Conservative Parties, Democracy and Economic Reform

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Conservative Parties, Democracy and Economic Reform CONSERVATIVE PARTIES, DEMOCRACY, AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN CONTEMPORARY BRAZIL Scott Mainwaring, Rachel Meneguello, and Timothy Power Working Paper #264 – March 1999 Scott Mainwaring, Eugene Conley Professor and former chair of the Department of Government and International Studies at the University of Notre Dame, is Director of the Kellogg Institute. His most recent book, Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave: The Case of Brazil, will be published by Stanford University Press in early 1999. Rachel Meneguello is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Coordinator of Graduate Studies in Political Science, and Director of the Center for Studies on Public Opinion (CESOP) at the University of Campinas-UNICAMP, Brazil. Timothy J. Power is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Louisiana State University. He is the author of Elites, Institutions, and Democratization: The Political Right in Postauthoritarian Brazil (Penn State University Press, forthcoming) as well as the coeditor (with Peter R. Kingstone) of Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes (University of Pittsburgh Press, forthcoming). He received his PhD from Notre Dame in 1993. The authors are grateful to Caroline Domingo, Ed Gibson, Frances Hagopian, and Kevin Middlebrook for helpful comments; to Daniel Brinks and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán for research assistance; and to Felicia LeClere for methodological advice. A version of this paper will appear as a chapter in Conservative Parties and Democracy in Latin America, ed. Kevin Middlebrook (Johns Hopkins, forthcoming). ABSTRACT In this paper we analyze conservative parties in Brazil, focusing on the post-1985 democracy but with some attention to earlier periods as well. We develop four main themes. First, conservative parties in Brazil have been successful at maintaining political power. Our second major theme is that compared to the center and left, Brazil’s conservative parties have several distinctive features. Third, there are significant differences among the conservative parties. Our final major theme is that the conservative pole in the party system is changing. RESUMEN En este artículo analizamos a los partidos conservadores en Brasil, concentrándonos en el período democrático posterior a 1985, pero prestando también alguna atención a períodos anteriores. Desarrollamos cuatro tesis principales. En primer lugar, que los partidos coservadores en Brasil han tenido éxito en mantener poder político. Nuestra segunda tesis es que los partidos conservadores de Brasil tienen varias características que los distinguen tanto del centro como de la izquierda. Tercero, que hay significativas diferencias entre los partidos conservadores. Nuestra cuarta tesis principal es que el polo conservador en este sistema de partidos está cambiando. In this paper we analyze conservative parties in Brazil, focusing on the post-1985 democracy but with some attention to earlier periods as well. We develop four main themes. First, conservative parties in Brazil have been successful at maintaining political power. Conservative parties were pillars of the oligarchic order from their creation in the 1830s until 1930. With the introduction of basically fair competitive elections and mass suffrage in 1945, they established themselves as the hegemonic electoral force in congressional elections until 1962. They helped engineer the 1964 military coup, then became a powerful junior partner in the military regime of 1964–85. Since 1985, in Brazil’s second ‘experiment with democracy,’1 conservative parties have consistently been part of the governing coalition at the national level, and they have fared well electorally. Remarkably in view of the discredit of the military regime by 1985, in the mid to late 1990s conservatives have succeeded in revitalizing their programmatic image. Once viewed as retrograde by large sectors of the society, today, under the aegis of a somewhat successful centrist president (Fernando Henrique Cardoso, 1995–present) who has embraced much of the conservative economic agenda, conservatives are again able to publicly articulate what they stand for without fear of ridicule. While emphasizing conservative dominance throughout Brazilian history, we do not intend to imply that there have been no serious challenges to conservative hegemony. Getúlio Vargas, president from 1930 to 1945, dismayed some conservatives by beginning to incorporate the urban popular classes into the political system. The second time Vargas was president (1951–4) he implemented measures that conservatives disdained; so did President Juscelino Kubitschek (1956–60). The populist reformist government of President João Goulart (1961–4) represented a particularly stiff challenge—one that conservatives could not tolerate, so they fostered and supported a military coup and the ensuing dictatorship. Throughout the 1946–61 period, conservative politicians shared power at the national level and had to make concessions, some of which they regarded as significant. Similarly, they have shared power in the post-1985 democracy, during which time they have again experienced some defeats. But in broad historical and comparative perspective, conservative politicians in Brazil have done well electorally and politically. With the exception of 1963–4, they have been part of the governing coalition at the national level since Brazil’s independence in 1822. Our second major theme is that compared to the center and left, Brazil’s conservative parties have several distinctive features. Rightist parties are more likely to favor neoliberal 1 The allusion here is to Thomas E. Skidmore’s classic Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967). economic policies and are more conservative on issues such as law and order, abortion, and family morality. Most conservative parties fare best electorally among relatively poor, less educated, and older voters. They also do best in small counties (municípios) and in the poor regions, especially the Northeast. Organizationally, conservative parties are marked by significant cross-state differences, low discipline and loyalty, reliance on clientelism, and personalistic campaign styles. Third, there are significant differences among the conservative parties. Some have an articulate and coherent conservative discourse and do best among well-educated and better-off voters and in the more developed regions of the country. Others are less ideological and more clientelistic or personalistic; they generally fare best among less educated voters in smaller counties. Our final major theme is that the conservative pole in the party system is changing. We highlight three changes. First, since the late 1980s the conservative parties appear to have ended and perhaps even reversed the long-term downward electoral trend they experienced between 1945 and 1964 and again, after an upward spike promoted by the military regime, between 1970 and 1982. Second, in the post-1985 period the conservative parties have accepted democracy more than ever before. Third, conservative parties are less dependent electorally on the poor regions than was the case in the past. The poor regions are still conservative strongholds, but the gap between conservatives’ electoral fate in the wealthy and poor regions appears to be narrowing. Rethinking the Notion of Conservative Parties In his excellent book2 Edward Gibson proposes this definition: “[C]onservative parties are parties that draw their core constituencies from the upper strata of society… A party’s core constituencies are those sectors of society that are most important to its political agenda and resources. Notwithstanding the many valuable contributions of Gibson’s book, this definition is problematic, and the Brazilian case illustrates the flaws. Gibson provides four criteria for assessing whether conservative parties’ core constituency is the upper strata. First, a conservative party draws disproportionately on the upper classes for its electoral support. This criterion has insuperable empirical problems. In Brazil, as we show later, the main conservative parties have disproportionately drawn their support from less educated and lower income respondents. By ‘disproportionately’ we indicate that supporters of conservative parties are slightly poorer and less educated than the mean for the Brazilian electorate. Several important conservative populists have overwhelmingly drawn their electoral support from the lower classes. One example was Fernando Collor de Mello, who won the 1989 presidential election. His electoral base was the poor and uneducated; he fared poorly among the wealthy and educated. Conversely, respondents from the highest income category sampled in surveys (with a family income of 50 or more minimum salaries) are more likely to identify with a leftist than a rightist party. Gibson’s second criterion is that conservative parties can be identified by distinctive patterns of financial support. Whether it is actually the case that programmatically conservative parties can be identified in this manner, however, is an untested and uncertain proposition. In Brazil, for example, it is not ex-ante obvious that conservative parties have different bases of financial support from the centrist parties. Third, Gibson suggests examining programmatic positions—a move we fully endorse. But the relationship between programmatic positions and the other criteria Gibson uses is opaque. Finally, Gibson advocates looking at “the social interests most consistently
Recommended publications
  • By U JUN 251997
    Shattered Power, Reconstructed Coalitions: An Analysis of Rural Labor Unions in Maranhio, Brazil by Monica F. Pinhanez Bachelor of Laws, Pontifical Catholic University, 1987 Master of Public Administration, Getnlio Vargas Foundation, 1995 SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF URBAN STUDIES AND PLANNING IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN CITY PLANNING AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY JUNE 1997 0 1997 Monica F. Pinhanez. All rights reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part. Signature of Author: U epartment of Urban 5thdies and Planning May 22, 1997 Certified by: Judith Tendler Professor of Political Economy Thesis Advisor Accepted by: Mark Schuster Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Planning Chair, Master in City Planning Committee JUN 251997 Shattered Power, Reconstructed Coalitions: An Analysis of Rural Labor Unions in Maranhilo, Brazil by Monica F. Pinhanez Submitted to the Department of Urban Studies and Planning on May 22, 1997 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of City Planning ABSTRACT During the dictatorship (1964-1985), the authoritarian political system enforced the organization of the labor movement by law in Brazil. The government aimed at keeping control of workers' organization by establishing the monopoly of their representation, centralizing control, and imposing a uniform labor structure. One prevalent argument in the literature is that this corporatist and monopolistic union structure would lead unions to be less democratic and less organized. Contrary to this mainstream thought, I found evidence that in spite of the corporatist and monopolistic regime, rural labor unions differed from each other and represented workers successfully in the state of Maranhio, Brazil, because there has been competition among unions and non-union organizations for the union leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil Ahead of the 2018 Elections
    BRIEFING Brazil ahead of the 2018 elections SUMMARY On 7 October 2018, about 147 million Brazilians will go to the polls to choose a new president, new governors and new members of the bicameral National Congress and state legislatures. If, as expected, none of the presidential candidates gains over 50 % of votes, a run-off between the two best-performing presidential candidates is scheduled to take place on 28 October 2018. Brazil's severe and protracted political, economic, social and public-security crisis has created a complex and polarised political climate that makes the election outcome highly unpredictable. Pollsters show that voters have lost faith in a discredited political elite and that only anti- establishment outsiders not embroiled in large-scale corruption scandals and entrenched clientelism would truly match voters' preferences. However, there is a huge gap between voters' strong demand for a radical political renewal based on new faces, and the dramatic shortage of political newcomers among the candidates. Voters' disillusionment with conventional politics and political institutions has fuelled nostalgic preferences and is likely to prompt part of the electorate to shift away from centrist candidates associated with policy continuity to candidates at the opposite sides of the party spectrum. Many less well-off voters would have welcomed a return to office of former left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), who due to a then booming economy, could run social programmes that lifted millions out of extreme poverty and who, barred by Brazil's judiciary from running in 2018, has tried to transfer his high popularity to his much less-known replacement.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Brazilian Foreign Policy Towards South America During The
    Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional ISSN: 0034-7329 [email protected] Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasil Gomes Saraiva, Miriam Brazilian foreign policy towards South America during the Lula administration: caught between South America and Mercosur Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, vol. 53, diciembre, 2010, pp. 151-168 Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasília, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=35817453009 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Artigo Brazilian foreign policy towards South America during the Lula Administration: caught between South America and Mercosur Política externa brasileira para a América do Sul durante o governo Lula: entre América do Sul e Mercosul MIRIam GOMES SARAIVA* Rev. Bras. Polít. Int. 53 (special edition): 151-168 [2010] Since 1991, Brazil’s foreign policy towards South America has developed along two lines that share some common ground. Brazil’s diplomatic efforts have centred on two movements with regard to its South American neighbours and in the effort to build Brazilian leadership in the region. On the one hand, Brazilian government has developed and consolidated a process of regional integration along the lines of open regionalism: the Common Market of the South, i.e. Mercosur1. Meanwhile, it has also fostered less structured cooperation and integration initiatives in the region.2 The significance of these two movements, the way they have been coordinated and the relative weight given to one or the other have varied from administration to administration as a function of each one’s respective foreign policy strategies, the country’s international standing and the behaviour of its neighbouring States.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 550 Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil
    TEXTO PARA DISCUSSÃO No. 550 Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil Bernardo S. da Silveira João Manoel Pinho de Mello DEPARTAMENTO DE ECONOMIA www.econ.puc-rio.br Campaign Advertising and Election Outcomes: Quasi-Natural Experiment Evidence from Gubernatorial Elections in Brazil Bernardo S Da Silveira† and João M P De Mello‡ Abstract Despite the “minimal effects” conventional wisdom, the question of whether campaign advertising influence elections outcome remains open. This is paradoxical because in the absence of a causal link from advertising to candidate performance, it is difficult to rationalize the amounts spent on campaigns in general, and on TV advertising in particular. Most studies using US data, however, suffer from omitted variable bias and reverse causality problems caused by the decentralized market-based method of allocating campaign spending and TV advertising. In contrast with received literature, we explore a quasi-natural experiment produced by the Brazilian electoral legislation, and show that TV and radio advertising has a much larger impact on election outcomes than previously found by the literature. In Brazil, by law, campaign advertising is free of charge and allocated among candidates in a centralized manner. Gubernatorial elections work in a runoff system. While in the first round, candidates’ TV and radio time shares are determined by their coalitions’ share of seats in the national parliament, the two most voted candidates split equally TV time if a second round is necessary. Thus, differences in TV and radio advertising time between the first and second rounds are explored as a source of exogenous variation to evaluate the impact of TV advertising on election outcomes.
    [Show full text]
  • Nicaragua | Freedom House
    Nicaragua | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/nicaragua About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Nicaragua Nicaragua Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 In November 2011, President Daniel Ortega was re-elected by an SCORES overwhelming margin and his party, the Sandanista National Liberation Front, won a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly. There were STATUS concerns about the legality of Ortega’s candidacy, as well as transparency issues and other irregularities during the election. Partly Although international observers found no evidence of widespread fraud, serious concerns remained about the politicization of institutions and the Free rule of law. FREEDOM RATING The independent Republic of Nicaragua was established in 1838, 17 years 4.5 after the end of Spanish rule. Its subsequent history has been marked by CIVIL LIBERTIES internal strife and dictatorship. The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a leftist rebel group, overthrew the authoritarian regime of the Somoza 4 family in 1979. The FSLN then moved to establish a left-wing government, leading to a civil war. The United States intervened, in part by supporting POLITICAL RIGHTS irregular rebel forces known as the contras. In 1990, National Opposition Union presidential candidate Violeta Chamorro 5 defeated the FSLN’s Daniel Ortega in free and open elections, leading to a peaceful transfer of power. Before leaving office, however, the Sandinistas revised laws and sold off state property to party leaders, ensuring that they would retain political and economic clout. Former Managua mayor Arnoldo Alemán of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC) defeated Ortega in the 1996 presidential election, but he was accused of corruption throughout his ensuing presidency.
    [Show full text]
  • Covid-19 and the Brazilian 2020 Municipal Elections
    Covid-19 and the Brazilian 2020 Municipal Elections Case Study, 19 February 2021 Gabriela Tarouco © 2021 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <https://www.idea.int> Editor: Andrew Robertson This case study is part of a collaborative project between the Electoral Management Network <http:// www.electoralmanagement.com> and International IDEA, edited by Toby S. James (University of East Anglia), Alistair Clark (Newcastle University) and Erik Asplund (International IDEA). Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents 1. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World Report 2020
    Brazil | Freedom House Page 1 of 19 BrazilFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 75 FREE /100 Political Rights 31 Civil Liberties 44 75 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/brazil/freedom-world/2020 3/6/2020 Brazil | Freedom House Page 2 of 19 Brazil is a democracy that holds competitive elections, and the political arena is characterized by vibrant public debate. However, independent journalists and civil society activists risk harassment and violent attack, and the government has struggled to address high rates of violent crime and disproportionate violence against and economic exclusion of minorities. Corruption is endemic at top levels, contributing to widespread disillusionment with traditional political parties. Societal discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people remains a serious problem. Key Developments in 2019 • In June, revelations emerged that Justice Minister Sérgio Moro, when he had served as a judge, colluded with federal prosecutors by offered advice on how to handle the corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, who was convicted of those charges in 2017. The Supreme Court later ruled that defendants could only be imprisoned after all appeals to higher courts had been exhausted, paving the way for Lula’s release from detention in November. • The legislature’s approval of a major pension reform in the fall marked a victory for Brazil’s far-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, who was inaugurated in January after winning the 2018 election. It also signaled a return to the business of governing, following a period in which the executive and legislative branches were preoccupied with major corruption scandals and an impeachment process.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Ideology, Gender Consciousness, and Identity Among Conservative Baptist Women: an Intersectional Perspective
    University of Central Florida STARS Honors Undergraduate Theses UCF Theses and Dissertations 2021 Gender Ideology, Gender Consciousness, and Identity Among Conservative Baptist Women: An Intersectional Perspective Marina I. Rivera Ramos University of Central Florida Part of the Gender and Sexuality Commons, and the Sociology of Religion Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the UCF Theses and Dissertations at STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Rivera Ramos, Marina I., "Gender Ideology, Gender Consciousness, and Identity Among Conservative Baptist Women: An Intersectional Perspective" (2021). Honors Undergraduate Theses. 884. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses/884 GENDER IDEOLOGY, GENDER CONSCIOUSNESS, AND IDENTITY AMONG CONSERVATIVE BAPTIST WOMEN: AN INTERSECTIONAL PERSPECTIVE by MARINA I. RIVERA RAMOS A.A. Eastern Florida State College, 2019 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Major in the Department of Sociology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2021 Thesis Chair: Michael Armato, Ph.D. © 2021 Marina I. Rivera Ramos ii ABSTRACT In this qualitative study, I interviewed 13 women from two separate conservative Baptist congregations in Central Florida, one English-speaking and the other Hispanic.1 The purpose of this research was to explore the ways in which conservative Baptist women develop their identity as women, the gender ideologies they espouse, their experiences in ministry, and the possibility that they can achieve gender consciousness without aligning with feminist principles.
    [Show full text]
  • Tradição Trabalhista” No Rio Grande Do Sul
    Bases Sociais e Intérpretes da “Tradição Trabalhista” no Rio Grande do Sul Igor Gastal Grill s narrativas de consagração do trabalhismo efetuadas por prota- A gonistas políticos encarregados e interessados na eternização da “tradição política” são elementos de fixação de identidades e de expli- citação de rivalidades e alinhamentos. As estratégias de ativação, apropriação e transmissão de valores, ícones e símbolos que conferem sentido à idéia de continuidade constituem importantes veículos de formação de uma comunidade afetiva (Halbwachs, 1994), mas revelam também o processo de disputas e negociações relativas ao uso da me- mória política (Pollak, 1989). O foco deste artigo está centrado nas dis- putas, invenções e reinvenções da “tradição trabalhista” no Rio Gran- de do Sul. A utilização do passado trabalhista na política contemporânea gaúcha pós-regime militar não pode ser caracterizada simplesmente como um trabalho de memória institucional e oficial (integrante da memória consagrada pelo Estado), nem tampouco como uma memória subter- rânea silenciada durante décadas que emerge em um novo cenário his- tórico. Porém, essa utilização da memória possui elementos que apro- ximam duas modalidades de enquadramento da memória identifica- das por Pollak (idem). Por um lado, o “legado getulista” – e, por conse- qüência, a apropriação trabalhista feita dele – contém fatores de identi- ficação que remetem à construção da memória nacional por meio da DADOS – Revista de Ciências Sociais, Rio de Janeiro, Vol. 48, no 3, 2005, pp. 525 a 557. 525 Igor Gastal Grill consagração, nos discursos oficiais, do dirigente político e estadista. Por outro, tais elementos se fundem, no Rio Grande do Sul, com as nar- rativas de lutas e resistências que atravessaram o século XX, produzin- do “heróis” que ascenderam politicamente, enfrentando eleitoral e mi- litarmente inimigos políticos.
    [Show full text]
  • CODESRIA Bulletin, Nos 1 & 2, 2008 Page 1
    Contents Editorial ....................................................................................................................................................... 1 Lecture ........................................................................................................................................................ 5 What is an Anthropologist? René Devisch ....................................................................................................................................... 5 Reactions to René Devisch ....................................................................................................................... 12 1. Towards an Ethic of the Intercultural Polylogue The Path of an Anthropologist Déogratias Mbonyinkebe Sebahire ................................................................................................... 12 A Word About René Devisch Fabien Eboussi Boulaga ................................................................................................................... 14 Existential Dilemmas of a North Atlantic Anthropologist in the Production of Relevant Africanist Knowledge Wim van Binsbergen .......................................................................................................................... 15 A Tribute to René Devisch Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja................................................................................................................ 20 The Anthropologist in Four Phases Noël Obotela Rashidi, ......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]