Transgender Women and Detransitioning After Death
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Death Studies ISSN: 0748-1187 (Print) 1091-7683 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/udst20 Paying your respects: Transgender women and detransitioning after death Karol Kovalovich Weaver To cite this article: Karol Kovalovich Weaver (2018): Paying your respects: Transgender women and detransitioning after death, Death Studies, DOI: 10.1080/07481187.2018.1521886 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2018.1521886 Published online: 12 Dec 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 7 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=udst20 DEATH STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2018.1521886 Paying your respects: Transgender women and detransitioning after death Karol Kovalovich Weaver Department of History, Susquehanna University, Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania, USA ABSTRACT This paper asks how do the deaths and the postmortem detransitioning (the verbal, visual, and material rejection of a person’s gender identity) of transgender women impact trans activism? After analyzing the case studies of Jennifer Gable and Leelah Alcorn, I outline how the contentious memorialization of transgender women and the disenfranchized grief of survivors influence trans activism. I conclude that activism is characterized by respecting the wishes of the deceased, by preventing the violence which transgender women experience, by advocating for trans elder care, by educating about end-of-life issues, and by lobbying for laws that protect transgender men and women after death. How do the deaths and the postmortem detransition- idea to question how family members and friends per- ing, meaning the verbal, visual, and material rejection form the gender of the dead via dress, material cul- of a person’s gender identity, of transgender women ture, and memorialization, and what impact that has impact trans activism? In considering this question, I on trans activism. This article also considers trans- hope to foster a conversation about transgender gender bodies and dead bodies through the investiga- women and death studies, a topic that has not been tive lens provided by queer theorist Edelman (2004), addressed in the current literature. This article relies who argues that the emphasis on heteronormativity, on the case studies of two transgender women on life, and on the future, connections defined as (Jennifer Gable and Leelah Alcorn) who were detran- reproductive futurism, is balanced by the association sitioned after their deaths; the study considers how of queerness with death. What impacts has heteronor- contentious memorialization and disenfranchized grief mativity had on dead bodies and how have these prompted activism including respecting the wishes effects influenced activism by transgender persons and and desires of the deceased, recognizing, publicizing, their allies? Finally, this article considers disenfran- “ … and working to prevent the mortal dangers that trans- chized grief, or grief not openly acknowledged, ” gender women face due to transphobic violence and socially validated, or publicly observed (Doka, 2002, suicide, advocating on behalf of trans elders, educating p. 5) that is experienced by the family, friends, and about end-of-life issues, and lobbying for federal and loved ones of transgender women and the influences state laws that stop the lives and histories of women it has on respecting the final wishes of the dead, on from being altered, silenced, and erased. trans education, and on trans activism. Gender identity and death Method This study of postmortem detransitioning of trans- Two case studies gender women is grounded on three theoretical foun- I explore detransitioning and its impact on trans dations: the idea of gender performance; the theory of activism through case studies detailing the deaths and reproductive futurism; and the concept of disenfran- detransitioning of Jennifer Gable and Leelah Alcorn, chized grief. Butler (1990) sees gender performance as two young women who died in 2014. Both women’s repeated bodily gestures and rituals that may uphold gender identities were negated after their deaths. Juro or challenge established gender norms associated with (2015) eloquently described this negation as “forcible femininity and masculinity. This study applies this de-transitioning in death” (para. 9). Friends, CONTACT Karol Kovalovich Weaver [email protected] Department of History, Susquehanna University, 514 University Avenue, Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania 17870, USA. ß 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC 2 K. K. WEAVER associates, activists, and strangers fought against this from these events. In sum, the sources document the negation in a variety of media. deaths of Leelah Alcorn and Jennifer Gable, offer comments on their passings, and suggest changes that Jennifer Gable need to be made in order to honor the lives and On 9 October 2014, Jennifer Gable died unexpectedly deaths of transgender women. The sources, which are and suddenly of a brain aneurysm at the age of 32 in drawn from the internet, are publicly available and Boise, Idaho. She died while working at her job at the have been published elsewhere. The author, a histor- Wells Fargo Bank. Born and raised in Idaho, Gable ian, is guided by disciplinary standards related to attended college in Oregon and Idaho, pursuing a internet research ethics and is aware of the sensitive music major. She was a talented musician, a skilled nature of the subject (Buchanan & Zimmer, 2018). baseball player, and a dedicated friend to animals (Magic Valley Funeral Home, 2014). Upon her death, Findings her father made the decision to detransition Jennifer, to present her postmortem as a man in an open cas- Memory and the dead ket viewing, and to identify her as “Geoffrey Gable” The ways that transgender women are memorialized, and with masculine pronouns in an online memorial in writing and in pictures, are contentious. The con- (Rothaus, 2014). flicted memorialization of transgender women starts with the obituaries that are crafted to announce Leelah Alcorn deaths and to invite family and friends to attend serv- On 28 December 2014, Leelah Alcorn, who was born ices or viewings. In the case of Jennifer Gable, her in Kings Mill, Ohio, took her own life in Warren father crafted an obituary that identified Jennifer as County, Ohio, by stepping out in front of a passing “Geoffrey,” addressed her using masculine pronouns, truck after posting her suicide note on her Tumblr and highlighted masculine activities, hobbies, and life page. She was 17-years old. At the time of her death, experiences. Her online obituary read, “Geoffrey Alcorn was attending the Ohio Virtual Academy. Her Charles Gable, 32, Boise, passed away suddenly on suicide note documented a conflicted relationship October 9, 2014 while at his job at Wells Fargo with her parents. On television news programs and in Bank.” It continues, “He was married to Ann Arthurs an obituary, Alcorn’s parents made the decision to in 2005 in Hawaii. They were later divorced.” The refer to her as “Joshua” and to describe her relation- affirmation of a masculine identity includes, “Geoff ship with family members using masculine terms and loved baseball and was a catcher for many of his little masculine pronouns (Frantz, 2015; Farrell, 2014). league teams, as well as playing one baseball season in High School” (Magic Valley Funeral Home, 2014). The father’s choice then impacted the physical presen- Data collection tation of Jennifer at her viewing, where she was I analyzed the contentious memorialization of Jennifer dressed in a suit and groomed with a short haircut. Gable and Leelah Alcorn via obituaries, online funeral An obituary of Leelah Alcorn identified her as memorials, op-eds, and newspaper articles (Brydum, “Joshua Alcorn” and highlighted her connection to 2015; Coolidge, 2014; Farrell, 2014; Fieldstadt & her family as “beloved son, brother, and friend” Newell, 2015; Frantz, 2015; Hensley, 2014; (Frantz, 2015). The accompanying photograph also Hettesheimer, 2014; Kellaway, 2014; Juro, 2015; Magic represented “Joshua Alcorn”. In an interview with Valley Funeral Home, 2014; Marr, 2014; Pepper, 2015; CNN, mother Carla Alcorn stated, “But we told him Riley, 2015; Rothaus, 2014; Smith, 2015). Family that we loved him unconditionally. We loved him no members used obituaries and online funeral memori- matter what. I loved my son. People need to know als to perform the gender of their loved ones. Other that I loved him. He was a good kid, a good boy” people contested these decisions via online written (Frantz, 2015). A Facebook post by Leelah’s mother and visual commentary posted on funeral memorials. did not acknowledge her suicide: “He was out for an Op-ed writers saw these postmortem actions as early morning walk and was hit by a truck” opportunities to highlight the discrimination that (Frantz, 2015). transgender men and women endure and to advocate Many people disputed these memorializations. In for social and legal change. Newspaper articles the case of Leelah Alcorn, her own suicide note was recorded the deaths of the women, the gendered pres- the initial response to the detransitioning that she entation of corpses, and the activism that resulted underwent. The suicide note, posted on Tumblr, is DEATH STUDIES 3 signed, “(Leelah) Josh Alcorn” (Farrell, 2014). deserving of being mourned. The publication of Highlighting her strained relationship with her parents posthumously detransitioned