‡Zi kZ‡Ki ïiæ ch©šÍ) ¯§„wZ ¯§iY Kwi‡q †`q| Gmg‡qi ˆewkó¸‡jv n‡jv †`qv‡j ÔcÖwjwß (plaster)Õ Av‡ivwcZ nIqv m‡Ë¡I myjZvwb Avg‡ji AwÂZ Qv`cÖvšÍ avivmn †cvovgvwUi Aj¼iY Ae¨vnZ _vKv| Z`ycwi kvn gvngy` gmwR‡`i cv‡k evjvLvbv bv‡g ¯’vbxqfv‡e cwiwPZ GKwU GKevsjv ¯’vcwZ¨K aviv wewkó ¯’vcbvI GKB mv‡_ wU‡K Av‡Q| A_©vr †MvUv fvwU A‡j wLª. m‡Zi kZK ch©šÍ AvÂwjK ¯’vcwZ¨K avivi mv‡_ cÖvK&gyNj I gyNj avivi wg‡kj NwU‡q Av‡jvKwPÎ 7: msiÿY c~e©eZ©x `wÿY cv‡k¦©i `„k¨

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Pratnatattva Vol. 23, June 2017 ¯’vcbv wbg©v‡Yi aviv †Rvi`vi wQj| cwðgevsjvi gw›`i-gmwR` Bibliography cÖf…wZ ag©xq ¯’vcZ¨ mn Ab¨vb¨ ¯’vc‡Z¨i †ÿ‡ÎI aviv we`¨gvb Ahmed, Nazimuddin (1984) Discover the Monuments of wQj (muvZiv 1998: 1)| Avgv‡`i eZ©gvb Av‡jvPbvaxb Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press Ltd. ¯’vcbvwUI †h †m Avg‡jB wbwg©Z n‡qwQj Zv †gvUvgywU a‡i †bqv Brown, Percy (1942) Indian Architecture (Islamic Period). †h‡Z cv‡i| Avi G AbywgwZ hw` mZ¨ nq Z‡e GgbUvI nIqv Bombay: D B Taraporevala Sons & Co. Dani, A. H. (1961) Muslim Architecture in Bengal, Dhaka: m¤¢e †h, gqgbwmsn MxwZKvi †Ljvivg I †Kbvivg †Kej `ywU Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. wbQK mvwnwZ¨K PvwiÎ bq eis HwZnvwmKI| †Kbvivg WvKvZ Gill, Sandrine (2010) The Kantanagar Temple: Hindu Temples in cošÍ eq‡m Aby‡kvPbvi R¡vjvh `» n‡q fvwU AÂj †Q‡o East Bengal under the Mughals, in Himanshu Prabha Ray (ed.) Archaeology and Text: The Temple in South Asia, pp. DRv‡bi †`k Kjv‡Kvcvq AvkÖq wb‡qwQj| AZtci cÖvqwðË 124-143. Delhi: Oxford University Press ¯^iƒc G ¯’vcbv wbg©vY K‡i GwU‡Z e‡mB ag©K‡g© wb‡qvwRZ McCutchion, David, J. (1972) Late Mediaeval Temples of Bengal; _vKvmn cyY¨vR©‡bi D‡Ï‡k¨ WvKvwZi gva¨‡g DcvwR©Z abm¤ú` Origins and Classifications. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society wcZv †Ljviv‡gi bv‡g `vbLqivZ Kiv Ae¨vnZ †i‡LwQj| †m (reprinted 1993). NUbvi avivivevwnZv †_‡KB ¯’vcbvwU AvR Aewa RivRxY© Michell, George (1983) Bricks Temples of Bengal: From the Archives of David McCutchion. Princeton, New Jersey: Ae¯’vqI Ô†Ljvivg `vZvi gw›`iÕ bvgwU‡K wUwK‡q †i‡L‡Q| Princeton University Press. Sen, D. (1929) Eastern Bengal Ballads Vol. 1, Calcutta. Summary PµeZ©x, iZb jvj (1991) evsjv‡`‡ki gw›`i, XvKv: evsjv Despite of having a good number of old temples sprawling GKv‡Wwg| over sparse corners of Bangladesh, the brick-built temple `Ë ivq, mRj KvwšÍ (2001) gqgbwms‡ni BwZe„Ë, KjKvZv: goes by the local name Khelārāmdāta may demand especial gqgbwmsn mw¤§jwb| notice for its distinctive architectonic tune as well as ivq, bxnviÄb (1356 evsjv) ev½vjxi BwZnvm: Avw`ce©, KjKvZv: obscure historicity. It is located at a forlorn corner of Kalākopā which is a village in Nawabganj upazela of †`ÕR cvewjwks (cybgy©`ªY 1993)| Dhaka district. In order to rebuild its historicity, in absence ivq, cÖYe (2004) evsjvi gw›`i ¯’vcZ¨ I fv¯‹h©, KjKvZv| of any textual as well as inscriptional evidences, the architectural details along with story current among the ingvb, †gv. AvZvDi (2015) beveM‡Äi HwZn¨evnx †Ljvivg`vZvi local villagers have been dealt supported by illustrations gw›`‡i cÖZœZË¡ wefv‡Mi mv¤úªwZK M‡elYv, msiÿY I (photographs and drawings) in the present paper. cybivbvqb, ¯’vbxq BwZnvm, msL¨v-15, c„-65, ivRkvnx: Architecturally, it is a two-storied building built on a †nwi‡UR AviKvBfm Ae evsjv‡`k wnmwU&ª Uªv÷| rectangular platform measuring 21.33cm x 14.88cm. Its hvKvwiqv, Av K g (1984) evsjv`‡ki cÖZœm¤ú`, XvKv: evsjv‡`k lower storey accommodates a central chamber surrounded wkíKjv GKv‡Wwg| by two rows, the inner being endowed with four corridors and the outer ten cells of different sizes. All the cells and muvZiv, Zvivc` (1998) cwðgevsjvi ag©xq ¯’vcZ¨: gw›`i I corridors are connected with each other by regular gmwR`, KjKvZv: cwðge½ evsjv AvKv‡`gx| openings in respective sides. Even the temple can be nvmvb, cvifxb (1993) Ô¯’vcZ¨ I wPÎKjvÕ, evsjv‡`‡ki BwZnvm entered from cardinal sides through arched openings 1704-1971, Z…Zxq LÛ (m¤úv`K, wmivRyj Bmjvg), XvKv: numbering twenty in all. The facade is lavishly decorated | with terracotta plaques and stucco ornamentation. GwkqvwUK †mvmvBwU Curiously, there are eight peripheral structures in the upper nvmvb, cvifxb (2003) ¯’vcZ¨ wkí: Jcwb‡ewkK hyM, evsjvwcwWqv: floor with an imposing additional pavilion dominating the LÛ 10, XvKv: GwkqvwUK †mvmvBwU| central region. The last one is open on all sides and is crowned by a spire, while the remainders are four- segmental simulating traditional Bengali chauchālā. To be frank, temple of such architectural style has not yet been traced elsewhere. However, depending on our present study, we hope, one would be able to date it in the 17th century AD as well as its builder named Kenārāma who was a robber by profession in his early life and built this in honor of his father Khelārāma.

49 Guideline for the Contributors

Pratnatattva-ISSN 1560-7593 is the peer reviewed annual research journal from Department of Archaeology, Jahangiranagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh. It publishes any original research paper written from a multidisciplinary perspective of archaeology. Articles from any other disciplines that are relevant for that interdisciplinary approach will be considered for publication. Each paper will be reviewed by a specialist in that particular field to be selected by the Editorial Board from a panel of reviewers.

Manuscripts should be submitted to the Executive Editor, Pratnatattva, Department of Archaeology, Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka-1342 (Email : [email protected], [email protected]).

The authors are requested to strictly follow the guideline given below. It should be noted that any violation of guideline would be considered as disqualification.

Preparation and arrangement of the manuscript

a. Submission is a representation that manuscript has not been published previously and is not currently under consideration elsewhere. b. The length of paper should not exceed 9000 words. c. Paper can be written in English (with summary in Bangla) or in Bangla (with summary in English). d. Title page i. Title of the paper ii. Name/s, postal and email addresses iii. Abstract of the research paper in 200 words. e. Main text of English manuscript should be typed in font Times New Roman with font size 12 and Bangla Manuscript should be typed in font SutonnyMJ with font size 12. Space between lines and paragraph should be 1.5 and the margin on each side should be 1.5” All pages should be numbered serially. f. Tables and Illustrations should be numbered with Arabic numerals and it should be referred in the text. g. References: Citation is absolutely necessary in case of any idea or excerpt is taken from any published or unpublished sources. Otherwise, it would be an act of plagiarism. In case of plagiarism, the manuscript will not be considered for any further action. Single quotation marks should be used in case of direct borrowing of less than 40 words. For more, the quotation must be indented from the left (with 1.27cm space) and 11 font size. Paragraph breaks must be kept 12pt at minimum. The reference for this journal is parenthetical system (or Harvard Referencing System). The reference list should contain only the ones cited in the text. They should be typed alphabetically and chronologically at the end of the text. Personal communication is cited in the text as (S N Rajaguru: personal communication 2016) and is not included in the list of references. End notes could be used if they are absolutely necessary. If more than one publication by the same

1 author in a single year is being cited, then a, b, c, and so on should be added immediately after the year and in the list of references, for example 2006a, 2006b and so on.

All books and journals should be listed in full with no abbreviations. Abbreviated reference forms like ‘ibid’, ‘op cit’ and ‘supra’ are not acceptable. Within the text, all references should be mentioned in parentheses with only the surname of the author and the year of publication, and/or the page number [e.g. (Andrefsky 2005: 45)]. There is no comma after the surname and no initials are to be given here. For two authors both surnames must be listed, e.g. (Roy and Ashan 2000). In the case of more than two authors, it should be as (Mishra et al. 1998). A few examples are given in below:

Reference from a Book

Andrefsky Jr, W. (2005) Lithics: Macroscopic Approaches to Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Reference of Article by author(s) from edited Book and Journal

Paddayya, K. (2002) A Review of Theoretical Perspectives in Indian Archaeology. In Settar, S. and Korisettar, R. (eds.) Indian archaeology in Retrospect (Vol. IV): Archaeology and Historiography; History, Theory and Method. Delhi: Manohar Publishers.

Jhaldiyal, R. (1998) Surface Wash Processes and their Impact on Stone Age Sites. Man and Environment XXIII (1): 81-91.

Mishra, S., S.G. Deo, R. Abbas, S. Naik, G. Shete, N. Agrawal and S.N. Rajaguru. 2009. Excavations at the Early Acheulian site of Morgaon, Maharashtra (2000-2007). In Recent Research Trends in South Asian Archaeology, eds. K. Paddayya, P.P. Joglekar, K.K. Basa and R. Sawant, pp. 121-137. Pune: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute.

Roy, J. S. and Ahsan, S. M. K. (2000) A Study of Prehistoric Tools on Fossil Wood from Chaklapunji, Habiganj. Pratnatattva 6: 21-32.

Reference from an online journal

Mitri, M and Neog, D (2016) Preliminary Report on the Excavations of Neolithic sites from Khasi Hills Meghalaya. Ancient Asia, 7: 7, pp. 1–17, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/aa.119 (last viewed on 9 January 2017)

Documents from World Wide Web (WWW) and Blog

Vikrant, K, et al. 2008 (March) BMC Evolutionary Biology, 7(28). Available at: @ http://www.biomedcentral.com.

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Feminist archaeology, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, viewed 25 October 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Feminist_archaeology

Reference from Unpublished thesis/reports

Agarwal, N. (2008) Microwear analysis of experimental granite tools. Unpublished Masters Dissertation, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona, Spain.

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For any further inquiry interested authors are being requested to contact the executive editor (Email : [email protected]).

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