DOCSLIB.ORG

Affective Re-Territorializations in Contemporary Urban Disputes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Affective Re-Territorializations in Contemporary Urban Disputes Minhocão: affective re-territorializations in contemporary urban disputes Minhocão: reterritorializações afetivas nas disputas urbanas contemporâneas Eliana Rosa de Queiroz Barbosa [I] Cintia Elisa de Castro Marino [II] Abstract Resumo This paper presents a case of urban dispute to O artigo apresenta um caso de disputa urbana, show how a new political body has been affectively demonstrando como um novo corpo político tem occupying the spheres of participation since the ocupado afetivamente as esferas de participa- uprisings that occurred in Brazil in June 2013. ção desde as manifestações brasileiras de junho Minhocão, the target of this urban dispute, is de 2013. O Minhocão, alvo dessa disputa ur- an elevated highway located in the city of São bana, é uma via expressa elevada, localizada no Paulo. Inaugurated in 1970, it has been informally município de São Paulo, inaugurada em 1970 e occupied by the inhabitants of its surroundings ocupada informalmente pelos moradores do en- since the 1980s. Using the notion of “affective torno desde a década de 1980. A partir da noção re-territorializations” (Hutta, 2019), the article de “reterritorializações afetivas” (Hutta, 2019), o analyses how the rise of conservative and artigo analisa como a ascensão de campos afetivos progressive affective fields are reshaping spaces in conservadores e progressistas estão remodelando the contemporary city and, ultimately, influencing espaços na cidade contemporânea e, em última ins­ urban projects and public policies. Through the tância, influen ciando projetos urbanos e políticas analysis of primary and secondary data, the article públicas. Por meio da análise de dados primários e demonstrates that this space, which used to be the secundários, o artigo demonstra que esse espaço, target of informal appropriations, has become the outrora alvo de apropriações informais, passou a symbol of an affective dispute, being constantly re- ser símbolo de uma disputa afetiva, sendo constan- -signified, alternating progressive and reactionary temente ressignificado, alternando ideologias pro- ideologies. gressistas e reacionárias. Keywords: protests; affection; Minhocão; urban Palavras-chave: manifestações; afeto, Minhocão; dispute; re-territorialization. disputa urbana; reterritorialização. Cad. Metrop., São Paulo, v. 23, n. 51, pp. 519-545, maio/ago 2021 Artigo publicado em Open Acess http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-9996.2021-5104 Creative Commons Atribution Eliana Rosa de Queiroz Barbosa, Cintia Elisa de Castro Marino Introducing Minhocão object of associactivism groups and urban appropriations, awakening diverse (conflicting) and its urban dispute socio-political constellations, embodying an increasing urban dispute and, ultimately, The elevated highway popularly known as influencing urban projects and policies. Minhocão is a three and a half kilometer The demonstrations of June 2013 saw long inner-city expressway, elevated five the political body occupying the public sphere, meters from the ground, cutting through exposing Brazil’s political divide and paving three different neighborhoods in downtown the way to an increased presence of emerging São Paulo, Brazil. Since its construction in conservative groups in public debates.2 the early 1970s, under mayor Paulo Maluf’s Similar processes of discontent happened mandate1 during the military dictatorship, this simultaneously in many countries, pointing brutal concrete-made piece of infrastructure to a generalized disbelief in the traditional faced opposition due to its visual, social and systems of representative democracy and economic impacts (Artigas et al., 2008). In the emergence of right-wing populism. This 1976, it first was closed to motorized traffic conjuncture suggests that representative in the nighttime, in response to mounting democracy is being challenged amid popular pressure and, from 1989 onward, neoliberalization processes3 at large and their an executive decree issued by the left-wing consequences materialized in space4 (Santos, Workers’ Party (PT) mayor Luiza Erundina 2015; Pinson and Journel, 2016; Bauman and defined fixed weekly closure times. Since Mauro, 2018). then, it has been informally appropriated for The recent urban dispute over Minhocão leisure activities by surrounding residents, implies the emergence of a new phenomenon, embracing different territorial meanings and intertwining civic participation and new forms interpretations (Barbosa, 2012; Marino, 2019). of occupation of the public realm (in a wider This research aims to interpret the recent sense) in the Brazilian cities. Taking on the urban dispute involving Minhocão, triggered case of Minhocão and the dispute around by Bill 10/2014, aimed at changing its elevated its future, we explore a hypothesis that the highway status within the legislative and urban uprisings of the early 2010s changed administrative bodies of the city. We see this how different actors position themselves, both dispute as one of the many affected by the physically and virtually, in the public realm political polarization that has been mounting (Carlos, 2014; Pinto, 2017; Monteiro, 2018). since the Brazilian demonstrations of June 2013. This paper aims to shed a light on the Colored by different actors that urban dispute that culminated in the executive have been occupying multiple spheres of decision of formalizing the occupation of participation since the protests, this paper Minhocão, turning it into a park. It also documents the increasing speculations documents and analyzes how these (online that unfolded into this urban dispute. and offline) affective performances have Since 2012, a sequence of events placed mobilized the dispute within the official Minhocão at the center of discussion, as the channels of participation and in the public 520 Cad. Metrop., São Paulo, v. 23, n. 51, pp. 519-545, maio/ago 2021 Minhocão: affective re-territorializations in contemporary urban disputes space in question. We present how progressive the dispute, analyzing how the different and conservative agendas (aimed at expanding stakeholders positioned themselves in relation and restricting rights, respectively) were to the public policies and projects. The fourth pushed forward by means of affective section reveals how contemporary bold affects performances, arguing that this exemplifies are re-territorializing spaces in the city and how the conservative and progressive bold ultimately influencing projects and policies. affects (Hutta, 2019) of contemporaneity are re-shaping spaces in the city and, ultimately, influencing projects and policies . The body in the city: social Methodology-wise, the paper articulates the narratives and actions of the groups media, uprisings, and the involved in this dispute, especially founders contemporary urban dispute and active leaders, involving participant observation in the events described, in-depth The censorship and persecution promoted interviews with stakeholders and members of during the military regime in Brazil (1964- the different groups, as well as analysis of their 1985) had strong cultural, artistic and social institutional discourse supporting this dispute. impact, affecting particularly how Brazilians Additionally, we consulted and analyzed official relate to the different instances of power, use documents generated during the dispute, such the different instances of public participation as bills, and transcripts of public hearings and and, ultimately, occupy public spaces. The administrative processes. Since a great deal use of public spaces during this time was of the dispute occupied online spheres, we controlled. Any public demonstration of revised online publications, discussion forums discontent was obstructed or banned over and social media posts from the different two decades. Protests resurfaced in the 1980s groups and movements involved. The online with the democratization process, a period interaction also involved understanding how marked by the action of workers' unions, the different groups interacted with traditional urban and rural social movements, which media pieces reporting on the dispute. Data presented a complex organizational structure. collection occurred within different periods In this context, guidelines for claiming the between 2011 and 2018. right to the city were brought up with the aim This paper is organized in four sections, of reversing social inequalities. It would be in addition to the introduction and the the right to human emancipation. Since then, conclusion. First, we explore how the 2013 social movements have been struggling to urban protests in Brazil conceptually framed strengthen public services, social protection the contemporary urban dispute involving and labor regulations (Lefebvre, 1972; Souza Minhocão. Second, we present the emerging and Rodrigues, 2004). social constellations, the rise of different Following a global trend, along the late associactivisms acting on the urban dispute of 2000s and early 2010s, Brazilian mobilizations Minhocão that started with the consultations clearly intensified with the advent of online for Bill 10/2014. The third section frames tools (Wisnik, 2016). All sorts of different civil Cad. Metrop., São Paulo, v. 23, n. 51, pp. 519-545, maio/ago 2021 521 Eliana Rosa de Queiroz Barbosa, Cintia Elisa de Castro Marino society organizations emerged in São Paulo, They are part of the several uprisings of the framed here as associativisms (broadly studied early 2010s that emerged all over the globe. by Hirst, 1994, 2001; Cohen and Rogers,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Enter the Title of the Paper
    Communities and Local Government Three Case Studies in São Paulo, Brazil Raquel Rolnik Renato Cymbalista Democracy, Governance and Human Rights United Nations Programme Paper Number 14 Research Institute November 2004 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation. UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8186 Contents Acronyms ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen vi Introduction 1 The Participatory Budget 2 Participatory administration of municipal
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Text
    www.ssoar.info The Responsibility of Governing and the Changes in the Workers' Party of Brazil Sobottka, Emil Albert Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Rainer Hampp Verlag Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sobottka, E. A. (2006). The Responsibility of Governing and the Changes in the Workers' Party of Brazil. International Journal of Action Research, 2(1), 54-77. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-412777 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use.
    [Show full text]
  • São Paulo a Tale of Two Cities
    cities & citizens series bridging the urban divide são paulo a tale of two cities Study cities & citizens series bridging the urban divide são paulo a tale of two cities Image: Roberto Rocco - [email protected] iv cities & citizens series - bridging the urban divide Copyright © United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT), 2010 São Paulo: A Tale of Two Cities All rights reserved UNITED NATIONS HUMAN SETTLEMENTS PROGRAMME P.O. Box 30030, GPO, Nairobi, 00100, Kenya Tel.: +254 (20) 762 3120, Fax: +254 (20) 762 4266/4267/4264/3477/4060 E-mail: [email protected] www.unhabitat.org DISCLAIMER The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries or regarding its economic system or degree of development. The analysis, conclusions and recommendations of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT), the Governing Council of UN-HABITAT or its Member States.Excerpts may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. HS Number: HS/103/10E ISBN Number:(Volume) 978-92-1-132214-9 ISBN Number(Series): 978-92-1-132029-9 This book was prepared under the overall guidance of the Director of MRD, Oyebanji Oyeyinka and the direct coordination of Eduardo Moreno, Head of City Monitoring Branch. The book primarily uses data prepared by the São Paulo-based, Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados (SEADE) in collaboration with UN-HABITAT under the technical coordination of Gora Mboup, Chief of the Global Urban Observatory .
    [Show full text]
  • Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil 287
    Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil 287 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of California, Los Angeles Princeton University Legislative Politics in Authoritarian Brazil This paper provides the first model of legislative behavior in nondemocratic settings. Many authoritarian regimes have sought to maintain a façade of democracy by creating “puppet” legislatures. These legislatures should always support the regime since uncooperative behavior risks career-ending punishments. But in spite of potentially high costs, legislators do sometimes rebel against military executives. I show how legislative rebellion can be a rational strategy—even under authoritarian rule. When applied to data from Brazil, the model reveals the durable power of the electoral connection and patronage politics. The methods and model could be easily applied to other cases of legislative rebellion against nondemocratic executives. Introduction This paper provides the first model of legislative behavior in nondemocratic regimes. Many authoritarian executives have sought to maintain a façade of democracy by creating “puppet” legislatures. These legislatures should have every reason to support the regime since uncooperative behavior risks career-ending punishments. In spite of this, they sometimes rebel against the authoritarian executive. Why should politicians risk their careers to oppose a powerful regime? This paper models legislators’ choices to support or oppose an authoritarian executive as functions of political survival. When evalu- ating unpopular policies, legislators must consider the costs of anti- executive or anti-constituent roll-call votes. I argue that deputies weigh these potential costs with reference to their relative career risks. I test the model by examining Brazil’s authoritarian regime (1964–85). During most of this period, deputies continued to hold legislative sessions, vote on policy proposals, and face regular elections.1 But at the same time, the military occupied the presidency and used broad executive powers to control legislative behavior.
    [Show full text]
  • Communities and Local Government: Three Case Studies in São Paulo, Brazil Raquel Rolnik and Renato Cymbalista
    Communities and Local Government Three Case Studies in São Paulo, Brazil Raquel Rolnik Renato Cymbalista Democracy, Governance and Human Rights United Nations Programme Paper Number 14 Research Institute November 2004 for Social Development This United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) Programme Paper has been produced with the support of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation. UNRISD also thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8186 Contents Acronyms ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen vi Introduction 1 The Participatory Budget 2 Participatory administration of municipal
    [Show full text]
  • Luiza Takes São Paulo
    NOT FOR PUBLICATION WITHOUT Wr TER'S CONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Rua General BAgunolo Vila Prudente So Paulo, Brazil 03152 AEM-12 Luiza takes So Paulo November, 1988 Mr. Peter Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheelock Street Hanover, NH 03755 Dear Peter, So Paulo is still blinking its eyes in surprise a the results of the municipal elections of November 15. If everything proceeds as it should in a democracy, the largest city in Latin ica will now be governed by what was considered a triple impossibility: a , a Northeasterner, and a socialist representing one of the principal parties of opposition to President Jos4 Sarney and the "New Republic". Two weeks before the election, not even Luiza Erundina's own party, the PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores Worker's Party), believed her victory possible. Luiza was in third place, well behind candidate Joo Leiva of the PMDB and front-runner Paulo Maluf of the PDS.* Although Luiza's campaign rhetoric still referred to victory, the most that the PT hoped for was the election of a reasonable number of city councilmen. In the final wek of the campaign, while "petistas" and the city watched open-mouthed, Luiza's campaign began to grow irresistibly in the polls, passing first Leiva and closing in on Maluf, who was irrevocably dislodged from his first-place position only on election day itself. Out of a field of 14 candidates (six of whom received significant expressions of votes), Luiza Erundina was elected myor of Sao Paulo by nearly 30% of the votes, with a reasonable margin of 4.7% in front of Maluf.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Multilevel Health Reform in Spain and Brazil
    Commitment, Capacity, and Community: the Politics of Multilevel Health Reform in Spain and Brazil by Sandra Chapman Osterkatz A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 2013 Approved by: Evelyne Huber Liesbet Hooghe Gary Marks Alfred P. Montero John D. Stephens c 2013 Sandra Chapman Osterkatz ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT SANDRA CHAPMAN OSTERKATZ: Commitment, Capacity, and Community: the Politics of Multilevel Health Reform in Spain and Brazil. (Under the direction of Evelyne Huber) Inequality is a primary concern for many social and political actors, yet often the distributive profile of society seems over-determined by structure and institutions. Federalism, ethnic heterogeneity, and greater numbers of veto actors are near uni- versally associated with higher levels of inequality and less generous public support for the most vulnerable members of society. A key challenge for scholars has been unpacking multilevel governance and empirically assessing the way the territorial dis- tribution of authority interacts with other forces that determine policies, inhibiting clear theorizing about why and how particular territorial arrangements matter for distributive outcomes. In this dissertation I choose two \hard" cases in which we would not expect equity-enhancing social policy reforms and assess a similar attempt at universal health reform in both cases. Spain and Brazil share long histories of authoritarian rule, ethno-linguistic or racial heterogeneity, lack of fiscal capacity, and asymmetry in the territorial distribution of authority. Spain has been more successful than Brazil at establishing a universal health system that is efficient, sustainable, and broadly supported in society.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Lideranças Políticas No Brasil
    LIDERANÇAS POLÍTICAS NO BRASIL: CARACTERÍSTICAS E QUESTÕES INSTITUCIONAIS Prof.ª Dr.ª Vera Lúcia Michalany Chaia. PUC-SP- 2012 RESUMO: O líder político personifica os interesses políticos em disputa, em torno de sua figura são construídas as relações de poder. A liderança política pode ser exercida de diversas formas e assumir diferentes formatos, o que coloca em debate o significado e o papel da liderança política. Nas disputas políticas nas sociedades democráticas, ou mesmo em sociedades não democráticas, a figura do líder político é expressiva dentro dos processos políticos contemporâneos, pois canalizam as ações políticas e conduzem as operações e negociações políticas e econômicas. Tendo por base a nossa experiência teórica e metodológica adquirida através de estudos e orientações de teses e dissertações, a preocupação da presente pesquisa é a de aprofundar o tema das lideranças políticas no Brasil, recuperando historicamente o surgimento dessas lideranças, problematizando o seu significado e buscando compreender o sentido histórico e as características pessoais desses líderes. Para a análise das lideranças propostas neste projeto, serão realizados mapeamentos que respeitem o período histórico, as mídias respectivamente disponíveis em cada período e as relações destas com os líderes, de modo que investigaremos as produções audiovisuais e textuais presentes em jornais governamentais ou independentes, revistas, arquivos radiofônicos e televisivos, filmes, blogs, sites e redes sociais. Esta análise é sugerida a fim de que seja possível avaliar o desenvolvimento das mídias e a constituição da imagem de lideranças políticas no país. Serão enfatizadas possíveis imagens que elucidam a forma como atores políticos empregaram os meios de comunicação para afirmarem a sua condição de líderes e suas ações políticas.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Criminal Powers the Spread of Illicit Links to Politics Across the World and How It Can Be Tackled
    The new criminal powers The spread of illicit links to politics across the world and how it can be tackled CRU Report Ivan Briscoe Pamela Kalkman The new criminal powers The spread of illicit links to politics across the world and how it can be tackled Ivan Briscoe Pamela Kalkman CRU Report January 2016 January 2016 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: RCD out (Tunisia). Source: Gladys Martínez López, Flickr/ Creative Commons, February 2011. Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user reproduce, distribute or display material from Clingendael publications or any other source for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material on or any copies of the material. Material may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute . This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). About the authors Ivan Briscoe is a Senior Research Fellow at the Conflict Research Unit of Clingendael. At the CRU he specializes in the political economy of post-conflict countries and analysis of organized crime. Pamela Kalkman is an investigative journalist based in Amsterdam. She previously worked as a project assistant at the Conflict Research Unit of Clingendael. About CRU The Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ is a think tank and diplomatic academy on international affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazilian History
    Brazilian History Brazilian History: Culture, Society, Politics 1500- 2010 By Roberto Pinheiro Machado Brazilian History: Culture, Society, Politics 1500-2010 By Roberto Pinheiro Machado This book first published 2017 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2017 by Roberto Pinheiro Machado All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-0349-6 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-0349-6 To Cláudia Mendonça Scheeren CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter One ................................................................................................. 9 The Colonial Period (1500–1822) 1.1 From the Discovery to the Colonization 1.2 The French Invasions (1555–1560 and 1594–1615) 1.3 The Dutch Invasions (1624–1625 and 1630–1654) 1.4 The Iberian Union and the Portuguese Territorial Expansion 1.5 The Discovery of Gold and the Minas Gerais 1.6 The Conspiracy of Minas Gerais and Brazilian Neoclassicism 1.7 The Conspiracy of Bahia and the Emergence of the Notion of Citizenship 1.8 A European Monarchy in the Tropics and the End of Colonial Rule Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 49 The Brazilian Empire (1822–1889) 2.1 The Costly Independence 2.2 The First Empire (1822–1831) 2.3 The Regency (1831–1840) 2.4 The Second Empire (1840–1889) 2.5 Culture and Society in the Brazilian Empire Chapter Three .........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Forging Ethnic Identity Through Faith: Religion And
    FORGING ETHNIC IDENTITY THROUGH FAITH: RELIGION AND THE SYRIAN-LEBANESE COMMUNITY IN SÃO PAULO By Montie Bryan Pitts Jr. Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Latin American Studies August 2006 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Jane L. Landers James J. Lang ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I conducted the research for this thesis between March and July 2006, during a one- semester exchange program at the University of São Paulo. The program was offered under the auspices of the United States-Brazil Higher Education Consortia Program and was funded by a grant from the Department of Education’s Fund for the Improvement of Post-Secondary Education. I also received additional research funding from the Vanderbilt University Graduate School, and my research would not have been possible without either of these grants. During the course of my M.A. program in Latin American Studies at Vanderbilt University, I have been fortunate enough to work with attentive and generous faculty and staff members who have done more than I can express to further my intellectual development and facilitate my educational experience. I especially appreciate the input of my thesis advisor, Jane Landers, and my readers Marshall Eakin and James Lang. I am also highly indebted to Norma Antillon, the administrative assistant whose kindness, attention to detail, and knowledge keep the Center for Latin American and Iberian Studies running. Norma went above and beyond the call of duty when she arranged additional thesis research funding through the Graduate School, as well as obtaining the needed thesis signatures from my advisor and readers while I was still in Brazil.
    [Show full text]
  • Paulo Maluf: Ascensão E Declínio De Uma Liderança Política Marco Antonio Teixeira 1
    Paulo Maluf: ascensão e declínio de uma liderança política Marco Antonio Teixeira 1 Resumo: A história recente não deixa dúvidas em relação ao fato de Paulo Salim Maluf ter assumido características de uma liderança nacional durante sua trajetória política, apesar de nunca ter sido alçado a um cargo público eletivo no Poder Executivo que o colocasse à frente de processos decisórios que abrangessem todo o país. Conforme será destacado neste artigo, o malufismo (como referência de um grupo político organizado em torno de uma liderança) surge no cenário nacional após Paulo Maluf ser nomeado para importantes cargos públicos como prefeito de São Paulo, Secretario Estadual de Transportes e governador do mesmo Estado, durante o Regime Militar. Tais cargos foram estratégicos na busca de apoio político visando alcançar prestígio nacional e para se constituir como uma força política organizada com fins de obter o poder político por intermédio do processo 31 eleitoral após a redemocratização (TEIXEIRA, 2004). O presente texto, que tem por finalidade compreender a trajetória dessa liderança política, está dividido em três partes. Na primeira será contextualizado o surgimento de Paulo Maluf no cenário político e seus primeiros embates por espaço na política partidária ainda no Regime Militar. Na segunda parte, o destaque é para as primeiras competições eleitorais por meio de eleições diretas onde Maluf buscou amplitude nacional com vistas a concorrer às eleições para a presidência da República. Por fim, apresenta- se o declínio do malufismo associado a escândalos políticos que impactaram negativamente no seu prestígio pessoal e consequentemente no tamanho do seu eleitorado. Palavras-chave: Paulo Maluf; malufismo; liderança.
    [Show full text]