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TDS-MAP58: Identidades Mal Entendidas. Raza Y Clase En El traficantes de sueños Traficantes de Sueños no es una casa editorial, ni si- quiera una editorial independiente que contempla la publicación de una colección variable de textos crí- ticos. Es, por el contrario, un proyecto, en el sentido estricto de «apuesta», que se dirige a cartografiar las líneas constituyentes de otras formas de vida. La cons- trucción teórica y práctica de la caja de herramientas que, con palabras propias, puede componer el ciclo de luchas de las próximas décadas. Sin complacencias con la arcaica sacralidad del libro, sin concesiones con el narcisismo literario, sin lealtad alguna a los usurpadores del saber, TdS adopta sin ambages la libertad de acceso al conocimiento. Queda, por tanto, permitida y abierta la reproducción total o parcial de los textos publicados, en cualquier formato imaginable, salvo por explícita voluntad del autor o de la autora y sólo en el caso de las ediciones con ánimo de lucro. Omnia sunt communia! mapas 58 Mapas. Cartas para orientarse en la geografía variable de la nueva composición del trabajo, de la movilidad entre fron- teras, de las transformaciones urbanas. Mutaciones veloces que exigen la introducción de líneas de fuerza a través de las discusiones de mayor potencia en el horizonte global. Mapas recoge y traduce algunos ensayos, que con lucidez y una gran fuerza expresiva han sabido reconocer las posibili- dades políticas contenidas en el relieve sinuoso y controver- tido de los nuevos planos de la existencia. © 2018, Asad Haider © 2020, de esta edición, Traficantes de Sueños creative cc commons Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 3.0 España (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) Usted es libre de: * Compartir - copiar, distribuir, ejecutar y comunicar públicamente la obra Bajo las condiciones siguientes: * Reconocimiento — Debe reconocer los créditos de la obra de la manera especificada por el autor o el licenciante (pero no de una manera que sugiera que tiene su apoyo o que apoyan el uso que hace de su obra). * No Comercial — No puede utilizar esta obra para fines comerciales. * Sin Obras Derivadas — No se puede alterar, transformar o generar una obra deri- vada a partir de esta obra. Entendiendo que: * Renuncia — Alguna de estas condiciones puede no aplicarse si se obtiene el permiso del titular de los derechos de autor * Dominio Público — Cuando la obra o alguno de sus elementos se halle en el dominio público según la ley vigente aplicable, esta situación no quedará afectada por la licencia. * Otros derechos — Los derechos siguientes no quedan afectados por la licencia de ninguna manera: - Los derechos derivados de usos legítimos u otras limitaciones reconocidas por ley no se ven afectados por lo anterior. - Los derechos morales del autor - Derechos que pueden ostentar otras personas sobre la propia obra o su uso, como por ejem- plo derechos de imagen o de privacidad. * Aviso — Al reutilizar o distribuir la obra, tiene que dejar muy en claro los términos de la licencia de esta obra. Primera edición en inglés: Mistaken Identity. Race and class in the Age of Trump, Londres y Nueva York, Verso, 2018. Primera edición en castellano: 1250 ejemplares Junio de 2020 Título: Identidades mal entendidas. Raza y clase en el retorno del supremacismo blanco Autor: Asad Haider Traducción: Sergio Ojeda Rodríguez Maquetación y diseño de cubierta: Traficantes de Sueños [[email protected]] Edición: Traficantes de Sueños C/ Duque de Alba 13. C.P. 28012. Madrid. Tlf: 915320928. [e-mail:[email protected]] ISBN: 978-84-121259-6-2 Depósito Legal: M-8424-2020 Identidades mal entendidas Raza y clase en el retorno del supremacismo blanco Asad Haider Traducción: Sergio Ojeda Rodríguez traficantes de sueños mapas Índice Prólogo. Pastora Filigrana 11 Introducción a la edición en castellano 15 Introducción 29 1. Políticas de la identidad 39 2. Contradicciones en el pueblo 65 3. Ideología racial 85 4. Passing 115 5. Ley y orden 139 6. Universalidad 165 Prólogo Pastora Filigrana García ¿La identidad nace o se hace? Algunas personas vivi- mos en medio de la racialización a la que nos condena el invento de la blanquitud. La pregunta cobra impor- tancia, cuando nos planteamos llevar a cabo una acción política colectiva con un horizonte emancipador. Para esto es necesario unirnos con quienes quieren articu- lar una propuesta de cambio. Vislumbrar el elemento que sirva de nexo para estas alianzas es el primer reto al que nos enfrentamos. ¿Es la identidad racial un ele- mento de unión para poder plantear una propuesta emancipadora? ¿Tiene la capacidad sumatoria que ne- cesitamos? ¿Puede convertirse en un elemento exclu- yente que frene un movimiento de masas? © Asad Haider reflexiona sobre esta cuestión desde la identidad mestiza de un estadounidense de origen pakistaní y su compromiso militante con la teoría re- volucionaria negra. Haider comienza su relato con una se permite la copia se permite esclarecedora convicción: es doloroso no saber quién se es y también lo es enfrentarse a un mundo donde tantas cosas están mal o son injustas. 11 12 Identidades mal entendidas El autor parte de una crítica a las políticas de la identi- dad como trampolín para una propuesta de acción polí- tica revolucionaria. En las páginas de este libro vamos a leer algo más que reflexión teórica abstracta de los con- ceptos de clase e identidad en el marco de los debates de la nueva izquierda. La cuestión toma tierra a través de prácticas de luchas concretas que han sufrido los cismas entre la identidad y la clase. La experiencia militante del autor en la Universidad de Santa Cruz en California en la lucha contra la subida de tasas universitaria sir- ve de ejemplo para un problema amplio que se origina en el seno de los movimientos políticos disidentes, más allá de las fronteras estadounidenses, un problema que quienes participamos en ellos sufrimos cotidianamente. Haider advierte del peligro que supone que una par- te importante de la disidencia política organizada desde la identidad haya abandonado un análisis anticapitalista de la situación que sufren. Las estructuras de opresión del racismo y el patriarcado son indisolubles del orden económico y social. Cada vez más la identidad comien- za así a definirse desde abstracciones teóricas y no des- de injustas realidades materiales e históricas que la han conformado. Las consecuencias de esta despolitización de las luchas identitarias crean los nacionalismo racia- les reaccionarios, y la aparición de líderes racializados que alejan al movimiento de la lucha contra la cuestión de clase de la que el racismo no se puede separar. En © definitiva, obvian que el racismo es un factor de ordena- ción que el capitalismo utiliza para la distribución de la riqueza en el mundo. Por eso señala como ejemplos los intentos de captación de un movimiento de base como el la copia se permite #BlackLivesMatter por parte de las élites políticas negras. Los debates teóricos entre identidad y clase no se dan de forma espontánea en la práctica de las luchas de base, Prólogo 13 sino que los mismos son concebidos intencionadamente como una barrera artificial que se crea para evitar alian- zas más amplias. Para abundar más en la crítica, más allá de los ejemplos prácticos concretos, la obra se detiene en una reflexión sobre el vaciamiento de significado que los conceptos de interseccionalidad y privilegio blanco han sufrido a manos de las políticas de la identidad. Partiendo del origen de estos conceptos, y sin ne- gar la realidad que han representado, alerta sobre la peligrosa interpretación de los mismos que nos lleva como sujetos políticos a la inacción del afropesimismo de Frank Wilderson. Así mismo alerta del error de es- trategia política que supone desechar a la clase obrera blanca como un potencial sujeto revolucionario, recha- zando toda posible alianza. La identidad racial es innegable, existe, es posible que sea creación de la blanquitud sobre la que el capita- lismo necesitó auparse. Es posible que los grupos po- líticos racializados hayan hecho de la necesidad virtud y hayan encontrado confort dentro de la identidad y experimentado un enamoramiento del síntoma. Sin duda el sufrimiento compartido a partir del concepto de raza construye identidad, genera colectividad. La cuestión que toca preguntarse es si se puede construir © una acción política emancipadora universal desde esta identidad racial o es necesario trascenderla. Los peligros de hacer política desde la identidad los se permite la copia se permite conocemos. El neoliberalismo reinterpreta estas luchas identitarias y las contiene con concesiones simbólicas per- mitiendo mayores cuotas de representación social, pero dejando intactas las reglas del juego económico que crean las desigualdades que sufren los grupos racializados. 14 Identidades mal entendidas ¿Debemos abandonar la identidad racial como elemen- to aglutinador de luchas y caminar hacia el universa- lismo homogenizador obviando los diferentes puntos de partida?, o ¿es posible construir una propuesta de cambio universal desde lo fragmentado? Al fin y al cabo las identidades, creadas o no, consoladoras o no, existen y efectivamente la conjunción capitalismo-pa- triarcado-racismo crea diferentes categorías de sub-hu- manidad, también dentro de la misma clase. Haider propone un horizonte de liberación colecti- va a través de una universalidad insurgente. Detrás de los sufrimientos específicos de cada lugar situado exis- te una misma causa, un capitalismo patriarcal y racista que condena a la desposesión material e inmaterial a dos tercios de la población mundial. Necesitamos ser muchos y muchas en la implicación de una propuesta colectiva de trasformación y esto nos exige un diálogo para trenzar alianzas, sin engaños en la homogenización de circunstancias desiguales, pero encaminadas a una propuesta de cambio en las reglas del juego que nos salve a todos y todas. Asad Haider propone aquí una universalidad insurgente. © se permite la copia se permite Introducción a la edición en castellano Por lo general, se asume que la raza forma parte de algo llamado identidad, la cual no requiere ninguna explicación por nuestra parte.
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