The 'Chav' Subculture: Branded Clothing As an Extension of the Self
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Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 173-184, Mar 2013 (ISSN: 2220-6140) The ‘Chav’ Subculture: Branded Clothing as an Extension of the Self *Roger B. Mason1, Gemma Wigley2 1Durban University of Technology, South Africa 2University of Wolverhampton Business School, Wolverhampton, United Kingdom *[email protected] Abstract: This paper explores the chav phenomenon as a consumer subculture, with special reference to branding and consumer behaviour. The study is important because of the presence of chavs in many consumer markets, and their significant role in the consumption of numerous products. The aim of the primary research was to compare the branded clothing choices of two groups, namely chavs and non- chavs. A qualitative method was used, namely a survey of thirty 14 to 23 year olds (fifteen each of chavs and non-chavs), followed by in-depth interviews with four of the respondents. The issues studied were the relationships between the choice of branded clothing and the respondents’ social experiences, or backgrounds, as well as whether these backgrounds acted as motivations for the respondents’ consumer behaviour. The findings indicate a relationship between the wearing of branded clothing by chavs and their social backgrounds. Their consumption behaviour may be explained by the wearing of branded clothing as an extension of the self. The findings also provide an indication of differences between chav’s and non-chav’s perceptions of branding and consumer behaviour. Keywords: Chav, subculture, branded clothing, consumption, designer brands 1. Introduction Chav was the buzzword of the year in the United Kingdom in 2004 (Carter, 2004; Bennett, 2013). It has since become a common term for individuals or a group of youths, defined by the Oxford English Dictionary (2004) as, “a young person, often without a high level of education who follows a particular fashion, usually designer labels, and if they’re girls, very short skirts and stilettos, chavs see baseball caps as a status symbol and wear them at every opportunity.” Originally, chav was a buzzword used to describe girls in Chatham, London, who wore short skirts and big jewellery, and who were uneducated and socialised in groups in towns or urban areas. It often implies voluntary lifestyle choices that represent incompetence and poverty (Bennett, 2013). Prime Minister David Cameron maintains that “people are out of work due to their personal inadequacies” (Timmins, 2012). The term has since become widespread across the UK, emphasising, “branded sportswear, excessive jewellery and a general lack of subtlety in appearance, (with some seeing chavs as) synonymous with ignorance, poverty and violence” (Walker, 2005). Le Grand (2012b) defines chavs as “white working-class youths dressed in street ware clothing and jewellery … associated with vulgar taste, loutish and anti-social behaviour, teenage pregnancy and welfare dependency.”It is further associated with lower classes, deprived areas and relying on social benefits (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009). It has also become a market segment - chavs are one of the nine ‘teenage tribes’ (accounting for 9% of teenagers) identified by Watt (2006). The unruly behaviour associated with chavs, such as threatening younger children (Pain, 2003), attracted media attention, including the development of numerous Internet sites, e.g. Chavscum.co.uk (Chavscum, 2004). It has also led the UK Government to target youths who dress like this group, in an attempt to cut down on street crime (Marrin, 2005). This newly formed subculture’s central tenet is consumption (Parker and Lyle, 2005) and it base sits identity on fashion and clothing symbols, which distinguish the chavs from other groups of youths. Two of these symbols are the Burberry design check and baseball cap. Large fake jewellery, track suits and certain designer brands are also symbols of being a chav (Hollingworth and Williams, 2009). The overall aim of this research was therefore to compare the branded clothing choices of chavs and non-chavs and to investigate these choices’ effects on the perception of the self-image. In other words, is there a relationship between type of clothing worn and whether someone is considered a ‘chav’ or not? 2. Literature Review Le Grand (2012a) explains that identity formation among the white working-class youths of the United Kingdom involves adopting certain local styles or fashions, which he refers to as ‘markers of taste’. These 173 identities are structured by class and categorizations made by others, but the choice of these ‘markers of taste’ are individualised choices regarding fashion and lifestyle. Thus issues of self-perception, possessions (including fashions and brands) and subculture will play a major role in the development of an individual’s self-identity. The extant literature on these issues will now be discussed. The Extended Self: Early research by Grubb and Hupp (1968) found that different self-concepts could be influenced by possession of certain brands. The relationship between self and possessions has been widely researched (Sayre and Horne, 1996; Richins, 1994; Malhotra, 1981), with Belk (1988) being the major work on the extension of the self, showing that we regard our possessions as part of ourselves and “we are what we have and possess.” Possessions are linked with the management of our identities, which is consistent with chavs being identified by their possessions, usually baseball caps, Burberry designer checked clothing and bulky jewellery. According to Belk’s proposition, chavs wear these items to extend their self-concept. This is supported by le Grand (2011) who shows that such ‘markers of taste’ help to shape identity. Belk’s work was criticised by Cohen (1989) for its lack of “meaning, explanatory power and empirical identification”. He maintains that Belk’s conclusions are “breezy” and argues that “researchers must be capable of identifying possessions that are not self-defining, or the concept loses all scientific meaning”. He maintains that researchers should look much further than ideas of the self-concept to explain the self in consumer behaviour. More recent studies have looked at youths and the concept of materialism (Schaefer et al., 2004; Wells, 1996), which tends to agree that material ownership brings happiness and self-fulfilment. Materialism studies are regularly linked to the ideas of possessions and the extension of the self. These are discussed in more depth below. Possessions and Status Symbolism: Belk’s (1988) understanding of possessions as an extension of the self is extended in his 2004 study, Men and their machines (Belk, 2004). In this study he carried out in- depth interviews at a car show in America and found that male automobile enthusiasts “see their cars as both extensions of themselves and as animate beings”. In this study he also refers to status symbolism in the case of automobiles. He suggested that men feel more powerful and gain more status from “the conspicuous consumption” of cars, which are clearly seen as status symbols. Status symbolism has been widely researched. With regards to branding, Tan Tsu Wee and Chua Han Ming (2003) said that marketers engineer the symbolism of a brand and give a personality to the brand that becomes part of the consumer. They went on to highlight that the consumer forms a relationship with the brand. They argue that the self is made up of much more than just a person’s possessions, also being comprised of thoughts, ideas, experiences and people. However, Ball and Tasaki (1992) argue that, for young consumers, ownership has more association with high attachment than with high emotion. The authors highlight a gap in research on the involvement with a product group, rather than with a single possession, and stress that the relationship of involvement with the consumer is important. Symbolism and Branding: Tan Tsu Wee and Chua Han Ming (2003) argue that branding is used to provide symbolic meaning and emphasises symbolic value. However, Fournier (1998) maintains that “meaningful relationships are qualified not along symbolic versus functional product category lines, or in terms of high versus low involvement classes, but by the perceived ego significance of the chosen brands.” This could arguably be linked with the chosen relationship between the chav and the Burberry design check on clothing, as the label attached to the brand once suggested prestige and wealth. Chav’s perhaps choose to adopt this brand to form a relationship with the label. Piacentini and Mailer (2004) made several interesting points about the subject of branding and youths. They looked at youth consumption of clothing brands and found that youths make choices that “are closely bound to their self-concept” and are fundamentally used for self-expression and “role fulfilment, making the wearer more confident and capable”. Clothing acted as an indication that the wearer has similar characteristics to those who wear the same sort of clothes. Piacentini and Mailer (2004) concluded by saying that the two schools used in their research, a private school and a comprehensive school, showed different attitudinal traits regarding branded clothing. Respondents from the comprehensive school implied that branded clothing was chosen in order to attach a higher monetary tag and to be like the other students. In comparison, the private school respondents did not like the concept of heavy branding, which they felt was a result of “social conditioning”. Private school pupils would not need to show through their clothing that they are not poor, as they portray this through their private school attendance. An issue here then is that chavs are poorer than others, hence their preference to wear heavily branded clothing such as the Burberry check as a display of wealth. 174 Symbolism in consumer behaviour is discussed by Belk, Bahn and Mayer (1982), who say that “the major sources of information about the language of expressive consumption are media, family, schools and peers”.