A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE HERO IN MEDIEVAL IRELAND, PERSIA, AND ENGLAND

by

Connell Raymond Monette

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Graduate Department of The Centre for Medieval Studies

University of Toronto

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A Comparative Study of the Hero in Medieval Ireland, Persia, and England. By Connell Raymond Monette. For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of The Centre for Medieval Studies, 2008, University of Toronto.

The epic hero of the ancient and medieval world is a problematic character: he simultaneously embodies the bright dream of a protective and courageous aristocrat, and the brutal fact of a violent man with a talent for killing. This dichotomy is often found in the characters of Indo-European heroes, who are at once both responsible for the protection of their society/state and its stability, yet by virtue of their capacity for violence, are bound to exist on the margins of society - they are never fully accepted as trusted members of their community. The hero has several complex functions within epic literature: he serves as a mediator between the mundane and supernatural worlds; he serves to protect his society, but is sometimes the bringer of social chaos; he supports the monarch, yet often this relationship is fraught with tension.

Curiously, the biographies of the medieval Irish and Persian heroes Cuchulainn and

Rostam demonstrate a number of analogous episodes. This thesis examines these heroes' genesis episodes, boyhood deeds, filicide episodes, heroic duels, Otherworld raids, and death tales; in addition, it finds significant thematic parallels between Old English Beowulf and the Persian

Haftkhan-i-Rostam from the epic Shahnameh. These analogous episodes are used as a framework to see how Irish, Persian, and Old English literature deal with such concepts as loyalty, honor, fame, uncontrolled rage, the Otherworld - and the above all - the heroic code. This thesis then considers of the potential modes of narrative transmission (oral and literary) that would explain the occurrence of these analogues, and questions whether the analogues are evidence of a common Indo-European heroic tradition, or rather of early intercultural contact between Celtic and Iranian (including Scythian) tribes. Finally, the conclusion suggests new avenues of study and comparison between Eastern and Western branches of the Indo-European heroic tradition.

ii Acknowledgements

I wish to express my respect and sincere gratitude to my mentor and thesis supervisor, Professor Ann Dooley - without her this dissertation would not have been possible. Likewise, I am deeply indebted to the other members of my thesis committee, Professor Andy Orchard and Professor Maria Subtelny, who helped guide my research with much insight, time, and patience. I wish to thank my external reader, Professor Dean Miller, for his dissertation report and advice on how to better develop this project. Thanks are due to Grace Desa, the CMS Administrator, for her help in navigating the University of Toronto. I would be badly in error if I did not thank my dear friends from University of Toronto University for their helpful comments and moral support along the way. Though it may not be en vogue, I wish to express my thanks to God for His kindness to me: I believe that I could not have worked through my medical challenges and surgery without His help. Finally, I wish to express my affection and thanks to my parents, Raymond and Marilyn Monette and to my family for their unflagging support over the years it took to complete my doctorate. Certainly, this is as much their success as it is mine.

111 Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Abbreviations v

Introduction 1

Chapter 1. The Genesis of the Hero 28

Chapter 2. Epic Boyhood Deeds and Totemic Animal Associations 54

Chapter 3. The Filicide Episodes in the Shahnameh and Aided OenfirAife: the Hero as Social Disruptor 91

Chapter 4. Overwhelming Rage 122 Chapter 5. The Hero as Otherworld Mediator 140

Chapter 6. Mortality and Immortal Fame 192

Conclusion 220

Bibliography 235

IV Abbreviations ccc Compert Con Culainn DIL Dictionary of the Irish Language IE Indo-European LL The Book of Leinster LL TBC Tain Bo Cuailgne from the Book of Leinster LU Lebor na hUidre MU Mesca Ulad S Shahnameh STBC The Stowe Verson of Tain Bo Cuailgne TBC Tain Bo Cuailgne

V Introduction

In The Epic Hero, Dean Miller states that 'behind the potently projected dream of an aristocratic dominance lurks the brutal, material fact of the superior force of the weapon wielder and war maker, the warrior; while before him - the aristocrat - is projected the image of the hero, the warrior ideal, encased in the special epic description of his adventures and his fate, known, feared, and admired in so many guises and so many cultures.' The passage is a useful entry to my entire discussion since it points out the stark contrast between the bright dream of a protective and courageous aristocrat, and the brutal fact of a violent man with a talent for killing. This dichotomy is often found in the characters of Indo-European heroes, who are at once both responsible for the protection of their society/state and its stability, yet by virtue of their capacity for violence, are bound to exist on the margins of society - they are never fully accepted as trusted members of their community. In this group we might place heroes such as

Achilles, Beowulf, Hadingus, IPja, and Hercules; certainly so in the case of the Irish and

Iranian heroes Cuchulainn and Rostam, for reasons which will be discussed below.2 It

1 D. Miller, The Epic Hero (Baltimore, 2000), vii-viii. As to the Persian editions cited in this thesis, I use primarily: Firdausi, Shdhnama 6 vols, ed. D. Khalegi-Motlagh (New York, 1987-2006). I have also consulted the Mohl and Bertels Shahnameh editions: see J. Mohl, ed., Le Livre des Rois 7 vols (Paris, reprinted 1976) and E. Z. Bertels, ed., Shdhnama 9 vols (Moscow, 1967-71). The reader is recommended to see the excellent new English translation by Dick Davis: D. Davis, trans., Shahnameh: The Persian Book of Kings (New York, 2006). As to the Irish editions cited in this thesis, I use primarily: C. O'Rahilly, ed., Tain Bo Citalnge from the Book of Leinster (Dublin, 1967); also C. O'Rahilly, ed., Tain Bo Cuailnge Recension 1 (Dublin, 1976); and C. O'Rahilly, ed., The Stowe version of Tain Bo Cuailnge (Dublin, 1961). Other editions featuring tales from the Ulster Cycle are: M. Dillon, Serglige Con Culainn (Dublin, 1953); A. G. Hamel, ed., Compert Con Culainn and Other Stories (Dublin, 1956); G. Henderson, Fled Bricrend (London, 1899); and J. C. Watson, Mesca Ulad (Dublin, 1967). For an edition of Beowulf, 1 use B. Mitchell & F. Robinson, eds. Beowulf: An Edition with Relevant Shorter texts (Boston: Blackwell Publishers, 1998). All translations are my own. I am indebted to Professors Ann Dooley, Andy Orchard, and Maria Subtelny for their constant assistance and helpful suggestions; any and all errors are mine. Olga Davidson states: 'Dumezil's investigation of these patterns leads him to postulate a type of solar hero, one who vacillates between being either disruptive or regulated and helpful to society: such heroes are the Norse Hadingus, the Irish Cuchullain, and the Russian Il'ja. I would add to this list the Iranian

1 2 seems a paradox, that the very attributes which empower the hero to defend his home and people are the same attributes which - if unmoderated - make that same hero a menace to society; but perhaps it is the very purpose of the warrior which is itself the threat to society. This thesis will focus on the functions of the epic hero, followed by the attributes which are identified with this enigmatic figure.3 For several reasons, I will be limiting this study specifically to address the champions of the Irish and Iranian traditions, but the model produced by this process of comparison may demonstrate parallels with other traditions, such as Anglo-Saxon, Greek, and Welsh.4

The question may be asked: why a study of specifically Irish and Iranian champions, when such a wide range of characters from other Indo-European epics is available? The answer is two-fold. First, the national epics of both Ireland (the Tain Bo

Cuailnge) and Iran (the Shahnameh) share several important features: the earliest copies of each text have been dated to within 200 years of each other; the composer(s) of the

Rostam.' See O. Davidson, 'The Crown Bestower in the Iranian Book of Kings', Acta Iranica. 2nd ser.: Hommages et Opera Minora, vol 10, Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce (Leiden, 1985), 96. 3 In speaking about the 'function' of the warrior as a whole, I understand a familiarity with the Indo- European 'Tri-partite Model' advanced by Georges Dumezil, comprised of Priest, Warrior, and Agricultural functions. This model has been the subject of considerable revision and dispute in the last fifty years; for an overview of Dumezil's theories and his contribution to Indo-European studies, see: J. Mallory, In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology, Myth (London: Thames & Hudson, 1989), 130-34; 140-42; 270-72. Although in recent years Dumezil's scholarship has been questioned in light of his (supposed) political views, his contributions to the field cannot be denied and should be allowed to stand for themselves. For a broad overview of the function of the Indo-European warrior/hero is: G. Dumezil, Destiny of the Warrior, trans. A. Hiltebeitel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970). The functions I will address in this thesis include: the hero as national champion, as sovereign's champion, as social disruptor, and as Otherworld mediator. See also: G. Dumezil, Le Festin d'Immortalite: Etude de Mythologie Comparee Indo-Europeenne (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1924); -, Myth et Epopee (Paris: Gallimard, 1968); -, Destiny of the Warrior, trans. A. Hiltebeitel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); -, Mythe et Epopee II: Types Epiques Indo-Europeens: Un Heros, un Sorcier, un Roi (Paris: Gallimard, 1973). 4 I have adopted Rauer's definitions for textual comparisons: '(A) 'parallel' seems to be a similarity between two texts as perceived by a subjective reader. An 'analogue' could consequently perhaps best be defined as a text which contains a preferably large number of such parallels ... A 'source' has the characteristics of an 'analogue' except that a 'source' predates its target text (while an analogue does not) and can be shown to be 'demonstrably circulated in the same historical and literary context as the target text' See C. Rauer, Beowulf and the Dragon: Parallels and Analogues (Cambridge, 2000), 9-10. 3 epics claim the tale is ancient and that the written form is simply a redaction.5 There is strong evidence that the epics' composer(s) were familiar with the classical epic literature in the Greek tradition and perhaps other countries - and for socio-political reasons were endeavouring to write a national epic for their own states (in fact, the author of the

Shahnameh tells us this much); and the composers of the two epics are writing several centuries after the national conversion to a new religion (Christianity, in the case of

Ireland, and Islam in the case of Iran).6 The second reason is that, in recent years, the analogues between medieval Iranian and Celtic literature have become the subject of considerable interest, yet no serious study has been undertaken to examine their inherent parallels.7 This being the case, and since most of the analogues (though by no means all) involve the biographies of Rostam and Cuchulainn, it seems both prudent and expedient to use these two national heroes to determine whether a common model exists as the basis for the heroes of the Iranian and Irish national epics.8

5 See: S. Shabazi, Ferdowsi: A Critical Biography (Costa Mesa, 1991), 63-75; Shahbazi undertakes a thorough examination of the dating of the Shahnameh based on Ferdowsi's life and the political events he describes during its composition; he also points out that some of the episodes featuring Rostam also occur in Sogdian and Armenian epic cycles which dates centuries earlier than Fedowsi's lifetime (vid.p.65). For the Irish tradition, on linguistic grounds the Tain Bo Cuailnge is generally accepted to have been written between 800-950 CE, although some scholars have suggested an earlier date of oral composition. See O'Rahilly 1967, xiv-lv. Cf. J. Koch, 'Windows on the Iron Age: 1964-94', in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First Internationa; Conference on the Ulster Cycle of Tales (Belfast, 1994), 229-38. 6 ibid. 51,132-34. Shahbazi identifies the Pseudo-Callisthenes' Alexander Romance as the most likely source of data from Alexander's life available to Arab and Persian writers during Ferdowsi's time. For a discussion of Classical sources and the Neoclassical tradition in Ireland, see B. Miles, Middle Irish Saga and Irish Neoclassicism (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2005). 7 What little work has been done on Celtic-Iranian parallels is that of Scott Littleton & Linda Malcor, and while they have made several valuable suggestions, their conclusions have not been generally well received; see: C. S. Littleton & L. Malcor From Scythia to Camelot: a Radical Reassessment of the Legends of King Arthur, the Knights of the Round Table, and the Holy Grail (New York, 1994); C.S. Littleton & L. Malcor 'Did the Alans Reach Ireland? A Reassessment of the 'Scythian' References in the Lebor Gabdla Erenn' in Greppin & Polome, eds., Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel Vol 2 (Washinton, 1997), 161-82. 8 Another example of an oft-cited Celtic/Iranian analogue (though not yet formally studied) is the parallel legends of Vis and Ramin and Tristan and Isolde. 4

If we are to establish any sort of parallels between the functions of the heroes in question, then a brief discussion of the epics and their social hierarchies of their respective nations seems in order. The history of the Shahnameh is, of course, familiar to any student of medieval Persian literature. It was composed by Abol-Qasem Ferdowsi, a native of the city of Tus in eastern Iran, begun sometime in the late 10l century and finished in the early 11th' Ferdowsi, a dehqan, or member of the landed nobility, began to write a poetic account of the mythic (pseudo-historical) and historical kings, and heroes of Iran's past, from the inception of the nation until the coming of Islam. The 'Book of

Kings' or Shahnameh is generally held today to have been based on a collection of written and oral sources that Ferdowsi had at his disposal: these sources would have included Middle Persian, New Persian, and Arabic texts, as well as a considerable oral. tradition contained by the professional class of poets. 9 Throughout the Shahnameh,

Ferdowsi constantly reiterates that he is using material obtained from these sources; thus while he is the author of the poem, he is not the creator of the legends, but rather a skilled compiler of histories, pseudo-histories, and legends. Determining the 'original' date or provenance of the individual episodes is a difficult process, involving the comparison of

Arabic, Middle Persian, Avestan, and other Iranic texts for occurrences of names and

(often fragmentary) episodes which Ferdowsi may have used to construct the complex narrative of the Shahnameh, a work of approximately 50,000 lines in its earliest recensions. It concerns itself (as its name suggests) with the lives and reigns of fifty of

Iran's kings, beginning with the nation's founder and ending with the coming of Islam;

9 For more on Ferdowsi's sources, see: O. Davidson, Poet and Hero in the Persian Book of Kings (Ithaca, 1994), 19-28; cf. Shahbazi 1991, 63-71; cf. D. Davis, Epic and Sedition: the Case of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh (Fayetteville, 1992), 8-12; also cf. K. Yamamoto, The Oral Background of Persian Epics: Storytelling and Poetry (Boston, 2003), 1-10. 5 these fifty may be divided into four dynasties: the Pishdadian, Keyanian, Ashkanian

(Parthian) and Sasanian. Accordingly, the themes of sovereignty and the dynamics of power are central to the various stories the Shahnameh features. Whatever the actual historic structure of the nation may have been, the Shahnameh depicts ancient and early

Iran as an imperial state ruled by a shah ('king' or 'emperor') who in turn receives loyalty from territorial kings or lords, also referred to by the term shah. The court of the shah is attended by bureaucrats, viziers, mobads (Zoroastrian priest), and the aristocracy who are warriors.10 Despite the importance of kings and sovereignty in Ferdowsi's epic, the primary character in the Shahnameh is not, in fact, the Shah of Iran, but the national hero (pahlavan) Rostam, known as the Crown-Bestower.11

By contrast, the Irish Tain is a considerably shorter work than the Shahnameh with only (roughly) 2000 lines in the earliest version - this is due to the fact that the Tain is a collection of several tales, all which feature the same cast of characters (for example,

Cuchulainn, Fergus, Conchobar, Medb, etc.) and take place within a single generation.12

The epics's author is unknown; the earliest extant copy is found in the Lebor na hUidre

('Book of the Dun Cow') manuscript compiled at the great monastery of Clonmacnoise,

Ireland.13 Based on paleographical and grammatical analysis, the tale is generally accepted to have been written in the later Old Irish period, circa 800-950 CE. This story is a part of a corpus of heroic literature known as the 'Ulster Cycle'. The Ulster Cycle depicts Ireland in the pagan era several centuries before the coming of Christianity,

For a discussion of the imperial Persian court, see D. Morgan, Medieval Persia: 1040—1797 (New York, 1988), 8-40; L. S. Fried, The Priest and the Great King: Temple-Palace Relations in the Persian Empire, Biblical and Judaic Studies from the University of California, San Diego, vol.10 (Winona Lake, 2004); V. S. Curtis, Birth of the Persian Empire, Idea of Iran vol. 1 (New York, 2005); cf. Shahbazi 1991, 19-21. 11 This emphasis on the hero (rather than sovereign) is discussed in Davidson 1994, 75-76; cf. Davis 1992, 36; for a detailed analysis of the taj-baksh or 'crown-bestower' theme, see Davidson 1985, 61-148. By contrast, the Shahnameh takes place over many generations, and covers the reigns of fiftykings . 13 For a discussion of the manuscript tradition of the Tain, see O'Rahilly: 1967, xiv-lv. 6 allegedly near the time of Christ. The main characters are heroes and kings of Ireland's five coiced ('fifths, provinces'), at the time: Ulster, Munster, Leinster, Connacht, and

Mide; Conchobor mac Nessa is the ri coicid ('provincial king') of Ulster, and the ambitious Medb rules as ban-ri ('queen') of Connacht, along with her husband Ailill.

Some of the major themes which run throughout the Ulster cycle are: the heroic code, great martial deeds, inter-provincial strife, and the constant threat of the Otherworld - that strange supernatural realm which exists alongside ours as a sort of shadowy parallel, the world of the Aes Sid and the Dead alike.14 Each ri coicid (for example, Conchobor or

Ailill) is in turn paid homage by ruiri ('superior king'), who are in turn supported by several ri tuaithe ('territorial king' or 'tuath king').15 The court of a provincial king is well attended by warriors and heroes, professional bards, judges, druids, and other members of the privileged professional classes. The main theme of the Tain is simple:

Medb of Connacht decides to launch a great cattle raid against Ulster, and takes additional mercenaries from the provinces Leinster and Munster. The result is, of course, inter-provincial war. Although each province claims its own renowned champions, in the

Ireland of the Tain - which by contrast to Iran knows no imperial power - the undisputed primary hero of all Ireland is Cuchulainn, the 'Hound of Ulster'.16

While Ireland and Iran were geographically and politically quite distant, their epics were composed under three similar and important influences. (1) It has been said

14 The Otherworld is featured prominently in such Ulster Cycle tales as: Serglige Con Culainn (Cuchulainn's Wasting Sickness) and Echtrai Nera (The Adventures of Nera). See M. Dillon, ed., Serglige Con Culainn (Dublin, 1953); and K. Meyer, ed., 'The Adventures of Nera' Revue Celtique 10 (1889): 212- 28. 15 The tuath is a term that translates as 'tribe, people'; Dillon and Chadwick suggest it corresponds in territory size to a modern barony, and that many Irish baronies were based on original tuath boundaries. For further discussion of early Irish sovereignty, see: M. Dillon & N. Chadwick The Celtic Realms: the History and the Culture of the Celtic Peoples from Pre-History to the Norman Invasion (Edison, 2003), 93-102. 16 This epithet 'hound' refers to the first element of his name (cw); this name was given to him after he slew a supernatural hound belonging to the smith Culann. On this, see below Chapter Two, pp.54-59; 61-63. 7 already that the political systems of early medieval Ireland and Iran are quite different:

Iran (or Persia) is an empire, while Ireland is divided into four kingdoms. Despite the difference in political makeup, within the Irish and Persian epics are by nature retrospective, and do not necessarily reflect the state of the countries at the time of the epics' inceptions. As an example: Ferdowsi casts the nation of Turan (medieval Central

Asia) as the ancient national enemy of Iran, and his Turanians are intended to be understood as Turks by the audience, because by the time that Ferdowsi completed the

Shahnameh, the rulers of eastern Iran were no longer Iranian, but Turkish.17 In a similar vein, the period in which the Tain is thought to have been first written saw increased contact with the Vikings, the first foreign group to occupy parts of Ireland in force.

Indeed, the Vikings had become an entrenched power and held important trade centres such as Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, and Wexford. So in the political context of foreign occupation, the Shahnameh and Tain both attempt to address the ideas of sovereignty, loyalty, invasion, and the legitimacy of their respective past rulers.18 This is accomplished in part by their respective recollections of a heroic and (at times) idyllic society in which the nation benefits under the rule of a native, rather than foreign, political authority. (2) It is important to note that Ireland and Iran shared a unique circumstance: recent widespread religious conversion. In the early medieval period,

For Turan, see: E. Dabrowa, ed., Ancient Iran and its Neighbors: Studies in Honour of Prof. Jozef Wolski on Occasion of his 95th Birthday (Krakow, 2005); also W. Hanaway, 'The Iranian Epics' in Heroic Epic and Saga. ed. Felix J. Oinas (Bloomington, 1978), 87-88. Hanaway states that the Shahnameh demonstrates conflicting traditions regarding Turanian ethnicity, since on the one hand the Turanian monarch Afrasiyab is shown to be related to the Persian royal house, yet the Turanians are identified as Central Asian Turks, and sometimes Chinese. Olga Davidson discusses the existence of the well-attested Indo-European warrior-band (Mannerbund) in Turanian culture, as an indication of Turanian and Iranian common cultural features; see Davidson 1985, 83-84. 18 See Davis 1992, 17-26; Elanor Knott and Gerald Murphy say that the Tain is aristocratic in nature, and that 'war is the provinces of princes of whom (the Tain) treats'. See E. Knott & G. Murphy, Early Irish Literature (London, 1967), 114-15. 8

Christianity had taken root in Ireland and produced the monasteries responsible for the creation of so many valuable Old Irish and Latin manuscripts, including the Tain and other heroic tales. The Irish monks collected and preserved the pagan stories of the past, although the exact degree to which these tales were sanitized for a Christian audience is difficult to judge - indeed some later medieval literature such as the Acallamh na

Senorach ('Tales of the Elders') deliberately bridges the gap between the age of the pagan heroes and the period of Christianisation under the potent miracle-worker St.

Patrick.19 Moreover, the Irish kings sought to find a certain legitimacy for themselves and their ancestors through the institution of the Church. Kim McCone, who has studied the relation between pagan and Christian Ireland, shows very clearly how biblical and pagan Irish ideas about the direct impact of a just or unjust ruler on the fertility and prosperity of the land continues to influence medieval Irish literature. Iran likewise underwent widespread conversion from Zoroastrianism to Islam during the early medieval period, although some population centres (such as Yazd) retained the

Zoroastrian faith and have maintained that faith even to the present day. It is especially important to note that the early Zoroastrian priests were well-versed in the Old and

Middle Persian languages (Avestan and Pahlevi), and had access to a literary and oral corpus which included heroic tales; this is asserted by Ferdowsi, who cites the mobadan

(Zoroastrian priests) as important sources for many of the tales which form parts of the

Shahnameh.21 The Shahnameh deals specifically with pre-Islamic Iran, much as the Tain

19 For an excellent introduction to this type literature, the reader is advised to consult Ann Dooley's and Harry Roe's new translation of Acallam na Senorach. See: A. Dooley & H. Roe, Tales of the Elders of Ireland: a New Translation of the Acallam na Senorach (New York, 1999). 0 For a detailed study of pagan and Christian concepts of sovereignty and how they interact, see: K. McCone, Pagan Past and Christian Present in Early Irish Literature (Maynooth, 1990), 138-69. 2' See above p. 4, note 9. 9 does pagan Ireland, and the making of each epic requires the involvement of a clergy.

Both epics navigate the awkward terrain of the ancient supernatural order in a past-yet- recent context: in the Tain we see the people of the Aes Sid, the pagan Irish divine race including such characters as Lugh and the Morrigan; in the Shahnameh we find the divine avian Simorgh, as well as the malevolent Ahriman and the race of the div, the diminished daeva (cf. Latin deus) of the Zend-Avesta.22 (3) It is also important to note that the medieval Irish and Iranian authors drew inspiration from Greek heroic literature - indeed we find evidence of this not only in the comparisons of Cuchulainn to Troilus, but also in the later Irish Togail Troi, the Alexander romance, and the Irish version of the OdysseyP

It is well known that Greek literature (especially philosophy) has been well prized by the

Muslims, who made translations of Greek texts into Arabic usually through the Syriac.

Indeed, Ferdowsi himself includes Eskander (Alexander) as a prominent king in the

Shahnameh. The familiarity with certain aspects of Greek heroic literature - with epic literature - must have had an impact on the authors of the Tain and the Shahnameh.

In short, given the strong oral and literary traditions of the two countries, together with a well-read familiarity with the heroic traditions of other cultures, and in addition their changing religious and relatively volatile political contexts due to foreign invasion

As evidence of this 'awkward' navigation, we find both blessing (Irish) and admonition (Latin) at the end of the LL Tain (4919-4925): Bendacht ar check den mebraigfes go hindraic Tain amlaid seo 7 nd tuillfe cruth ailefurri. / Sed ego qui scripsi hanc historiam aut verius fabalam quibusdam fidem in hac historia aut fabula non accommodo. Quaedam enim ibi sunt praestigia demonum, quaedam autem figmenta poetica, quaedam similia vero, quaedam non, quaedam ad delectionem stultorum. 'A blessing on each person who memorizes it properly, and does not add anything to it. / But I who wrote this story or (better yet) fable do not place any faith in this story or rather fiction. Indeed some things in it are the prestigitations of demons, some are poetic figments, some are akin to truth, some are not, and some are for the entertainment of fools.' 23 Knott and Murphy provide some Irish parallels (and/or perhaps borrowings) with Greek epic literature; see Knott & Murphy 1967, 116-17; these parallels specifically apply to Cuchulainn and Achilles, e.g. the deliberate choice of a short life with fame over long life of mediocrity, and the possession of the 'hero's light'; Dillon (1948, 3^1) suggests that the Tain compiler had some familiarity with the Aeneid, since the fury Allecto (Allechtu) is a character, and that there are similarities between Aeneas' early deeds, and the boyhood deeds of Cuchulainn. Cf. Miles, 2005. 10 and influence, the epic genre must have seemed a excellent way to remind the audience of the past glory of each nation, and to inspire pride in the deeds and traditions of their ancestors at a time when both countries were struggling to enforce their own sovereignty.

In other words, the literary environment and national political events surrounding the authors must have acted as catalysts for the creation of the two epics in their literary forms.

Since it has been said that the two epics place such importance on the theme of national sovereignty, it would not be unexpected if their main characters were kings, queens, or even princes. Yet despite such a reasonable supposition, especially in the case of an epic with a title such as 'The Book of Kings' (Shahnameh), all the protagonists are not royalty , or at least not royally eligible members of the dominant Irish or Iranian ruling families. While the royalty of the two epics are indeed critical to their plots, the principal epic characters are the chief heroes of each country, and it is primarily with the exploits and relationships of the two heroes that the epics concern themselves with.24

These heroes, Cuchulainn of Muirtheimne, and Rostam of Zabolestan, share not only a number of biographical episodes (which will be examined later in chapter two), but share several themes which will allow us to construct a model which can be applied to each epic. I am aware that many scholars over the years have attempted to created various biographical models for the International Hero (such as Lord Raglan), or perhaps more successfully the Indo-European Hero (such as G. Dumezil, and most recently D. Miller), with varied levels of success; but I would like to focus this model on primarily two cultures: Irish and Iranian, with a secondary focus on Old English epic. These two

24 Davis (1992, 17, 36-38) identifies the primitive role of the King as both the 'eminent warrior' and 'leader' of a tribe; but later, social tension develops between the Hero and King, when the King is no longer able to function as a warrior, and relies on the Hero to maintain the well-being of the tribal group. 11 cultures may at first seem to be quite different - and some might think perhaps too distant

- however the evidence will demonstrate that in the medieval period these two cultures had many similar ideas of the Hero: his function as protector of the state or tribe; his sometimes confusing relationship to the Sovereign who commands him; and his interaction with the strange world of the supernatural, which seems to taint him and make him neither fully welcome in the civilised world, nor in the world of monsters.

NATIONAL CHAMPION

The Hero of the national epic has several key traits by which we can identify him.

He is an aristocrat, a member of the warrior elite that is personally sworn to the sovereign. In both the Irish and Iranian stories, the Hero is the descendant of a powerful aristocratic family but is not in line for the throne of the nation, albeit he has lordship of a border territory: Murtheimne for Cuchulainn, and Zabolestan for Rostam. Cuchulainn's aristocratic roots are two-fold: his mother is the sister of the King of Ulster (Conchobar), and his supernatural father (Lugh) is a king of the Aes Sid. Cuchulainn's fortress, Dun

Delgan, is sizeable and befitting a powerful Irish noble, demonstrated when the host of

Ulster nobles stays at his fortress for a feast of forty days in the tale Mesca Ulad ('The

Intoxication of the Ulstermen').25 This tale also states that he shared the rule of Ulster with Conchobor (MU 20-23):

Is iat ra roind in coiced ra Conchobar a dalta fadessin .i. Cuchulainn mac Sualtaim 7 Fintan mac Neill Niamglonnaig a Dun Da Bend.

Those who shared the kingdom with Conchobar were his own foster-son, that is Cuchulainn son of Sualtaim, and Fintan son of Niall Niamglonnach from Dun Da Bend.

Mesca Ulad 53-57. 12

His social standing is enhanced by the fact that he is the foster-son of both Conchobor, the displaced Ulster king Fergus, and entrusted to various additional Ulster nobles for education and upbringing.26 Cuchulainn is the lord of Murtheimne, although in the epic he spends little time there, and he is the ceile (client) of the Ulster king.27 Rostam is also the lord {shah) of a border territory named 'Zabolestan', also called 'Sakistan', which was the area of Iran settled by Scythian tribes. This territory is held by Rostam's family as a feudal grant from the successive Shahs of Iran. Rostam's father Zal (also called

'Dastan') is the scion of a long line of heroes who have held the lordship of Zabolestan;

Rostam's mother is a descendant of the despotic Shah Zahhak, a supernatural ruler who features prominently at the beginning of the Shahnameh.

This quality of royal blood sets both heroes above the other 'common' aristocracy, and may be a reason for their special closeness (or familiarity?) to the respective sovereigns they serve. As a pair, Cuchulainn and Rostam are members of the landed aristocracy: they have a vested interest in protecting their own territory, and by extension the larger kingdoms that their lands are a part of. They are by no means unique in this respect: the Tain and Shahnameh are filled with a host of other warrior- aristocrats, heroes who (most if not all) hold lands elsewhere in the kingdom and are accountable to the sovereign in times of war, entertain him in times of peace, and provide some sort of fiscal support throughout the year. Both epics have episodes where we find many of these warrior-aristocrats assembled for feasting or for competition, for counsel

Compert Con Culainn (CCC) 8.7: 'Atnoad Conchubar em', ol Morann, 'ol is cetaicce Finnchoem. Atmenad Sencha setait sceo erlabrai. Ra mbiatha Blai Briugu. Berar do glun Ferguso. Ba aite do Amorgen. Ba chomaltae do Conall Cernach. Di chich a mdthar cich Finnchoeme.' 'Morann said'Let Conchobar entrust him, since Finnchoem is a blood-relative. Sencha will teach him his eloquence. Blai Bruigu will feed him. Fergus will set him on his knees. He will be a fosterson to Amorgin, and a fosterbrother to Conall Cernach. The two breasts of a mother will be (for him) the breasts of Finnchoem." 27 In the Tain, when asked by a herald of Connacht who he is, Cuchulainn replies (LL TBC 1498-99): 'Am cele-se Conchobuir meic Fachtnai Fdthaig.' 'I'm a vassal of Conchobuir son of Fachtna Fathaig.' 13 with the king, or for war muster. These royal assemblies are important parts of the Tain

(and the rest of the 'Ulster Cycle') and the Shahnameh, since they allow us to determine if there is a hierarchical or structure of the sovereign's nobles. Invariably, these gatherings of the nobles illustrate how the Hero of each epic is clearly superior to his peers: his warlike deeds at these assemblies will far surpass the other heroes, his courage will be greater, he will be the most outspoken, he will have the greatest thirst and appetite, etc. For the Irish hero, this is demonstrated most notably in the tale Fled

Bricrend ('The Feast of Bricriu'), in which the three most prominent Ulster heroes

(Conall Cernach, Loegaire Buadach, and Cuchulainn) compete openly to see who among them is the greatest. The magician-hero Cii Roi makes the final adjudication, and awards the honor to Cuchulainn, saying (FledBricrendp.l 14, 2):

'In caurathmir do Coinchulain ocus lathus gaile Goedel uile, ocus tus dia mnai ria mnaib Ulad uile hi tech n-oil...'

The Hero's Portion is Cuchulainn's and prominence over all Gael warriors, and to his wife (the right) to lead all the women of Ulster into the banqueting- hall.

While there is no official 'king's champion', the Hero visibly serves the sovereign as his personal champion, either as a sort of questing knight-errant, or else as a loyal vassal who rescues the king when he is in danger, or else as the unofficial (yet clearly visible) champion of the sovereigns armies. In several cases, the Hero takes on the role of a

'one-man army' in order to defend the nation from mortal or supernatural forces that defy

This is demonstrated in the Tain by Cuchulainn fighting single-handed against the Connacht, while Conchobor and the Ulster forces are debilitated by a curse; and in the Shahnameh by Rostam rescuing Kavus form Mazandaran. 14 any other human agency: these episodes are important, since they highlight the uniqueness of the epic Hero against the other nobles he competes with and against.

It is especially interesting that the figures who become synonymous with the nations of Ireland (Cuchulainn) and Iran (Rostam) likely began as marginal characters, whose greatest triumphs were not military but literary: each of the two heroes does not seem to have had any great status in his country many centuries before the writing down of the epic.29 Cuchulainn very likely was a minor character from the Muirthemne area, whose cult-status managed to absorb the heroic acts of other heroes until he became the dominant hero of the Ulster Cycle.30 Rostam also poses a very serious problem: given that many of the Shahnameh's characters do appear in Middle Persian, why can he not also be found alongside his cohorts in these same texts? The most recent scholarship suggests that Rostam - like Cuchulainn - was a late comer to the national heroic cycle, and that Rostam was originally a Scythian hero. This stands to reason, since the area that he is said to have originated from (Zabolestan) was the area of Iran in which a majority of the Scythian tribes settled. ' It appears, then, that the authors of the two epics decided to invest the respective protagonists with a new kind of heroic ideal: the epic hero is not only the greatest hero in his territory, province, or kingdom - he is the single greatest warrior in the world during the epic age. It is Ireland itself that makes Cuchulainn's national identity a thorny issue: since the Ireland of the Tain is divided into four

29 Evidence of this is Cuchulainn's non-appearance in such early Irish tales Scela Muicce Meic Datho 'The Tale of Mac Datho's Pig' or Togail Bruidne Da Derga 'The Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel' where the most prominent of the Ulster warriors is said to be Conall Cernach. See: R. Thurneysen, ed., Scela Muicce Meic Datho in Medieval and Modern Irish Series 6 (Dublin, 1935), 418-25; E. Knott, Togail Bruidne Da Derga in Medieval and Modern Irish Series 8 (Dublin, 1936), 207^15. 30 Barbara Hilliers makes the interesting point that Conall Cernach, not Cuchulainn, is the most common figure in the Ulster cycle, and appears in seventeen tales; Cuchulainn, although more prominent in most of the same tales, appears in only sixteen. See B. Hilliers, 'The Heroes of the Ulster Cycle', in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ulster Cycle of Tales (Belfast, 1994). 31 Hanaway 1978, 80. 15 countries, and since Cuchulainn owes allegiance to Conchobor, king of Ulster, it is difficult to call him simply 'Irish', since Ulaid (an Ulsterman) would be a more fitting description. So if we cannot say that Cuchulainn is the national champion of all Ireland in the Tain - because Ireland is united neither at the point of writing nor in the period of the 'fictional' setting of the Tain, the interregnum period, and since he is, after all, fighting for Ulster - we can say that he is the primary champion of Ireland because the

Tain and the Ulster Cycle make him greater than any other hero in the world. This is a break from other less-epicized Irish heroic tales, which might privilege one local hero over another, though not to the extent that Cuchulainn clearly exceeds his rivals. Thus, having said that Cuchulainn cannot necessarily be called the 'national champion' of

Ireland due to Ireland's status as a collection of provinces, rather than a single unified country, nevertheless, because of the literary form given to his character, his cult of fame grew beyond Ulster and into the other provinces.

Rostam is not so difficult to discuss, since the status of epic Iran is largely static.

Early in the Shahnameh, Iran becomes an empire, and Rostam is born into this empire.

Since the time of Rostam's great-grandfather, Nariman, his grandfather and father have not only ruled over their own territory (Zabolestan and the surrounding region of Sistan) but have served as the national pahlavan (champion). When an enemy force such as

Turks invades, the armies of the Shah march to meet the threat with one of the descendants of Nariman accompanying the army. The Iran of the Shahnameh has Turan

(the Turkish people) as its ancient national foe, and so much of the epic is taken up with the struggles between the long-lived King Afrasiyab of Turan, and the ruling Iranian monarch. Since the Turanians often employ sorcery or trickery in battle, it is the 16 presence of Rostam (or his forebears) that protects the nation of Iran when the armies of the Shah (or his other heroes) do not suffice to win the day. Since trial by champions is a common theme in the Shahnameh's accounts of battle, it is often Rostam who rides to defend the national honor of Iran against whatever challenger the enemy state sends out.

Even though he comes from a border area, Rostam is very much a symbol of heroic Iran: when he is at war, he identifies himself an Iranian, and a vassal and champion of the

Shah, not simply as a powerful warlord from Zabol.

HERO AND SOVEREIGN

The important and sometimes vexing relationship between the Hero of the national epic and his Sovereign seems to have been a popular theme not only in medieval literature but also in the literature of the classical period: Homer's description of the power struggle between Achilles and Agamemnon is a fundamental theme of the Iliad.

This should come as no great surprise, since in DumeziPs model of Indo-European society the Indo-European king is himself a warrior and a leader of other warriors.32

However, with the development of society and the increased complexity of the role of ruler, it becomes increasingly impractical (and dangerous) for the Sovereign himself to lead the armies in times of war, and so he is obliged to delegate some of his authority and influence to some other figure; this is especially common when the Sovereign is aging and is no longer physically fit to operate in battle, or to undertake the sorts of quests which are found in epic and heroic literature.33 Ostensibly this figure should be a

32 See above note 24. Cf. Miller 2000, 58-62. 33 Some notable exceptions to this rule are Beowulf and Rostam, who despite great age are found undertaking daunting quests which younger men are unable to perform. This, in turn, complicates the heroic biography in new ways. 17 member of the nobility, perhaps from the Sovereign's own family, and a warrior of exceptional skill. We may refer to this figure as a 'champion', as opposed to a hero, since a hero may not necessarily represent a given ruler: Hercules, for example, undertakes quests to expiate his crimes, as opposed to Beowulf (who acts on behalf of

Hrothgar) or Achilles (on behalf of Agamemnon). In return for the service he renders to the Sovereign, the Champion can expect to be well rewarded with land, gold, weapons, and (most important) honor and fame. Cuchulainn and Rostam both fit this model, since they have a close working relationship with the Sovereigns of their respective countries.3

This is underscored especially by certain episodes in the narrative of each epic. For example, Cuchulainn is given the personal weapons and chariot of King Conchobor and identifies himself as the ceile (client, companion) and blood relative of Conchobor; he refers to Conchobor affectionately as phopa Conchobor ('Daddy Conchobor') - this is not unfitting since Cuchulainn is the nephew of the King and is characterized as a young man for the better part of his adventures/5 Cuchulainn saves the King's life on at least two separate occasions - once during the 'Boyhood Deeds', and then later in the final great battle of the Tain - this is especially noteworthy because Cuchulainn saves

Conchobor from the renegade Fergus, as Fergus is about to renew his assault on

Conchobor and the rest of the Ulster host. Cuchulainn intercedes verbally (TBC 4110—

4114):

On the relationship between the Irish champion, the fian, and the monarch, see McCone 1990, 211-14. 35 E.g. TBC 944-45 'In fail mo phopa Conchobor isind drmaig seV "Is my daddy Conchobar on this battlefield?" Also: (TBC 443^15) 'Cia th'ainm-seo?' ol Conchobar. 'Setanta mac Sualtaim atomchomnaic-se 7 mac Dechtire do phethar-su...' "What's your name?' said Conchobar. 'I'm Setanta the son of Sualtaim and your sister Dechtire's son..." 18

Toi ille, a popa Fergais,' ol Cii Chulaind... 'Ro gellas-[s]a cid ed on,' ol Fergus. 'Do duit didiu,' ol Cii Chulaind. 'Maith,' ol Fergus. 'Romimgbais-[s]iu in tan basattretholl-sa.'

'Go, my father Fergus', said Ciichulainn... 'I promised that,' said Fergus. 'Then go[!]' said Ciichulainn. 'Very well,' said Fergus, 'since you did not fight with me when you were wounded. '36

Rostam, by contrast, is neither a blood relation of the Shahs he serves, nor is he younger than them; in fact he is often characterized in the Shahnameh by his great age.

Rostam's weapons and territory are inherited from his ancestors - he relies upon the Shah for very little, except for the occasional banquet which he enjoys greatly. Yet Rostam's

service to the Iranian state and crown are crucial to the survival of the monarchy, and he is the personal champion of the successive rulers of Iran for several generations.37 This hereditary position is not without its problems. As is seen in other epics, the Sovereign's reliance on his Champion comes with a price: the more the Sovereign needs the

Champion, the less power or control he has over him. If the Champion is insulted or offended by the Sovereign, there is the chance that he may refuse to follow orders - or possibly worse. As early as Homer, we see this problem clearly illustrated: Agamemnon insults Achilles, so the shamed Achilles stays out of the war with Troy to the detriment of the Achaean war effort, until his fury over his kinsman's death (not his loyalty to

Agamemnon) compels him to take up arms.

This passage (TBC 4036-4114) is very evocative, as it is both descriptive in imagery, and captures the rage and guilt of the betrayed (and betrayer) Fergus, as he attempts to avenge himself with his magic sword Caladbolg against Conchobor, who bears Ochain, an enchanted shield. The episode ends with Fergus using his blade to literally carve the tops off of three hills, in order to vent his uncontrollable anger. Rostam claims this in his dialogue with Isfandiyar (Shahnameh V.341.601): ^ JjJ* c^j. ^U- J^jj JJJI JIJ^& 'I'm the guardian of Iran and Turan, I hold the place of prominence among warriors.' 38 These events take place in the Iliad Books 16-18. 19

The Shahnameh exhibits the tension of Sovereign-vs-Champion as well, although unlike the Iliad or the Tain, the epic spans the course of centuries and features many different champions and Shahs, and each ruler has a different dynamic with his champions. Rostam, like his father Zal, enjoys a lifespan measured in centuries, and in this way he is unique among other Indo-European champions and heroes insofar as he serves several Shahs during the course of his life. His relationship with each Shah is characterized differently in terms of the respect or obedience shown to the respective rulers - some are more competent than others and treat Rostam and his ancestors with due honor, while the later Shahs are less wise and show less respect or appreciation.

Davis states that the Shahnameh shows different types of Sovereign-Champion dynamics over the three generations of Rostam's family: Sam (Rostam's grandfather) serves the

Shah unquestionably, Zal (Rostam's father) serves faithfully but offers advice when the

Shah embarks on a course of foolishness, and Rostam (drunk, no less) actually defies the

Shah before the court and the other nobles. This shocking confrontation takes place near the beginning of the tale known as Jang-i-Rostam-va-Sohrab or 'The Battle of

Rostam and Sohrab'. When Sohrab (Rostam's son) invades Iran with an army of

Turanians, the Iran ruler Kay Kavus desperately summons Rostam to court; Rostam however is slow to answer his lord's plea for aid and arrives several days late. When the

Shah chastises Rostam for delaying and showing disrespect for the court, the hero verbally abuses the monarch, reminding him that it is he who upholds the throne single-

39 Shahnameh 11.145.337-415; Davis states (1992, 213): 'It might be urged, as it has been stated to me in conversation that it was customary to entertain a messenger in for three days before setting out and that we should not read contempt for Kavus into Rostam's action. However, if we compare Rostam's delay and drunkenness with the alacrity with which Sam sets out for the court of Nowzar when summoned in similar circumstances (II 8.25) and his haste whenever summoned by Manuchehr, a contrast is apparent. Further, Rostam does not simply entertain the royal messenger but becomes drunk, and drunkenness by heroes is invariably a token of a fall from heroic status in the Shahnameh.' 20 handed. When Shah Kavus sends Tus (another hero) to seize Rostam and have him hanged, Rostam knocks him to the ground and leaves the court in a rage. In fact, during the heated argument between Rostam and the Shah, Rostam defiantly reminds the Shah of his powerlessness and his absolute dependence on him; he further states that Kavus is

'dust' without his efforts, and that he claims to be the real power behind the thone - and

Kavus cannot refute this claim (Shahnameh 11.145.357-58):

(Rostam said:) 'The world is my slave, [my horse] Rakhsh is my thone / My blade is my scepter, my helm is my crown. My spearhead and sword are my comrades / my two arms and heart are sovereign.'

Then further he says (Shahnameh 11.150.392-93):

SI*

' (Rakhsh's) saddle is my throne, my helm is my crown / My chainmail is my robe and my heart doesn't fear death. What is Kavus before me, but a handful of dust?! / Why should I have fear or anxiety about his anger?'

It is important to add that after this shocking display of behavior, the Shah pursues

Rostam and apologizes, begging him for his aid in the face of the oncoming army;

Rostam then publicly declares himself the slave (bande) of the Shah and takes back his harsh words - yet the episode clearly demonstrates the Shah's inability to control or punish his champion, and Rostam's position as champion of the Shah (and Iran) is shown to be indispensable. In other words, the Shah needs Rostam, but the hero does not need the monarch to the same degree, nor will he allow himself to serve without due honor and 21 respect. Nevertheless Rostam's dialogue of reconciliation with the Shah also makes clear that, aside from the argument, Rostam believes in the legitimacy of the Shah's rule, and further that he believes in the divine mandate of the Sovereign. The epic's author

Ferdowsi later includes a scene in which a later Shah despairs of his divine right to rule and is reminded sternly by Rostam's father Zal that the Shah is chosen by God, and that the sovereignty of the nation of Iran is not something to be dismissed lightly - it is ordained by Heaven. There is never any question in the Shahnameh that the role of the

Champion is to protect and defend the Sovereign, even when the orders of the Sovereign lead to disaster, in which case the Champion is obliged to rescue him (for example, the disastrous invasion of Mazandaran).40 In fact, during his entire career, only once does

Rostam completely defy the edict of the Shah: this occurs towards the end of his life when the Iranian crown prince Isfandiyar is sent to arrest Rostam and take him in bonds before one of the later Shahs (Goshtasp); it is clear in this episode that the Shah is a dangerously unstable man, and unworthy of the burden of leadership.41 Rostam, as Dick

Davis states, is put in the terrible position of either surrendering in bonds - which means completely dishonoring his and his family's fame and reputation, which he has fought for all his life - or else killing the crown prince, which will invalidate his purpose and the deeds of his ancestors.42 Given the choice, Rostam kills Isfandiyar, rather than surrender.

Shahnameh II.5.35-134. Here, the absolute obedience of the Shah's nobles and champions is demonstrated, in that they beg him to see reason, but prepare to launch the invasion of Mazandaran, with the understanding that the Shah's ambitious plan can (at best) be called hubristic. Zal, who is the Shah's greatest champion (until Rostam comes of age), tries to convince the king to abandon the campaign, but is resigned to obey and serve the Shah in whatever way he is commanded. 41 This episode will be discussed below; for further discussion the reader is advised to see: C. Monette, 'Indo-European Elements in Celtic and Indo-Iranian Epic Tradition: the Trial of Champions in the Tain Bo Ciiailgne and the Shahnameh', The Journal of Indo-European Studies 32 (2004): 61-78, especially pp. 68- 69. 42 Davis 1992, 55: 'When Esfandyar is sent by his father, Goshtasp, to imprison Rostam, Zal forsees the disasters that must ensue if Rostam resists; if Rostam is killed by Esfandyar, their homeland, Sistan, will be 22

Ferdowsi's thoughts on this passage are difficult to discern, but it seems that despite the death of a member of the Shah's family, the Sovereign's line can still continue if the

Shah has more children; by contrast, if Rostam were to surrender, then he would no

longer be able to guarantee the sovereignty of the monarch or protect him from his enemies. The Shahnameh is quite clear in one respect: competent or incompetent, the

Sovereign holds the throne of Iran by divine decree and ultimately has the right to expect to expect obedience from all his subjects; however it is an unwise Shah who' disregards

the wisdom of his counsellors, and a Shah who abuses his Champions does so at his own risk.

Like the Iliad and the Shahnameh, the Tain Bo Cuailgne focuses on issues of

sovereignty, its abuse, and its guardians. The Irish epic's introductory tales focus on a

crisis of the Ulster kingship, and the dangers of an unjust ruler. The short tale 'How

Conchobor was Begotten, and How He Took the Kingship of Ulster' explains how

originally Fergus Mac Roich was high king of Ulster, but was tricked into relinquishing it

to his step-son Conchobor by the boy's mother Nessa.43 Fergus is still a potent and virile

figure, so he remains at Emain Macha, the Ulster capital, and remains both a powerful

leader and champion of the province. His time is spent feasting, playing fidchel I (chess),

and training the 'Boy's Troop', who are the sons of the King's retinue and nobles, and

enjoying the semi-retirement of a veteran hero.45 Indeed, Fergus' life may differ little

from the Tain's description of the life of the king, except that Fergus is no longer

overrun, and if Rostam kills Esfandyar he will be known to posterity as the murderer of the Iranian crown prince, and all the family's loyal service to the Iranian monarchy will be eclipsed by this one shame.' 3 T. Cross and C. Slover, eds., 'The Birth of Conchobar', in Ancient Irish Tales (New York, reprinted 1969), 131-33. 44 See J. Nagy, 'Beowulf and Fergus: Heroes of Their Tribes?', in Connections between Old English and Medieval Celtic Literature, ed. P. Ford and K. Borst, OEC 2 (Landham, MD, 1982), 31^44. 45 For an example of a given day in at Emain Macha (Ulster king's court), see TBC 402—05. 23 responsible to rule. At first this arrangement seems to function well and there are no disagreements between the displaced king and the new ruler of Ulster. It may even be fair to suggest that if Fergus could be tricked out of the kingship, then he was unworthy of the

Ulster sovereignty, and that in a world of realpolitik Conchobor is a more legitimate king.

However, another early tale from the Tain, 'The Exile of the Sons of Uisliu' focuses on the issue of personal honor: it explains how Conchobor later dishonored Fergus by slaying the sons of Uisliu in an ambush while they were under Fergus' protection; this attack also cost Fergus' son Fiacha his life.46 In retaliation, Fergus attacks and burns

Emain Macha to the ground, killing many Ulster warriors in the process, then leaves

Ulster with three thousand warriors who refuse to tolerate Conchobor's abuse of the kingship. Exiles, they seek refuge in the neighboring kingdom of Connacht, where they are received by Medb and Ailill and are employed as mercenaries for the great cattle raid on Ulster. This is certainly a cautionary tale: by acting unjustly and shaming his champion, Conchobor has not only provoked a rebellion, but has actually driven this powerful ally into the service of the enemy. Not only will Fergus' prowess in battle be used against Ulster, but he will be expected to share his knowledge of Ulster's defences and heroes with the rulers of Connacht. In comparison with the Iranian epic, in which the champion Rostam kills the son of his sovereign out of desperation, in the final great battle of the Tain we find Fergus furiously trying to kill his own king. Rostam unwillingly fails his function as champion by killing a member of the royalty he is sworn to protect in order to save his own honor; Fergus, his honor violated by the king, deliberately becomes an inversion of his original narrative function - from being a king himself, he becomes a

46 Longes mac n-Uislenn 71-90 in: V. Hull, Longes Mac n-Uislenn (New York: MLA, 1949). 24 hero bent on regicide. The message is clear: no king, however powerful, can afford to so alienate his champion.

By contrast to Fergus, the Tain portrays Cuchulainn as a vassal unfailingly loyal to Conchobor, with no conflicts centering on personal ruling ambition. In the 'Boyhood

Deeds' portion of the epic, Fergus recounts the story of how the boy Cuchulainn dared to rescue the wounded Ulster king from the battlefield.47 Cuchulainn then carries

Conchobor to safety, and at the request of the Ulster king, he goes in search of a pig to

feed him {TBC 510-20):

Tanocaib asin chlud la sodain. ... 'Tair reond don tig ucut,' ar Conchobar, 'co n- dernai tenid dam and. Atai-seom thenid moir do.' 'Maith didiu,' or Conchobar. 'Dianom thisad mucch fonaithe robadam beo.' 'Rag-sa conda tuc,' ar Cii Chulaind. Teit ass iarom. Co n-accai in fer ocond fulucht i m-medon ind feda ... ba mor a liathmaire ind fir. Fanopair-som arapa & dobeir a chend & a muicc laiss. Loingid Conchobar iar sin in tore. Tiagam diar tig,' or Conchobar.

Then he lifted (Conchobar) out of the ditch. 'Go on to that house,' said Conchobar, 'and make a fire for me there.' (Cuchulainn kindled a great fire for him. 'Well then,' said Conchobor, T would live if I had a cooked pig.' T will go and get one,' said Cuchulainn. He went away then. He saw a man at a fire-pit in the middle of the woods ... The man was very terrible. Yet he attacked him, and took both his head and his pig. Conchobar ate the pig afterwards. 'Let us go to our house,' said Conchobar.

This rescue also marks the first interaction of the hero with supernatural forces: a malign undead soldier tries to overpower the young warrior when Cuchulainn refuses to carry the dead man, then the war goddess Badb provokes Cuchulainn to a state of such rage that he is able to defeat and behead the dead man.48 This brief episode - Conchobor's strange request for food following a battle, and Cuchulainn's quest for it - resembles the Old

Testament passage in which following a battle, the exhausted King David wishes aloud

TBC 481-524. TBC 491-502 25 for water, and three of his champions risk death in battle to bring it to him - alone, they cross the battlefield to win access to a well and return to their king with the much needed water.49 David, deeply touched by the loyalty of his men, does not drink the water but instead pours it out before God, since the water is worth the lives of his three men. It is likely that the compiler(s) of the Tain would have been familiar with this biblical tale, and may have included it to demonstrate the fierce loyalty which Cuchulainn has for

Conchobor.

When speaking of the classical or medieval notion of a 'national champion', it is important to provide a definition of what the term implies. Here, I use the term to refer to a hero who is strongly identified with a particular geographic region and political power, and who is understood as a hero and protector of that nation. This seems simple enough, but it presupposes a certain fixedness of the political area in question; thus while we can say that the literary King Arthur (for example) is a national champion of Britain, we could not say the same as easily of Beowulf. We can identify King Arthur with a definite political region, and he is a symbol of something more than Welsh, Saxon or Norman power - during the course of the Middle Ages he becomes identified as a protector of

England itself. Beowulf, however, is a hero we find in Anglo-Saxon heroic literature and he may have had a popular following in early England, but he is a foreigner, and his adventures take place among the Danish lands. He is in no way considered a protector of the early English people - or at least not of England itself, as a political entity.

49II Samuel 23:13-17: 'And three of the thirty chief men went down, and came about harvest time to David at the cave of Adullam, when a band of Philistines was encamped in the valley of Reph'aim. David was then in the stronghold; and the garrison of the Philistines was then at Bethlehem. And David said longingly, 'O that some one would give me water to drink from the well of Bethlehem which is by the gate!' Then the three mighty men broke through the camp of the Philistines, and drew water out of the well of Bethlehem which was by the gate, and took and brought it to David. But he would not drink of it; he poured it out to the LORD.' 26

To return to our comparison of Irish and Iranian heroic models, Rostam is considered the national champion par excellence of Iran. Leaving aside for the moment his own perceived ethnic origins or the specific regional origins of his literary tradition, the Shahanmeh describes him (and each of his forefathers) as shah or lord of the province of Zabol - a part of the great Persian empire. This is very important: at the time of the

Shahnameh's composition, Iran had seen the passing of four imperial dynasties, and the idea of Iran as a single great political power - as an empire - was deeply entrenched in the idea system of the Iranian people, its nobility and its religious classes. This is not to suggest that a single language or ethnic identity prevailed. The early Persian empire was a feudal state in which each province had its own Shah or great noble, who in turn was a vassal of the Shahanshah or emperor.50 Rostam's province Zabol is identified today as the ancient province ofSistan, which is the region which the Scythian tribes are known to have settled and been assimilated into the empire. Like his father and grandfather before him, Rostam held the role of primary champion of this region, and also held the position of the emperors' primary champion. Throughout the epic, when this or that emperor would face foreign or monstrous adversity, Rostam or his fathers would be summoned to deal with whatever menace the emperor needed dispatched. Through serving the emperor - the living symbol of Iran - directly, Rostam serves Iran itself. Through this attachment to the monarchy, Rostam becomes the not only the hero of remote Zabolistan, but also the champion of the Iranian nation. Ferdowsi makes it clear to his audience,

For a study of the role of the Persian emperor, see: A. Soudavar, The Aura of Kings: Legitimacy and Divine Sanction in Iranian Kingship (Costa Meza, 2003). Also, see above Note (8). 27 speaking through his characters (both emperors and enemies of the state) that Rostam is the pillar that supports the state, and the taj-baksh or 'crown-bestower' for its rulers.51

Having discussed the scholarship to date, and the underlying themes which will be featured in this thesis, in the following chapters I will examine the biographies of the heroes, beginning with the Heroic Conception and Birth, Boyhood Deeds, Warrior

Initiation, Adult Deeds, Filicide Episodes, the Trial of Champions, Otherworldly

Conflict, and finally the Heroic Death. After presenting these analogues, I will examine the data and make suggestions about the nature of the parallels. Finally, I will discuss the possible (and plausible) points of origin for these analogues.

51 For an excellent study on this function (king-maker) of Rostam, see: 0. Davidson, 'The Crown Bestower in the Iranian Book of Kings', Papers in Honor of Mary Boyce, Acta Iranica, vol. 10 (1985), 61-148. Chapter One: The Genesis of the Hero

In The Heroic Biography of Cormac Mac Airt, Tomas 6 Cathasaigh begins with an examination of the approaches to the study of the heroic biography put forward by a succession of scholars: Alfred Nutt, Otto Rank, Lord Raglan, Joseph Campbell, and Jan de Vries.1 Despite the differences in the methodology employed by these scholars, 6

Cathasaigh indicates that the majority these models show thematic parallels: for example, the models of Nutt and de Vries each begin with abnormalities of conception, birth, and youth.2 Likewise, the systems of Nutt and Lord Raglan incorporate a wide range of heroes who demonstrate either an irregular conception (such as divine/monstrous parentage, incest, or supernatural influences in the conception itself) - or irregular birth

(medical complications or abnormal gestation period). Clearly, in many epic traditions, the conception and birth of the hero are often characterized by strange and abnormal events. Events such as these help to set the hero apart from other more mundane characters in the narrative, by creating a sense of destiny or fate, which has singled out

1 See (for example): A. Nutt,. The Influence of Celtic upon Mediaeval Romance, (London, 1904); ibid. Studies on the Legend of the Holy Grail, with Especial Reference to the Hypothesis of its Celtic Origin, (New York, 1965); O. Rank, The Myth of the Birth of the Hero, and other Writings. Edited by Philip Freund (New York, 1964); ibid. The Incest Theme in Literature and Legend: Fundamentals of a Psychology of Literary Creation, trans. G. Richter (Baltimore, 1992); Raglan, Fitzroy Baron The Hero: A Study in Tradition, Myth, and Drama (London, 1936); Joseph Campbell, Renewal Myths and Rites of the Primitive Hunters and Planters (Dallas, 1960. Reprinted 1989); ibid. Occidental Mythology (New York, 1964. Reprinted 1976); ibid. The Hero with a Thousand Faces (New York, 1971); J. De Vries, Heroic Song and Heroic Legend, trans. B.J. Zimmer (London, 1963). 2 See T. 6 Cathasaigh, The Heroic Biography of Cormac Mac Airt (Dublin, 1977), 3-8. 6 Cathasaigh (pp.6-7) discusses why he believes the model of Jan de Vries to be the most appropriate for discussing the (Celtic) warrior hero (though not, perhaps, ideal for examining the king-hero), since it relies upon mainly Indo-European data (versus the world-spanning spectrums of Raglan and Nutt), and does not rely on a basic reduction to psychological or Jungian archetypes, as do the models of Campbell and Rank. This model consists of: 1. Begetting the hero, 2. Birth of the hero, 3. Threatened youth of the hero, 4. The way in which the hero is brought up, 5. The hero often acquires invulnerability, 6. Hero fights with dragon or monster, 7. Hero wins a maiden, often with great danger, 8. Hero makes a journey to the otherwold, 9. The hero, banished, returns to his homeland to defeat enemies, 10. Death of the hero. 3 In the case of Lord Raglan, this list goes beyond Indo-European traditions to include such figures as Christ and Moses.

28 29 the hero out from before birth. Examples of such conceptions would include: (Greek)

Hercules, whose conception required three days of copulation; (Greek) Achilles, son of the sea-nymph Thetis, dipped in the Styx at birth; (Roman) Romulus and Remus,

fathered by Mars on a vestal virgin, then briefly fostered by a she-wolf; (Irish) Cormac mac Airt, born to a druid's daughter, then briefly fostered by a she-wolf; (British) King

Arthur, sired by Uther on Ygraine, with the aid of the sorceror Merlin; and (Indian)

Arjuna, son of Indra, obtained by his mother through an invocation.4 The Irish

Cuchulainn and Persian Rostam are also examples of characters whose conception and birth are filled with complications and supernatural influence.

The take of Cuchulainn's conception and birth is contained in the Compert Con

Culainn 'The Conception of Cuchulainn', one of the shorter tales belonging to the Ulster

Cycle.5 The tale runs as follows: a flock of birds comes to the Ulster capital, Emain

Macha, and proceeds to devour the vegetation, down to the very roots of the grass.

Together with his sister Deichtire, the king (Conchobar) and his assembled nobles harness their chariots and chase after the birds, in an attempt to drive them off.6 Pursuing the flock, the Ulster nobles travel as far as the river Boann - a considerable distance from the capital - and a scouting party of heroes goes in search of shelter for the night. Conall

4 For a primary source on the biography of Heracles, the reader is advised to see: Apollodorus, The Library, trans. J. G. Frazer, Loeb Classical Library Volumes 121 & 122 (Cambridge, 1921); for Achilles, see: Homer, The Iliad, trans. R. Fagles (New York, 1998); for Romulus and Remus, see: Plutarch, The Parallel Lives, trans. B. Perrin, Loeb Classical Library Volume 1 (Cambridge, 1914); for Cormac mac Airt, see: O Cathasaigh 1977; for Arthur, see: N. Wright, ed., The Historia Regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth. 1, Bern, Burgerbibliothek, MS. 568 (Cambridge, 1984) & ibid. The Historia Regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth. 2, The First Variant Version: a Critical Edition (Cambridge, 1988); and for Arjuna, see: The Complete Text of the Critical Edition in Modern English (in progress): The Mahabharata, ed. J. A. B. van Buitenen, 3 vols. (Chicago, 1973-78). 5 A.G. Van Hamel, ed. Compert Con Culainn and Other Stories (Dublin, 1956), 3-8. Hereafter I use the abbreviated form 'CCC. 6 Van Hamel's edition notes that the name of the maiden is spelled both Deichtine and Deichtire in the Lebor na Huidre. Variants of the tale have her as the daughter, rather than sister, of Conchobor. See CCC p. 3, section 4. 30 and Bricriu (surnamed 'Poison-Tongue') find an dentech 'lone house' or 'a singular house' (in the sense of strange) which is inhabited by a man and his pregnant wife, who offer them hospitality.7 They leave and return with Conchobar and his sister to accept the lodgings for the night. Despite the rustic accommodations, the Ulster nobles begin to feast, and become failti meisc 'merrily drunk' (CCC 4.3). At some point late in the evening, the peasant informs them that his wife (now retired to the storeroom) has gone into labour; Deichtire leaves to assist the woman as a midwife. As the woman delivers a boy, a nearby mare gives birth to two foals. When morning comes, the Ulster nobles find that the house, its occupants, and mare have vanished, leaving them with the baby boy and the two foals. Upon their return to Ulster, the young boy sickens and dies, and

Deichtire sinks into a deep depression. She calls for a horn of mead and begins to drink to lessen her grief. Unbeknownst to her, however, there is a small creature (mil mbec) in the mead, which she swallows. Drunk, she falls into a deep sleep with troubling dreams

- a man comes to her, and identifies himself as Lugh mac Ethnenn, a ruler of the Tuatha

DeDanann.* He tells her (CCC 5.5):

...Robad torrach uad, 7 ba he noda bert a dochum don Bruig, ba leis fetir, ba ai in mac altae, 7 ba he totharlae inna broind, 7 bid Setantae a ainm. 7 ba hesse Lug mac Ethnenn, 7 co n-alta ind lurchuiri don mac.

.. .that she would become pregnant by him, and that it was he who had brought her to that dwelling,9 [and] that she had spent the night with him, and that there would be a baby reared of theirs, and that he was cast into her womb, and his

71 am grateful to Professor Dooley, for informing me about the interpretation of dentech. 8 Tuatha De Danann, traditionally tra nslated as 'People of the divinity Danu'. All translations are mine, unless otherwise noted. 91 have translated Bruig as 'dwelling', though it may also refer to a particular 'dwelling', such as Bruig na Boinne. 31

name would be Setanta, and that he himself was Lugh son of Ethnenn, and that the foals should be reared with the boy.

The creature in her stomach enters her womb and she becomes pregnant. Since Deichtire

is unmarried, the Ulster court mutters that perhaps the father of this child is her own brother (alternately father) Conchobor, who has taken her perforce while in a drunken

stupor (tre mesci). To avoid the shame, or perhaps a legal charge of incest (which could potentially threaten his kingship), Conchobor gives his sister in marriage to Sualdaim, the

lord of Muirthemne, a territory on the distant south-east border of Ulster.10 Ashamed to go to the bridal bed pregnant, Deichtire vomits and is supernaturally made non-pregnant and healthy (CCC 6.6).n She conceives again, and this time she successfully delivers a boy; he is named Setanta. As a birthday gift, he is given the two foals from the woods, which suggests a narrative link between him and the baby from the strange earlier episode in the woods. After he is presented to the court, Conchobar's other sister

Finnchaem, the mother of the Ulster hero Conall, declares that she is filled with affection for the baby boy. The assembled magnates of Ulster then begin to quarrel over the rights of fosterage, each asserting that he is the best to raise Setanta due to his own particular virtue or station; this may be in part due to the fact that the child is the nephew of the king, and therefore a source of prestige to any potential foster-family (CCC 7.7).

Ultimately, Conchobor is obliged to have the judge (Morann) arbitrate an agreeable

settlement. Morann decides to distribute the responsibility for Setanta's upbringing among the various nobles: the chief brehon Sencha is to teach him eloquence and speech, the cattle-lord Blai Briuga provides his food, the deposed king Fergus serves as a mentor,

10 It is noteworthy that Conchobor sends his sister to the most distant part of the kingdom - perhaps an indication of a desire to remove her from the center of scandal. 11 Literally, the passage reads: combu ogsldn 'so that she became virginal'. 32 the noble poet Amergin is his foster-father, and the princess Finnchoem and Conall become his foster-mother and foster-brother (CCC 8.7). 12 The court appears satisfied

with this arrangement, and the tale concludes peaceably and without bloodshed.

The birth-tale of the Persian hero Rostam is likewise filled with medical and

political complications. The Iranian hero Zal, son of the national champion Sam, and

grandson of the paladin Nariman, falls in love with Rudabeh, the daughter of the ruler of

Kabol, King Mehrab.13 Zal is an unusual character since he is an albino (an inauspicious

characteristic in medieval Persian culture), and has certain supernatural powers owing to his having been fostered by the Simorgh. Rudabeh is a princess of royal blood, but is

(perhaps unfortunately) descended in a direct line from the div (demon) Shah Zahhak, a

cruel and merciless tyrant who was both a regicide, and the greatest enemy ever to

threaten Iran. Zal consults the mobads to see if his marriage to Rudabeh would be

fortuitous, and against all odds their oracles foretell an auspicious union with a blessed

offspring.14 The elder champion, Sam, confirms this prognosis with his own consultation

of the mobads.15 However, when Manochehr, the current Shah of Iran, learns of the

impending marriage of Zal to Roudabeh, he is horrified - and understandably so. The

family of Sam, son of Nariman, is the mightiest bloodline of Iranian heroes. Likewise, the family of King Mehrab carries the blood of Zahhak - a H* (div 'demon') - and therefore can be understandably afraid to be tainted by at least malice and at worst by

fearsome supernatural powers. Should the two bloodlines combine, the reigning Shah of

12 Note the parallel motif of multiple adult tutors in Apollodorus' account of Heracles' boyhood (Apollodorus 2.4.9): 'Hercules was taught to drive a chariot by Amphitryon, to wrestle by Autolycus, to shoot with the bow by Eurytus, to fence by Castor, and to play the lyre by Linus, the brother of Orpheus'. 13 S 1.186.326-410. 14 S 1.205.411-568. 15 S 1.209.569-699. 33

Iran would potentially face a new champion with superhuman prowess and an ancestral

hatred of the Iranian monarchy. Shah Manochehr's solution is to order Sam to gather the

army and lead an attack on Kabol, in an attempt to end the threat by annihilating

Zahhak's descendants.16 Although Sam initially accepts these orders, Zal reminds Sam

of his earlier promise to give Zal whatever his heart desires - and Zal asks that Sam

convince the Shah not to invade Mehrab's domain, but rather to permit the marriage of

Zal and Rudabeh. Sam writes a letter to ask the Shah to permit the marriage - the only

recorded request of the paladin to the Shah from Sam's entire career. Zal is put to the test by the Shah and examined by the royal sages, but all the omens point to a happy marriage

and a child who will protect the throne.17 Shah Manochehr is compelled by this

evidence (and perhaps also by his champion Sam's request) to permit the marriage, and

Zal and Rudabeh are married. Rudabeh conceives in due course, but her pregnancy is

troubled by an unusually long gestation. She complains of feeling as though the child

were made of iron, and when the time for delivery comes, she cannot deliver the boy.18

Desperate to aid his ailing wife, Zal employs the magical power he was given by the

Simorgh, burns the feather of the Simorgh, and the majestic bird descends from the sky to

aid in the delivery. The Simorgh instructs Zal that the baby must delivered by caesarian-

section (with fairly complex instructions given), and Rudabeh is delivered of a healthy baby boy - Rostam.ig

The birth tales of the parents of the heroes are equally complex and filled with

supernatural elements. In the case of Cuchulainn, his father Lugh mac Ethnenn is

16 51.221.841-74. 17 51.247.1219-1431. 18 Shahnameh 1.245.1237: o_5l JUJ S±>\ oi-jjblj /3lc^n <.^S\ ,,-...?:.... ^f y 'You would say that my skin was stuffed with stones, and that my stomach was made of iron' 19 51.266.1471-74. 34 nominally a member of the divine race known as the Aes Sid (or Tuatha De Danann), but he is in fact of mixed blood. Balor of the Evil Eye, a king of the Fomoire, a demonic race which contended with the Tuatha for dominion of Ireland, learns of a prophecy that his grandson would be a danger to him.20 He imprisons his daughter (Ethne) in a tower, in hopes of preventing this marriage. Despite these precautions, Cian, a noble of the

Tuatha learns of the beauty of Ethne and manages to enter the tower and sleep with the

Fomoire princess. Ethne conceives a child, and delivers a boy: Lugh.21 She is then forced to cast the child into the water to avoid the boy's destruction by his grandfather,

Balor. Lugh grows to be a powerful warrior and magician, and earns the epithet samilddnach or 'many-skilled'.22 He eventually confronts Balor when the demon lord leads an army in an attempt to maintain the Fomoire domination of Ireland. Balor slays the current high king of the Aes Sid, Nuada, and is in turn struck down by his grandson.

Zal, the father of Rostam, has a difficult beginning as well. He is born an albino, to Sam son of Nariman - a member of a powerful house of nobles, and the hereditary champions of the Iranian royal house. Sam, horrified by the child's physical

'deformity', declares that his colleagues will think that he has been cuckolded by a div.

He orders Zal to be exposed to the elements, in hopes of hiding this shame.23 Although the future looks dim for the infant boy, the Simorgh sees the child, and takes him to her

20 The tale of the war between the divine Aes Sid and the demonic Fomoire occurs in the tale known as 'The Battle of Mag Tured'. See E. Gray, Cath Maige Tuired "The Second Battle of Mag Tuired', Irish Texts Society 52 (Dublin, 1982). Though characterized most often by gross physical deformities, the nobles of the Fomoire sometimes appear as beautiful human figures, e.g. Bres, Elotha, and Ethne. Balor is an exception, in that he has a grotesque magical eye, which is normally closed due to its death-causing stare. 21 Lug translates as 'bright' in Old Irish. 22 Cf. Persian Lb (dana) 'learned; a wise man' and jd* (danesh) 'science, knowledge, learning, excellence'; Old Irish dan '[sense 1] skill in applying the principles of a special science; skill applied to the material or subject-matter of art; artistic faculty, art; especially the poetic faculty; the art of poetry ... [sense 4] a craft, trade, business, office, calling, profession'. See lib and jub in CPED, 500-01; see also dan in DIL, 72- 73. 23 Shahnameh 1.164.41-66. 35 nest, where the boy is reared to adulthood; the Simorgh names him Jlj (Zal) 'white, bright', on account of his white hair.24 Years later, Sam begins to have dreams in which

sages rebuke him sharply for having sinned against God by trying to kill his albino son.

Sam repents of this act, and begins to hunt for the child. The Simorgh perceives that the time has come to return Zal to human culture, and explains this to her fosterling - this

scene is especially moving.25 The Simorgh carries Zal to Sam, and the elder paladin realises that Zal is indeed a worthy son; he begs Zal's forgiveness, promising to grant him his heart's every desire in exchange for forgiveness. Curiously, Sam gives the youth the human name 'Dastan', or 'trickery'.26

Viewed together, the biographies of Cuchulainn and Rostam demonstrate some very striking parallels: (see chart below)

Shahnameh 1.164.67-90. Jlj (Zal) can also been translated as 'old'. Shahnameh 1.171.130-42. Davis 2006, xxiii-iv. 36

Cuchulainn Rostam

1. A female noble is impregnated by a 1. A female noble of semi-demonic male of supernatural, semi-demonic origins is impregnated by a human origins. {CCC 5.5) male of supernatural origins. {Shahnameh 1.265.1633-34.)

2. The demonic ancestor of 2. The demonic ancestor of Rostam is Cuchulainn is a tyrant, who a tyrant, who oppresses Iran with oppresses Ireland with military military force. (5. 1.55.1-499) force. {Cath Maige Tuired)

3. The father of the boy is a fair-haired 3. The father of the boy is a fair-haired magician and warrior. His epithet magician and warrior. His epithet samildanach means 'greatly dastan means 'crafty'. learned', (ibid; Cath Maige Tuired)

4. The tale features magical birds, as 4. The tale features a magical bird, as agents in the delivery of a baby boy. an agent in the delivery of a baby {CCC 3.1-3) boy. (51.266.1665-71)

5. The reigning monarch is concerned 5. The reigning monarch is concerned by the pregnancy, due to political by the pregnancy, due to political issues (scandal). {CCC 6.6) issues (threat of regicide). (5 1.245.1208-1219)

6. The mother suffers serious medical 6. The mother suffers serious medical complications, before finally giving complications, before finally giving birth. {CCC 5.4-6) birth. (51.265.1634-1470)

7. Despite medical complications, the 7. Despite medical complications, the baby is born healthy. {CCC 6.6) baby is born healthy. (51.268.1471- 1510)

8. A pair of horses are born at the same 8. A horse is born at the same time as time as the boy, which the tale states the boy, which the tale states is are destined to be his. {CCC 4.3; destined to be his. {S 1.336.108- 5.4) 110). 37

In the early model (de Vries) of the heroic biography as adopted Tomas 6 Cathasaigh, four variant motifs are listed under 'Begetting of the Hero'. These include:

A. The mother is a virgin, who is in some cases overpowered by a god, or has

extra-marital relations with the hero's father.

B. The father is a god.

C. The father is an animal, often the disguise of a god.

D. The child is conceived in incest.

A semi-divine or semi-demonic parentage is not unusual for heroes of the Indo-European tradition. As Miller states: 'The oldest source, by convention, for the heroic mode in our

Western tradition - the Iliad - sets forth some sort of divine parentage for all of its

significant players'.28 There are many examples of Greek heroes with divine parentage,

such as Heracles, Akhilleus, and Perseus - and many others who are grandchildren or great-grandchildren of deities, such as Aias and Patroklos.29 This heroic model was almost certainly known to both Celtic and Persian scholars, through attested exposure to

classical literature.30 But an even more fundamental model, the Indo-European thematics of the hero's birth also comes into play in a discussion of heroes whose biography

features socially disruptive behavior, Davidson discusses the Indo-European theme of

abnormal birth, due to divine or gigantic ancestry, citing (Greek) Hercules, (Indian)

Sisulpa, and (Norse) StarkaSr as examples of heroes whose conception and birth features

27 6 Cathasaigh 1977, 6. 28 Miller 2000,70. 29 ibid. 70-71. 30 For a discussion of Ferdowsi's use of Classical sources, see, for example, Shabazi (1991), especially pp.63-75; 132-34. For a discussion of Classical sources and the Neoclassical tradition in Ireland, see B. Miles, Middle Irish Saga and Irish Neoclassicism (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2005). 38

abnormalities.31 In the case of Sisulpa and Starkadr, the babies are born with extra arms;

in the case of Hercules, his fantastic strength is the result of 'an excess of procreation' on

the part of Zeus, taking three days.32 A less common motif than divine ancestry, however,

is the idea of 'demonic', or monstrous ancestry. Rostam and Cuchulainn are rare among

Indo-European heroes in that each is descended from a demonic figure from their

respective traditions. In the case of Cuchulainn, this figure is his great-grandfather Balor,

the king of the Fomoire, a figure powerful enough to have killed Nuada (a powerful

warrior and king of the Aes Sid), and also the tyrant who attempts to enforce Fomoire

oppression of Ireland through a military invasion. As stated earlier, Rostam's maternal

great-great grandfather is the tyrant Zahhak, a div who, for a time, rules Iran as a despotic

tyrant and oppresses the people terribly. Davis points out in the episode featuring the

duel with the hero Isfandiyar, the prince mocks Rostam by recalling that Rostam's family

is oljjjj (divzad or 'demon born'), which is either an imaginary insult on account of his

father's albinism, or a real insult based on Rostam's mother's heritage.33 Both heroes

share the blood of a literal monster, who is both a royal figure, and yet undeniably hostile to the nation of the respective heroes' birth - and moreover, synonymous with an

oppressive, foreign regime.

At the same time, the heroes each have a parent with benevolent supernatural

characteristics. Lugh, the father of Cuchulainn, is a king and leader of the Aes Sid, and a

31 Davidson 1994, 96-99. Davidson refers the reader to the earlier work of Dumezil on the theme of Indo- European rebellious heroes, as it relates to Classical, Indian, and Norse traditions. See: G. Dumezil, Mythe et Epopee II: Types Epiques Indo-Europiens: Un Heros, un Sorcier, un Roi (Paris, 1973), 25-124. 32 Davidson 1994, 97. 33 Davis 1992, 216-17, note 24. Likewise, Davidson lists three separate instances in which objections are made to the marriage of Zal and Rudabeh, on the basis that the child would inherit demonic ancestry. These include the Shah's mobads, who state that Mehrab is descended from the dragon (Zahhak); Sam, who refers to his own son Zal as a 'bird nursling' and his future daughter-in-law as a OIJJJJ 'demonborn' (Shahnameh 1.208.665); and Shah Manochehr, who states that he fears that any child of Zal and Rudabeh would seize the throne and plunge the nation back into turmoil and misery. See Davidson 1994, 76-78. 39 great hero from early mythological Ireland; his greatest deed is leading the Aes Sid to victory against the armies of Balor, and liberating Ireland from its Fomoire opressors.3

Lugh is a complex character who is both a warrior (or warrior-king) and sorcerer, and his involvement with Cuchulainn is limited; in the Tain, Lugh appears to stand in for his son for a three-day period, when Cuchulainn is too badly wounded to fight.35 Apart from this one episode, he is very much an absentee parent, similar to the divine parents of other

Indo-European heroes; he does not commonly appear in the Ulster Cycle. While the etymology of Lugh's name is uncertain, it could be from PIE *leuk-, 'flashing light'; his other name, 'Find', means 'fair-haired'.36

Zal, by contrast, is a major character in the Shahnameh, and serves for a time as the hereditary champion of the Shah after his father Sam's retirement; in turn he retires from military service when Rostam comes of age, but continues to serve as one of the chief advisors to the Shah. The name zal means 'white-haired, old' (a reference to his albinism), though his other name, dastan, means 'clever' or 'cunning'; this is significant, given that Zal's struggles are usually fought with words and wisdom, rather than the

For the story of the subsequent waves of invasion intof Ireland, and the legendary wars that follow, see: R. Macalister, & E. Mac Neill, eds.Lebor Gabdla Erenn, 5 vols. (Dublin, 1938-54); see also E. Gray, Cath Maige Tuired 'The Second Battle of Mag Tuired', Irish Texts Society 52 (Dublin, 1982). 35 This appearance by Lug takes place following the battle with Loch and the Morrigan; see: TBC 2125- 2204. Alternately, the text reports {TBC 11. 2316-17): Iss ed atberat araile ro fich Lug mac Eithlend la Coin Culaind Sesrig mBresslige. 'Others say that Lug fought (together) with Cuchulainn him in fighting at SesrechBreslige.' 36 But see H. Wagner, 'Studies in the Origins of Early Celtic Civilisations', ZCP 31 (1970): 1-58, esp. 22- 25. Wagner suggests the etymology of the name may derive from Ir. luge (> PIE *lugio), the verbal noun of tongid 'to swear [an oath]'; another derrivation may be from Gaulish A-oiyyo*; 'raven', since Lug is associated with ravens. Cf. J. Koch, 'Further to tongu do dia toinges mo thiiath, etc.', EC 29 (1992):249- 61. M. Dillon, & N. Chadwick, The Celtic Realms: the History and Culture of the Celtic Peoples from Pre- History to the Norman Invasion, 2nd ed. (London, 1972), 13, 148-49. 37 Davis notes wryly that Zal is made to be the spokesperson for the court whenever the monarch suggests something foolish or potentially dangerous, which is regrettably not uncommon during the reign of Shah Kavus. See Davis 1992,42^6. 40 mace.38 Zal is unique from the other characters in the Shahnameh, in that he is not raised by humans, but rather by the Simorgh, from whom he learns speech and education.

Later in the epic, during the confrontation between Isfandiyar and Rostam, Isfandiyar states that it is well know that Zal is a 5^L> ±y> {mard-i-jadu 'sorcerer') who is able to summon the power of the sun and moon.40 While this may be an exaggeration of his knowledge or abilities, Zal does have the patronage of the Simorgh, and is able to summon her twice: when his wife is unable to deliver Rostam naturally, and later when

Rostam is wounded by Isfandiyar.41 In short, his intellect as a counsellor, his fosterage by the Simorgh, and the repeated references to him as a magician clearly set him apart from other human heroes in the Shahnameh.

Although they do not occur in the conception of Rostam according to the

Shahnameh.,42 Compert Con Culainn incorporates into the birth tale of Ciichulainn three of the aforementioned abnormal birth-motifs: being overpowered by a god, animal- disguise, and incest. Admittedly, it must be said that Cuchulainn's birth is three-fold, which allows for more motifs or variants of the tradition to be incorporated into the tale.

While the first conception is 'distanced' from Dechtire insofar as the pregnant woman is symbolic of her,43 the second conception incorporates several taboo motifs. First, Lugh takes the form of a mil mbec (small creature) to impregnate her, though he is swallowed

This places him in stark contrast to his father Sam and his son Rostam, who are both great warriors, but in no way gifted in terms of cleverness. 39 Shahnameh 1.166.67-142. See above note (133) for Davidson's reference to Zal as a 'bird-nursling'. Shahnameh 1.208.665. 40 Shahnameh V.406.1323. 41 Shahnameh V.397.1237-1317. The episode of the combat with Isfandiyar will be discussed farther below. 42 That said, the Shahnameh's birth tale of Ardashir does involve incest, so the motif is in keeping with Zoroastrian tradition; see below p.42 and also note (152). 43CCC3.1^1. 41

in this form, rather than taking the form of an animal to have sexual relations.44 While

Dechtire is not raped per se, neither is she given any choice in the matter - she drinks,

and is informed by the divinity that she will conceive and give birth. Although it is not a

critical part of the scene, nor especially taboo, the fact that Dechtire is drunk on mead

when Lugh appears makes the dream sequence seem somehow unwholesome, and echoes

her lack of consent in what 'relations' caused the conception. Interestingly, this motif of

a small creature being swallowed and born as a child also occurs in the tale Tochmarc

Etaine, in which the Tiiatha heroine Etain is cursed and transformed into a fly, and is

accidentally swallowed by the wife of an Ulster hero.45 It is noteworthy that Tochmarc

Etaine and the Compert Con Culainn occur in the same manuscript as the earliest

recension of the Tain (the Lebor na hUidre 'The Book of the Dun Cow'), and moreover,

that the Tochmarc Etaine follows immediately after the Compert Con Culainn in the

manuscript; this is evidence that the motif of conception through swallowing a small

creature is an early Irish theme, and that the scribe who wrote the manuscript must have

been aware of the fact that this theme occurs twice in the same book.46

The motif of incest is not uncommon in heroic biographies, and occurs in both

the Ulster Cycle and Shahnameh. The birth tale of Cuchulainn mentions that Dechtire and

Conchobor were accused of sleeping together, although the tale makes it clear that this is

not the cause of Dechtire's pregnancy, as Lugh is the father of the child. Whether or not

the motif of incest in the Compert Con Culainn is simply a public 'misunderstanding' of

44 CCC 5.5. The broken taboo motif of sex between a human and a divinity-as-animal is not uncommonly found in Greek mythology; common examples of this is Leda and Zeus (in the form of a swan), and the tale of Kronos (in the form of a stallion) and Filyra to produce Chiron the centaur. Miller discusses the theme of heroic animal origins at length, with examples from Celtic, Greek, Germanic, Serbian, and Turkic cultures; see Miller 2000, 73-78. Cf. de Vries 1963,210-12. 45 See: O. Bergin & R. I. Best, eds. Tochmarc Etaine (Dublin, 1938); cf. Miller 2000, 83 46 For more on the Lebor na hUidre manuscript and its contents, see the Introduction from: O. Bergin, & R. Best, eds. Lebor na hUidre: the Book of the Dun Cow, (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1922). 42

the supernatural events which have taken place, the fact that the idea of incest exists

within the tale suggests that a variant tradition of Cuchulainn's begetting may have been

known to the compiler of the Compert Con Culainn. In addition, the occurrence of this

motif creates an echo of other heroic begettings: Celtic, Persian, and Indo-European. For

example, the Irish hero Lugaid Riab nDerg (Lugaid of the Red Stripes) was the son of the

three brothers Bres, Nar, Lothar, and their sister.47 King Arthur has a brief incestuous

relationship with his sister Morgaine, as does the Norse hero Sigmund with his sister

Signy.48 The Shahnameh relates the father/daughter incest of Shah Ardashir and Princess

Homay, resulting in the birth of Prince Darab - and Ferdowsi states that this was in

keeping with the Zoroastrian customs of the day.49 At the time of the compiling of the

Ulster Cycle and Shahnameh, it is certain that eastern and western scholars were familiar

with the heroic tales of classical Greece, including (for example) the Alexander

romances, and also such works as Oedipus.50 This being the case, occurrences of 'heroic'

incest in Persian and Celtic literature are not unexpected, given earlier Zoroastrian

customs, common archetypal taboo, or exposure to the themes from classical literature.

This figure was, in fact, a foster-son of Cuchulainn, and appears in the Serglige Con Culainn; cf. De Vries 1963, 212. 48 For the British tale of Arthur and Morgaine, see: Sir Thomas Malory, Le Morte d'Arthur, ed. J. Matthews (London, 2000); for the (Norse) Volsungasaga tale of the brother and sister Sigemund and Signy, who produced the hero Sinfjotli, see: J. Byock, ed., The Saga of the Volsungs: the Norse epic of Sigurd the Dragon Slayer (Berkley, 1990). Cf. Miller 2000, 81-83. 49 The Persian tale of Ardashir and Prince Dorab is found in the Shahnameh XVI-XVII.219, 223-24. 50 For a discussion on the Classical tradition in medieval Islam; see: Franz Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, trans. E. & J. Marmorstein (Berkley, 1965); also see: D. O'Leary, How Greek Science passed to the Arabs (London, 1922). Also, see above notes [4] and [5] on the Alexander tradition in the Shahnameh. For a discussion of the Classical tradition in Ireland, see, for example: L. Bieler, "The Classics in Celtic Ireland', in Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 500-1500, ed. R.R. Bolger (Cambridge, 1971), 45^19; G. Calder, ed. Imtheachta Aeniasa: the Irish Aeneid, ITS 6 (London, 1907; 2nd ed. 1995); ibid. Togail na Tebe: The Thebaid of Statins (Cambridge, 1922); M. Herren, 'Classical and Secular Learning Among the Irish Before the Carolingion Renaissance', Florilegium 3 (1981): 118-57; E. Peters, 'Die irische Alexandersage', ZCP 30 (1967): 71-264; and now B. Miles op.cit. 43

The motif of the medical complications in the pregnancy and birth are not uncommon in heroic or mythic literature: Athena, for example, bursts from the head of

Zeus; Aphrodite springs from the castration blood of wounded Kronos; Christ is born

from a virgin, the Hebrew patriarch Isaac is born to ancient Sarah, and Set (the Egyptian

divinity) tears his way out of the womb. That being said, medical complications at birth

are not common within the Irish and Persian heroic tradition. Cuchulainn's conception(s)

and birth is a confusing tale, as it incorporates multiple conceptions and is likely the

result of a series of variant versions of his biography. The death of the boy found in the

small house is never really explained, though it does cause Dechtire's grief, which leads

to drinking and consuming the small creature which causes Cuchulainn's second

conception. This ends abruptly on her first night with her mortal husband Sualdaim, and

she conceives again, presumably through marital relations with Sualdaim, but the real

father of the child is still Lugh. The repeated conception almost emphasizes the lack of

choice that Dechtire has in the matter - whether or not she wishes to have the child, she is

fated to do so. The labour itself is uneventful, but the infant's death and the miscarriage

are narrative devices which remind the reader of the difficulties inherent in producing a being - in truth, a demigod - who belongs neither fully in this world or to the

Otherworld. The conception and gestation of Rostam is likewise difficult, as his mother

complains of feeling as though stuffed with stones, and as though her womb contains a

mass of iron.51 She is unable to give birth, so the Simorgh's intervention is necessary,

and the supernatural creature instructs Zal in how to have a surgeon perform a caesarian

section. It is noteworthy that the Simorgh instructs that Rudabeh should be made c—

51 Shahnameh 1.245.1237: o_3l jL~ .XJ .;.,.., mJj jf}lc^.H c^f\ ,»^-&-~> ^f y 'You would say that my skin was stuffed with stones, and that my stomach was made of iron' (cf. Davis p. 104). 44

(mast 'drunk') on wine before the surgery, in order to render her insensible to the pain; this is an interesting parallel with Dechtire's drunkeness, which is part of the process of the conception of Cuchulainn. While she has no difficulty in getting (or staying) pregnant, Rudabeh has difficulty in producing the child; again, this is a narrative device to remind the reader that the baby is not fully of this world. Perhaps there is something of a hint of the monstrousness of the children in the difficulty that their mothers have in bearing them; there is certainly something frightening about the processes which bring them into this world, and one cannot wonder if the mothers were not fearful of what manner of creature (not fully human) grew within them. Yet despite the medical complications, the children are born without any shocking features, unlike ZaL born with albinism; or Afrasiab, born with a bloody caul;52 or (Norse) Starkadr, born with extra arms; or (Indian) Sisulpa, born with extra arms and eyes.53 Rather, the children are born healthy and beautiful, and are considered attractive as children and later in life as mature adults.

The parallel appearance of both supernatural birds and horses in these two tales is striking, and should be discussed together. In the Compert Con Culainn, the flock of birds that appears is clearly supernatural. The text reads (CCC 3.2):

Ba halaind 7 ba cain in t-enlorg 7 in t-enamar boi leu. Noi fichit en doib, rond argit eter each da en. Cach fiche inna lurg fo leith, noi luirg doib. Samlaid da en batar remib, cuing argit etarru. Toscartha tri heuin dib co haidchi.

'The flock of birds was lovely and fair, as was their singing. There were nine (sets of) twenty birds, and a silver chain was between each two birds. Each (set of) twenty in the flock was separate, and there were nine flocks of them. The

52 The birth tale of the Turanian king Afrasiyab is found in Afshar 1990, 107-15. 53 Starkadr appears in Books Six to Eight of: Saxo Grammaticus, The History of the Danes Books l-IX, ed. H.E. Davidson, trans. P. Fisher (New York, 1998); Cf. Davidson 1994, 97. 45

appearance of a brace of birds was before them, with a silver chain between them. At night, three birds separated themselves from them.'

The three birds who separate from the group and fly away at nightfall are understood to be symbols of Lugh, Dechtire, and the baby who will become Cuchulainn. Apart from the unusual grouping of the animals, the silver chains are a clear signifier that the birds are supernatural in origin. Other tales from the Ulster cycle feature the transformation of supernatural beings (the Tuatha) into birds, for example, in the Tain Bo Regamna 'The

Cattle Raid of Regamna' and the Lebor Gabala Erenn 'Book of the Invasions of

Ireland',54 the Morrigan takes the form of a raven; in the Serglige Con Culainn 'Wasting

Sickness of Cuchulainn', Fand (wife of the sea-lord Manannan) and the Morrigan take the form of swans. It is noteworthy that the Morrigan also appears at Cuchulainn's death scene in the form of a raven, and perches on the pillar to which he lashes himself in his final attempt at defence against the oncoming host.56 Thus, supernatural birds are present both at Cuchulainn's birth and death, as well as at the beginning of the Wasting

Sickness tale, in which he makes his journey to the Otherworld.57 For Cuchulainn, birds are not so much totemic as they are a signifier of the presence or attention of

Otherworldly beings. It is also apparent that the majority of the supernatural birds he encounters are almost always otherworldly female characters, rather than males. The

54 'Lebor Gabala Erenn' in R. I. Best, O. Bergin & M O'Brien, eds. The Book ofLeinster (Dublin, 1954), 1-56; cf. R.A.S. MacAlister, ed. Lebor Gabala Erenn 'The Invasion of Ireland' in Irish Texts Society 34, 35, 39, 41, 44 (Dublin, 1938-56); E. Windisch, 'Tain Bo Regamna' in Irische Texte, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1887), 239-56. 55 M. Dillon, ed. 'Serglige Con Culainn', in Mediaeval and Modern Irish Studies 14 (Dublin, 1953), 104- 26. 56 W. Stokes, ed. lBrislech mor Maige Muirthemne (The Great Rout of Muirthemne Plain)', Revue Celtique 3 (1987): 178-85. 57 Cuchulainn's struggle with Otherworldly antagonists will be dealt with below in Chapter Five. 46

appearance of the supernatural birds is neither necessarily a benevolent or malicious

CO event, but rather a narrative indicator of impending interaction with Otherworld forces. In the case of Rostam, the relationship with the Simorgh (^^^J), the divine bird is

something he has inherited from his father Zal, who was raised by the creature. The

Simorgh dates back to the earliest Iranian religious literature, where it is known in

Avestan as the mardyo Saeno (the bird Saena), and in Middle Persian as Senmurw or

Senmury.59 In Avestan literature, the Simorgh is originally a divine creature related to

health, agricultural fertility, and rain. By the time that Ferdowsi wrote the Shahnameh,

the tradition surrounding the creature represented it as a female, thus Zal refers to it as his

(foster) 'mother', and indeed she treats him with nuturing care that is more indicative of a

femine nature, as understood by the poet's audience. Unlike the divine avians which

appear in Irish heroic literature, the Simorgh is huge, and depictions of the creature show

it to be much larger than a human; Hanns-Peter Schmidt points out that some versions of

the Shahnameh describe the Simorgh as a predator that hunts elephants, crocodiles, and

panthers.60 The Simorgh is also very protective of Zal and Rostam; when she returns Zal

to human society, she takes a feather from her wing and tells him to keep it, saying:

'May you always be in the shadow of my glory' (1.218.181).

Zal uses this feather twice to summon the Simorgh, and in both cases it is to render aid to

Rostam. In the first instance, this summoning brings the Simorgh to aid in Rostam's

58 For farther study of Cuchulainn's relationship to bird-related characters, see: N. Allen 'Ciichulainn's Women and some Indo-European Counterparts', Emania 18 (2000): 57-64. 59 H. Schmidt, 'Simorgh' in Encyclopedia Iranica (New York, 2003); cf. Sanskrit syenah. 60 Schmidt 2003. 47 delivery through caesarian section,61 then again later to heal him during the terrible duel with Isfandiyar.62 In addition, the Simorgh gives Rostam counsel concerning the duel with Isfandiyar, instructing him on how to kill the Iranian prince, but also warning him that to do so is a taboo act that will cause Fate to kill Rostam himself. Rostam accepts the possibility of death, in exchange for the knowledge of how to kill Isfandiyar, and in killing the prince, he invites Fate to bring an end to his own long life. Although the

Simorgh is not present at Rostam's death scene per se, she is present when he makes the choice to undertake a course of action which he knows will lead to his own death.63 This being the case, the Simorgh is directly involved in the birth and death of the hero. A parallel exists here with the life of Cuchulainn, in which a supernatural bird is present at both the birth and the death of each of the two heroes, although uninvolved in most other of their adventures.

The pairing of the hero with a horse is another important parallel in the biographies of the Irish and Iranian champions. Miller reminds us that the 'the hero as horse-man is a well-known theme in societies in which this animal is domesticated and used as a part of war.'64 Further, the horse is tied to the Indo-European symbol of aristocracy, and an integral part of the kingship inaugural rituals of India (asvamedhd

'horse sacrifice'), Rome {equus October 'October Horse') and Ireland (feis Temro 'feast of Tara').65 The horse is frequently associated with important heroic figures: Akhilleus

61 Shahnameh I 348.1648-1748. 62 Shahnameh VI.294.1237-1320. The episode of the duel with Isfandiyar will be discussed at length below in Chapter Four. 63 Rostam's other option is to be placed under arrest, and go with Isfandiyar to the court of the Shah. This episode will be discussed further below in Chapter Three. 64 Miller 2000, 74. 65 Watkins (How to Kill a Dragon, 265-66) states: 'We may legitamtely look upon the asvamedhd ['horse sacrifice'] as the principal Indo-European kingship ritual. The traditional comparanda are: the richly documented Indian asvamedhd, the Roman October Equus, and the Irish kingship inauguration rite known 48 has Xanthos, Conall Ceraach has 'Dewy Red', and Perseus has Pegasus. However, one of the intriguing parallels in the life of Cuchulainn and Rostam is the motif of the horse

fated for the hero. In the birth narrative of Cuchulainn, at the same moment that he is born, a mare belonging to the Aes Sid gives birth to two colts; Lugh later tells Dechtire: co n-alta ind lurchuiri don mac 'the horses were to be raised with the boy'. These horses grow to become the Grey of Macha, and the Black of Sainglenn, the horses who pull Cuchulainn's chariot. Given the supernatural origins of these two animals, the fact that they exhibit strange characteristics is no great surprise. For example, in Cuchulainn's death tale (Brislech mor Maige Muirthemne 'The Great Rout of Muirthemne Plain') the

Grey of Macha communicates with Cuchulainn with physical left-turning motions and bloody tears, trying to warn him against an ambush. Then, after Cuchulainn and the

Grey of Macha are ambushed and mortally wounded, the Black Sainglenn flees, while the

Grey of Macha stays to defend Cuchulainn. In his attempts to save his master, the Grey slays fifty of Cuchulainn's attacks with his teeth, and thirty with each hoof. Once

Cuchulainn has died, the Grey of Macha goes to seek Conall Cernach (the foster-brother of Cuchulainn), in order to get Conall to avenge the murdered hero. Beyond this near-

as the feis (e.g. Temro) 'Feast of (Tara), known from the (doubtless biased) description of the 12' -century Welshman Giraldus Cambriensis.' For studies on Indo-European kingship inauguration rituals, see: Watkins, C. How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo European Poetics (Oxford, 1995), 265-76; for the Roman ritual, see: H. H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (London, (1981); for the Irish ritual, see: Proinsias MacCana, 'Aspects of the Theme of the King and the Goddess in Irish Literature', Etudes Celtiques, 7 (1955-6), 76-114, 356-413; 'Aspects of the Theme of the King and the Goddess', Etudes Celtiques, 8 (1958-9), 59-65; D. A. Binchy, Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Kingship (Oxford, 1970); F. J. Byrne, Irish Kings and High Kings (London, 1973); Marjorie O. Anderson, Kings and Kingship in Early Scotland (Edinburgh, 1980); T. M. Charles-Edwards, Early Irish and Welsh Kingship (Oxford, 1991); Nerys T. Patterson, Cattle-Lords and Clansmen: Kingship and Rank in Early Ireland (New York, 1992). 66 CCC 5.5. See also note 120. 67 See Stokes' 'Brislech mor Maige Muirthemne (The Great Route of Muirthemne)'. In Celtic culture, to turn the chariot left was a negative sign or a sign of hostility, while to turn right was an indication of favourable or peaceful intent. 49 human intelligence, the two horses of Cuchulainn are the swiftest of horses, and exceptional among horses, much as their master is exceptional among heroes.

In the Persian epic, shortly after coming of age, Rostam is sent to examine all his province's herds in order to seek a suitable steed. Examining the extensive herds belonging to his family, he finds that all horses are too weak to support his strength (or pressure), except for one creature which is described as an U^jl {azhdeha 'dragon') among horses. Rostam inquires of a herdsman about the origins of the horse, and is told that the creature was named f&^j J^j {rakhsh-i-rostam 'Rostam's Rakhsh') on the day of its birth, though no one who works with the herd knows why this is. Rakhsh has a variety of meanings in Persian: lightning, 'mottled' (with respect to horses), swift, fortunate, joyful, or flash.69 It is likely that the audience is meant to understand that the horse is especially swift. It is also important to point out at this point that Rostam is a young hero with no fame, therefore the name of the horse indicates the tampering of

Destiny, rather than human agency in naming the creature. During the first major quest that Rostam undertakes (i.e. the campaign in Mazandaran), a lion tries to kill the horse and hero while Rostam is sleeping at night. Instead of running away, Rakhsh savagely attacks the lion and tears it to pieces with his teeth and hooves.70 Rostam is amazed at the horse's courage and rebukes the steed for trying to do the hero's job for him; such ferocity is reminiscent of the fury exhibited by the Grey of Macha at Cuchulainn's death scene. Like the Grey of Macha, Rakhsh has an uncanny sense of danger. On another night while Rostam is on the way to Mazandaran, a dragon tries to catch the hero

68 This episode will be discussed in detail below in Chapter Three. 69 .jiij 'rakhsh' in F. Steingass^4 Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (London, 1984) 70 Shahnameh 11.22.287-298. (Cf. Davis 152-55) 50 sleeping. In a comic scene, Rakhsh tries repeatedly to wake Rostam, only to have the dragon disappear into the night the first few times that the hero leaps up. Though Rostam

(finally exasperated) threatens to kill Rakhsh if the horse wakes Rostam again, Rakhsh manages to wake his master when the dragon comes in for the kill. Likewise, in Rostam's death tale, Rakhsh perceives that they are proceeding into a trap, and tries to warn

Rostam not to walk into a concealed pit lined with sharp stakes, but Rostam rebukes the horse (even as Cuchulainn rebukes the Grey of Macha for trying to warn him about the ambush) and both horse and master fall into the pit and die shortly after.71 Rakhsh demonstrates a level of intelligence and courage that is clearly supernatural. In short, we observe that both Cuchulainn and Rostam are paired (from birth) with horses which are heroes in their own right. It is worth mentioning that Miller points out that several other horse-bound heroes are likewise identified with birds, for example: the Russian hero Il'ya of Murov (whose biography is compared with Cuchulainn and Rostam due to his filicide episode), and the Byzantine hero Digenes.73 Given the appearance of the motif of a hero with equine and avian totemic ties in multiple traditions, it is very likely that it is an old Indo-European motif.

The Destiny of the Warrior

In examining the origins of the heroes, it becomes clear that even before a hero is born, Destiny (or divine force) appears to be at work behind the scenes, to prepare his

71 This episode will be discussed in Chapter Six. 72 The motif of an animal born at the same time as the hero is not unique to Irish and Persian; e.g. the Welsh hero Pryderi is likewise born at the same time as a horse, with which he is later paired; see J. Gantz, The Mabinogion (London, 1976), 51-56. 73 Miller 2000, 412, note 38. It is also worth noting that the Shahnameh's life of Alexander (Iskander) also has the motif of a hero being born at the same time as a horse, which is then given to him, as it is a gift of Destiny. Cf. Davis 1992, 455. 51 coming. One cannot help but question what tensions the (Christian/Muslim) authors of the epics felt in recording the births of Cuchulainn and Rostam, as these stories incorporate visible elements of pre-Christian/pre-Islamic myth. For example, the

Christian redactor of the Tain is aware that the divine race of Ireland (the Aes Sid) does not fit into a Christian framework of the world; they are even condemned as demons by some Irish Christian writers. Nevertheless, the primary Tain tradition claims Lugh as the father of Cuchulainn.74 Further, the foreshadowing of the baby's birth in the strange house found during the bird hunting (CCC 3.1-3), and Lugh's subsequent explanantion of the symbolism of the event to Dechtire, indicate that Cuchulainn's birth is orchestrated by pagan forces - yet to the obvious benefit of Ireland. Yet despite having supernatural pagan origins, Cuchulainn's birth exhibits parallels with the birth of Christ: his father is a divinity (though euhemerised), and his mother (Dechtire) conceives without an apparent human partner, which causes a social scandal. Significantly, she is said (in the final lines

Siaburcharpat Conculaind) to have given birth to Cuchulainn at the same time that Mary gives birth to Christ. Further, later in the Ulster Cycle, Cuchulainn has a prophetic role when he foretells the coming of Christianity to Ireland.75 Given (on the one hand) pagan traditions worthy of preservation, and (on the other) a Christian audience, the Irish monastic redactor does a very skilful job of not only including the pagan themes in

Cuchulainn's biography, but also managing to navigate the narrative in such a way as to render it palatable by relating it to Christianity.76

74 Other traditions, as I have explained above, suggest that Cuchulainn is the product of incest, or else the child of a non-Ulster heroic human father (Sualdaim). 75 This occurs at the end of the Aided Con Culainn, discussed below in Chapter Six. 76 The author of the Siaburcharpat Conculaind goes so far as to have St Patrick permit the spirit of Cuchulainn to leave Hell and enter Heaven, after testifying to King Loegaire about the torment awaiting pagans. See Kuno Meyer, 'Siaburcharpat Conculaind (From the British Museum Egerton 88, fo. 14bl- 52

Ferdowsi's work also demonstrates a tension similar as the writings of his Irish

counterparts: a definite tension between Iranian epic and heroic tradition, and an

awareness of Islam, and the pre-Islamic religion of Zoroastrianism. In the centuries

before its time, Iran had undergone wide-spread conversion from Zoroastrianism to

Islam, yet (unlike European paganism) Zoroastrianism remained a minority religion in

Iran and maintained a protected (or at least tolerated) status under Islamic rule as a

'religion of the book', like Judaism and Christianity.77 Unlike the pre-Christian traditions

of much of Europe, the Zoroastrian faith had a considerable amount of extant literature in

Ferdowsi's day, available (for those who could read them) largely in Middle Persian (or

Pahlavi).™ We encounter, then, such characters or creatures in the Shahnameh as the

Simorgh, div 'demons, ogres', pari 'fairies', and dragons, most of which do not appear in

the Qur'an or mainstream Islamic theology.79 While the inclusion of such creatures (as

antagonists) would not have been objectionable to a Muslim audience, Ferdowsi actually

incorporates some of these pre-Islamic creatures into his primary hero's ancestry: as

discussed above, Shah Zahhak is referred to alternately as a demon and dragon. This

may have been problematic for an educated Muslim audience, since Rostam was

considered not only a literary but also a historical figure. Ferdowsi attempts to negotiate part of this tension by having the Simorgh (a celestial being from Zoroastrian tradition) prophecy to Zal that Rostam is destined to be a great hero and a blessing to the people of

15a2, collated with Additional 33,993, fo. 2b-3b.)' in Anecdota from Irish Manuscripts, ed. O. Bergin (Dublin, 1910), 48-56. 77 For more on the Iranian transition from Zoroastrianism to Islam, see R. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (London, 1961); see also the 'Historical Review' section of W. Malandra 'Zoroastrianism' in Encyclopedia Iranica (New York, 2005). 78 Recent scholars acknowledge the likelihood that Ferdowsi also made use of a considerably body of oral traditions, composed and performed by professional Iranian bards. See Shahbazi 1991, 63-71; see also K. Yamamoto 2003, 1-10. 79 Arguably, Islam acknowledges the existence of the jinn, but they are more akin to angels or ghosts than the visible, corporeal monsters of Ferdowsi's epic. 53

Iran.80 This implies a divine sanction of the unborn Rostam; and indeed, some Muslims considered Zoroastrian beliefs as divinely inspired, if somewhat archaic and outdated.81

This divine sanction of the unborn hero is integral to Rostam's acceptability to a Muslim audience, as his behavior later in life is not entirely in keeping with a model Zoroastrian hero (like Isfandiyar's), let alone the abstinent life of a Muslim hero.

While the methods used to 'naturalize' the heroes for a post-pagan/post-

Zoroastrian audience differ, Ferdowsi and his Irish counterpart were clearly concerned with maintaining archaic traditions in a literary climate that was wary of pre-

Christian/pre-Islamic literary motifs. By including the heroes' birth tales and coloring the narratives with such themes as Fate or Divine Will, the infant heroes are not only permitted their dubious ancestry, but also given a certain permission for the wild and reckless behavior which characterises many of their later exploits. Having considered the parallels and differences between the conception and birth tales of the two heroes in this chapter, I will, in the next chapter, examine the early boyhood deeds which follow in the next ten years of their lives, and which continue to build on the motifs established in their conception and birth tales.

That the Simorgh is supernatural is not the issue - were this utterance to come from a dragon or a demon (say, Akvan), the implications would be radically otherwise. 81 Beyond Judaism and Christianity, this tolerance was not generally extended to other faiths in the region, such as Hinduism. On the other hand, it should be stated that some Muslims did not consider Zoroastrianism to be a revealed religion, and that it was simply tolerated. See: Y. Friendmann, Tolerance and Coercion in Islam (New York: 2003). Chapter Two: Epic Boyhood Deeds and Totemic Animal Associations

Indo-European culture strongly identified the warrior with certain animal

archetypes, especially that of the beteferoce: the bear, the wolf, and lion are examples of

common animals with which Western heroes and warriors are commonly compared,

while in the East, the leopard, the lion, and tiger embody similar traits.1 Further, several

studies have been done to-date examining the structure of the young Mdnnerbund

warbands, and their similarities to the wolf pack; for example, the Irish fian. Many

Celtic and Germanic names have wolf compounds, such as Old Irish cit 'hound' in

Conall, Connla, Connor, or Conchobar; or Anglo-Saxon wulf 'wolf as in iEbelwulf,

Wulfgar, Wulfhere, or Wulfstan. Bear names are not uncommon in Norse, such as Bjorn,

Gunnbjorn, and Hallbjorn. Clearly, such animals represent traits such as ferocity,

endurance, and strength; in the case of wolves, loyalty to the pack or warband.

One of the major differences between Rostam and Ciichulainn is the totemic

identification with the dog.3 While Rostam is in no way connected with dogs,

1 For further examination of the canine foster-parent motif in Indo-European heroic tradition, see: M. Afshar 1990. Cf. C. Monette, 'Sons of Bitches: the Indo-European Royal Hero, Antihero, and Canine Fosterage', unpublished manuscript (University of Toronto, 2001). 2 Kim McCone has done significant work on the Indo-European concept of the Mdnnerbuend and the Irish fian; see K. McCone, Pagan Past, Christian Present (Maynooth, 1990), especially pp.15,172, 203-32. Cf. Miller 2000, 137-38. On the parallel Iranian institution, see Davidson 1985, 83-84. For more on the development of the Mdnnerbund in Indo-European culture, see: D. Adams & J. P. Mallory, eds. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (Chicago, 1997); A.R. Dexter, and Jones-Bley, K. (eds). The Kurgan Culture and the Indo-Europeanization of Europe: Selected Articles From 1952 to 1993 (Washingdon DC, 1997); J.P. Mallory In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth (London, 1989) 3 For sources on totemism in culture and religion, see: Dubuisson, D. Twentieth Century Mythologies: Dumezil, Levi-Strauss, Eliade, trans. M. Cunningham (London: Equinox Publishers, 2006); Bleakley, A.The Animalizing Imagination: Totemism, Textuality, and Ecocriticism (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000); Hadfield, P.The Savage and his Totem (New York: AMS Press, 1977); Jones, R. The Secret of the Totem: Religion and Society from McLennan to Freud (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005); Levi-Strauss, C. Totemism, trans.R. Needham (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967); and Leach, E., ed., The Structural study of Myth and Totemism (London: Tavistock Publications, 1967); cf. Freud, S. Totem and Taboo: Some Points of Agreement between the Mental Lives of Savages and Neurotics, trans. Strachey, (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1950).

54 55

Cuchulainn's very name {Cuchulainn 'the hound of (the smith) Culan') is indicative of

canine association, and one of Cii Chulainn's taboos is to consume the flesh of dogs. Yet he has no canine animal companion, instead having his two exceptional horses. Neither

is he fostered by any dog/wolf, although Irish and Persian - and above all, Roman -

heroic texts do feature important figures who have canine foster-mothers: for example,

(Irish) Cormac mac Airt and (Persian) Afrasiab; this may be in part because the notion of

canine foster-parentage is largely associated with dynastic figures, rather than warrior

heroes.4

Rostam and Cuchulainn each have an episode early in their childhoods in which

they slay a semi-domestic beast (the Shah's pet elephant, and the smith Culan's hound respectively); from this point on, Rostam is referred to as pil-tan 'elephant bodied', and

Setanta (Cuchulainn's birth name) becomes Cuchulainn 'Culann's Hound'.5 Having said this, neither Rostam or Cuchulainn appear to have any connection or interaction with the hound or elephant later in life. Rostam's father is the fosterson of the Simurgh (Av. marsyo saeno), a powerful supernatural bird capable of human speech and miracles.6

Rostam's delivery was accomplished only through the intercession of the Simurgh (who

instructed Rostam's father Zal in caesarian section), and later is responsible for healing

Rostam during the near-fatal duel with Isfandiyar.7 Additionally, Rostam's war-gear also

4 For further examination of the canine foster-parent motif in Indo-European heroic tradition, see: M. Afshar, The Immortal Hound: The Genesis and Transformation of a Symbol in Indo—Iranian Traditions (London, 1990). 5 The tale which explains this nickname is from the 'boyhood deeds' passage of Tain (540-607); in the LL recension of the Tain, the tale ends with (TBC LL 912—14): Conidde sodain ro HI in t-ainm aurdaircfair A. Cu Chulaind, 6 ro marb in coin boi ic Culaind cherd. 'From then on, the famous name of Cuchulainn clung to him since he killed the hound of the smith Culand.' 6 An example of the Simorgh's power is its healing of Rostam's wounds from the duel with Isfandiyar, and its supernatural knowledge of the works of Fate which will undo Isfandiyar - and his slayer. See Shahnameh V.397.1237-1317. 7 Ibid. 56

includes a tiger-skin, which has similar totemic associations in the Eastern warrior

tradition (as the wolf or bear in the West), and as does Hercules' 'lion-skin' which, with his club, identifies him iconographically.8 Cuchulainn also has a strange relationship

with a supernatural character known as the Morrigan, who is a member of the semi-

divine race of the Aes Sid, and who is capable of morphing into a bird; however unlike

Rostam who enjoys the patronage of a divine bind, the Morrigan either attempts to

seduce or to punish Cuchulainn.9 Nevertheless she does offer assistance to him in the battle against Connacht during the Tain; when he does not accept her offer, it enrages her.

Apart from whatever totemic associations these heroes are identified with, both

Cuchulainn and Rostam are identified with horses. In each of their birth narratives, a colt

(or colts, in the Irish tale) is foaled, and immediately marked as the future steed of the

champion. In the case of Cuchulainn, these horses are the Grey of Macha, and the Black

of Sainglenn; in the case of Rostam, the horse is Rakhsh. While the parents of the Grey

and Black are not known, Rostam has to fight off the mare who bore Rakhsh - this

creature is fierce and wild, and compared to a dragon. Rakhsh is pointed out to Rostam by a local herdsman, who called the horse 'Rostam's Rakhsh', though he confesses that

no one knows why the horse is so named. In the case of the two Irish steeds, the Ulster

king is told that the horses are meant for Cuchulainn when he comes of age. In the case

of both Irish and Iranian cycles, the horses are not just animals, but characters capable of

rational thought. Though they do not appear to be capable of human speech, they are

capable of communicating with their masters. The Grey of Macha shows emotions such

as vengeance: when Cuchulainn is slain by Leogaire, the Grey attacks his master's

8 See below note 14. 9 The punishment occurs in the Serglige Con Chulain (71-78) and the Tain (1989-2027); and the attempt at seduction occurs in the Tain (1845-73); Cf. Miles 2005,160-61. 57

killers. Likewise, when Rostam is sleeping during the Haft-Khan, he is attacked by a

lion. Rakhsh attacks the lion with hooves and teeth, slaying the beast.11 Clearly, these

horses demonstrate a level of ferocity that is abnormal, and levels of strength and

determination which resemble those of a human warrior rather than an animal. The

horses are not merely the vehicle of the warrior, they are a companion in their adventures.

It is noteworthy that in heroic literature, which features failures of human relationships,

such as filicides or betrayals by friends or fellow warriors, these animals are an example

of complete and unwavering loyalty. Rakhsh dies moments before his master, having plunged into a trap (a pit of stakes); the Grey of Macha lives long enough to avenge

Cuchulainn then dies shortly after the killer is slain. These animals are also an integral part of the warriors' equipment - Rostam's travels take him across the Iranian plateau,

and Cuchulainn's adventures take him all over Ireland. According to the Shahnameh and

Ulster Cycle, the type of warfare they fight requires horses for riding or chariot-pulling,

so the narrative device of a supernatural horse is quite understandable. Certainly

infantry exists in these narratives, but the Irish and Iranian cultures had an aristocracy

which was defined by the owning and equipping of horses and weapons, as opposed to

Aided Con Culainn p. 127, section 42. 11 For all his trouble, Rakhsh earns a stern reprimand from Rostam, since the hero is annoyed that he might have had to carry all his war-kit to Mazandaran (!) {Shahnameh 11.22.295-98). 12 For studies on the use of the horse (and chariots) in Indo-European warfare, see: R. Drews, The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. (Princeton, 1993); R. Drews, Early Riders: The Beginnings of Mounted Warfare in Asia and Europe (New York, 2004); Peter Raulwing, Horses, Chariots and Indo-Europeans: Foundations and Methods of Chariotry Research from the Viewpoint of Comparative Indo-European Linguistics (Budapest, 2000). For the role of the chariot in Celtic warfare, see: R. Karl, 'Iron Age Chariots and Medieval Texts: a step too far in 'breaking down boundaries'?' in E-Keltoi vol. 5 (2007); J. Koch 'Llawr en Assed (CA 932) "The Laureate Hero in the War- Chariot': Some Recollections of the Iron Age in the Gododdin', Etudes Celtiques 24 (1987): 253-78; J.P. Mallory 'The Old Irish Chariot' in Mir Curad: Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins eds. J. Jasanoff et al. (Innsbruck, 1998), 451-64; S. Piggott, Wagon, Chariot and Carriage: Symbol and Status in the History of Transport (London, 1992). 58 being simple infantry.13 When the writers of the epics take the horses and make them into supernatural creatures, it further enhances the unique status of the champions.

While, of course, there is nothing especially unique about the hero having a steed, what does differentiate these particular heroes is the active role that their horses play.

The early days of the epic hero are marked by deeds which are as much beyond the capability of other boys as his adult deeds will be beyond the reach of other heroes.

For Ciichulainn and Rostam, the totemic connection with an animal is forged early in life, which parallels the lion slayings of such heroes as Heracles or Samson.14 Although the conception and birth tales give the epic's audience a warning that the child is more than human, the early years provide the hero's community with promising signs of the type of warrior he will grow to become. Common motifs indicative of a young hero include: exceptional physical maturation, taking up arms, finding a steed or animal companion, undertaking a dangerous journey, showing exceptional endurance or strength, and the child's first kill (usually an animal, but in some cases an adult warrior). The heroic child, it can be argued, is unusually precocious according to one (or more) of three different models: 'the extraordinary child is following a supernatural model, or shows adult human characteristics, or is cast in an animal process and pattern (that is, his maturation

13 While Ciichulainn fights from his chariot in the Ulster Cycle, the evidence to date suggests that chariots were only used from dragoon-style warfare, i.e. for transportation to and from the battlefield. 14 Consider Apollodorus' account of Heracles early training and first kill (Apollodorus 2.4.9): 'Hercules was taught to drive a chariot by Amphitryon, to wrestle by Autolycus, to shoot with the bow by Eurytus, to fence by Castor, and to play the lyre by Linus ... But fearing [his temper, Heracles father] sent him to the cattle farm; and there he was nurtured and outdid all in stature and strength. Even by the look of him it was plain that he was a son of Zeus; for his body measured four cubits, and he flashed a gleam of fire from his eyes; and he did not miss, neither with the bow nor with the javelin. While he was with the herds and had reached his eighteenth year he slew the lion of Cithaeron, for that animal, sallying from Cithaeron, harried the kine of Amphitryon and of Thespius.' Hercules, according to Apollodorus, then dons the skin of the lion (perhaps a confusion with the skin of the Nemean lion). Note the themes of rapid physical growth, exceptional skill with weapons, and an early animal slaying, followed by an incorporation of animal elements into the hero's attire (and persona). 59 recapitulates the rapid physical development of most animal young).'15 These patterns (or combination of patterns) are present in the lives of Cuchulainn and Rostam; yet while they exhibit some similar supernatural characteristics (meaning abnormal levels of strength, unnatural precosity, and adult proficiency in martial skills) from birth, their growth processes display remarkable differences in terms of the swiftness of physical maturation. This will be examined further below.

Midway through the Tain Bo Cuailgne, the deposed Ulster king Fergus spends some time telling his Connacht allies the tales known as the Macgnimrada Con Culaind

(Boyhood Deeds of Cuchulainn).16 This segment of the Tain was in all likelihood a separate group of tales belonging to an ealier period of the Ulster Cycle which the Tain compiler was able to assimilate into the epic's narrative. In the 'Boyhood Deeds', which are comprised of several sequential and inter-related tales, the epic's audience is introduced to the character of the Irish hero during his childhood, when he is still identified as Setanta mac Sualdaim (Setanta son of Sualdaim). Patricia Kelly suggests that these tales can be read with a 'mimetic' (sic) interpretation that regards the boyhood adventures as a sort of initiation from adolescent status into adult warrior society; Kelly states further that deeper mythological themes are at work, and indicates that the tales may resonate with a pre-Christian seasonal vegetation drama.17 The Boyhood Deeds are composed of four tales or episodes: Setanta's journey from home to Emain Macha (the

Ulster capital);18 Setanta's slaying of the monstrous hound of Culann the smith and

15 Miller 2000, 84. 16 TBC 399-824. 17 P. Kelly, 'The Tain as Literature' in Aspects of the Tain. ed. J.P.Mallory et al. (Belfast, 1992), 73-74. 18 The episode featuring Setanta's trip to Emain can be found in TBC 399-456. 60

subsequent re-naming as cw Chulainn (hound of Culann);19 Setanta's taking of arms and

initiation into warrior society;20 and Setanta's - or more properly, Cuchulainn's -

struggle with hostile supernatural forces in his first battle, which pits Conchobor and

Ulster against the forces of the enemy king Eogan mac Durthacht.21

CUCHULAINN GOES TO EMAIN MACHA

The first of these tales takes place as follows: when he is only five years old and has heard tales of the boy-troop of Ulster (all sons of heroes and warriors) in training at

Emain Macha, little Setanta asks his mother Dechtire the directions to Emain Macha

(TBC 406-14). Though his mother attempts to dissuade him in hopes that a proper escort can be arranged, little Setanta insists on going himself, so Dechtire reluctantly gives him the directions to the Ulster capital. In order to amuse himself, he takes along his hurley

stick and ball, his toy spear, and his toy javelin. With this equipment, he performs feats of amazing (in truth, superhuman) dexterity, and thus entertains himself until he arrives at

Emain (TBC 415-17). Upon arrival, he spots the boy-troop of one hundred and fifty youths playing hurley. Without knowing that it is customary to ask for the protection of the boy-troop before entering the playing field, Setanta joins in their play with great

excitement, and proceeds to dominate the game with his unnatural swiftness and dexterity

(TBC 418-20). Angered by his superior skill and brashness (coming from Setanta's

19 The episode featuring Setanta's trip to Culann's fortress and subsequent killing of the Hound of Culann can be found in TBC 540-607. 20 The episode featuring Setanta's taking of arms and initiation into warrior society can be found in TBC 608-824. As Ann Dooley points out, the LL recension has two less of the boyhood tales than the LU recension - the LU recension includes five additional tales, including the deeply supernatural episode known as the 'Eogan mac Durthacht incident'. For an insightful and in-depth analysis of this strange and terrifying tale, see pages 103-23 of Dooley's most recent work: A. Dooley, Playing the Hero: Reading the Irish Saga Tain Bo Cuailnge (Toronto, 2006). 21 TBC 481-539. 61

ignorance of the local customs), the boys attack him, which proves to be nearly suicidal

for them; Conchobor and Fergus are forced to intervene. When Conchobor demands to

know who he is, Setanta states: 'Setanta mac Sualtaim atomchomnaic-se 7 mac Dechtire

do phethar-svC 'I am Setanta, the son of Sualtaim and your sister Dechtire' {TBC 444-

45). Thus he identifies himself as the Ulster king's own nephew, and so establishes his

legitimacy as a guest and deserving of the military training befitting the son of a noble.

Once Conchobar explains the custom of asking the protection of the boy-troop, Setanta

asks for it and receives it; surprisingly, he then renews his assault on them, and relents

only when the youths ask for his protection in turn (TBC 450-56).22 The tale ends with

the first of three grim pronouncements that a hero who was capable of such deeds as boy

must be truly dangerous as an adult, as the Tain Bo Cuailgne illustrates so effectively.

THE SLAYING OF THE SMITH'S HOUND

The boyhood deed known as Aided con na cerda inso la Coin Culaind & ani dia fll Cu Chulaind fair-seom 'The killing of the Smith's Hound by Cuchulainn and the

reason why he is called Cuchulainn' is a significant event in the Tain, as it explains

Setanta's change of name (or moreover, why he has two names), and has important

totemic themes which reoccur later in the hero's life. The episode is as follows: having

made his peace with the boy-troop of Emain Macha, Setanta joins in their regimen of

daily play and exercise. As early as the Ulster cycle, sports were popular among the

warrior aristocracy, and were considered a fitting activity for young warriors-in-training,

since they helped to develop the physical fitness and aggressive instincts of the players,

22. The reconciliation between Setanta and the boy-troop is important, as this tale serves as a lead-in to the second episode. 62 as well as teaching them to work together as a team. As the youth are at play, King

Conchobor receives an invitation to a feast from the cerd (smith) Culann, who asks that the king only bring a small retinue with him to the feast, as the Ulster smith is a man of modest means.24 Conchobor and Fergus stop by the playing field to inspect the youths at play, and sees that the whole boy-troop (one hundred and fifty) are playing against

Setanta. At first the boy bests the entire troop at hurley, then he out-wrestles them, and finally beats them at the game of cloak stealing. Understandably pleased with his nephew's prowess, Conchobor invites the small boy to come to the feast at the smith's fortress; Setanta replies that he will follow Fergus and the King once he finishes playing with his friends.25 Regrettably, once the Ulster nobles reach the smith's fortress,

Conchobor forgets that Setanta is following behind, and tells Culann that they have all arrived safely. Culann proceeds to tell Conchobor about the monstrous creature he keeps as a pet (TBC 572-74):

Indeed, the same theory (that sports are an effective tool for training soldiers) is the basis of many contemporary professional military training programs, including that of the Canadian Armed Forces. This is by no means a recent discovery, since according to the 'Iron' Duke of Wellington: 'The battle of Waterloo was won on the playing fields of Eton.' For studies on the role of sports (as warrior training) in medieval Ireland, see: W. Sayers, 'Games, Sport, and Para-military Exercise in Early Ireland' Aethlon: The Journal of Sport Literature 10 (1992), 105-23. Cf. N. Cowther, Sport in Ancient Times (Westport, 2007); D. Kyle, Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World (Oxford, 2007); M. Poliakoff, Studies in the Terminology of Greek Combat Sports: Competition, Violence, and Culture (PhD Diss., University of Michigan, 1982); M. Poliakoff, Combat Sports in the Ancient World (New Haven, 1987). 24 Despite the smith's claim to be a man of only moderate wealth, Culann cannot be understood to be a purely mundane character, given that he is clearly a man of sufficient importance to invite the Ulster king himself to dinner, and also that he possesses such a monstrous (perhaps otherworldly) hound. 25 In the LL recension of the TBC, upon seeing his nephew defeating the rest of the boy-troop, Conchobor remarks mildly to those around him (TBC LL 843-46): 'Amae a ocu,' bar Conchobar, 'mo chin tir asa tdnic in mac bee atchid da mbetis na gnima oclachais aice feib atdt na macgnima.'' 'Well lads,' said Conchobar, "That little fellow you see - it's a lucky land that boy comes from, if his adult adventures are like those of his childhood.' It is hard not to question Conchobar's motive in commenting on the boy, since he certainly knows where Setanta comes from. In other words, perhaps his remark is not solely directed towards the boy, but is in some way a round about way of suggesting that the family (or Emain Macha) itself is rather gifted. 63

'Ata archu lem-sa,' ol Culand. 'Tri slabrada fair & triar cacha slabraide. A hEspan dosfucad. Leicther de daig ar n-indili 7 ar cet[h]ra, 7 duntar in less.'

'I have a bloodhound', said Culann. 'There are three chains on him, and three men on each chain. He was brought from Spain. Unleash him to guard the herds and flocks, and close the fortress [gates].'

Once the Ulster hosts are seated and begin to feast, the giant hound is unleashed and begins its nightly task of guarding the territory. At this point, while the nobles feast and the dog patrols, Setanta arrives from Emain Macha, playing with his hurley stick and ball

(TBC 575-79). The great hound detects the child, and with a thunderous baying, races towards him to devour him. Nonplussed, Setanta hurtles his ball into the maw of the beast (injuring the creature's innards), and then seizing the creature by two paws, the boy-hero smashes it to death against a stone pillar (TBC 581-87). Having heard the baying of the hound, the horrified Ulster nobles fear the worst and race to the boy; Fergus outruns them all. Once the dead hound is discovered and Setanta is deemed safe, the

smith Culann morosely comments that his territory will now lie defenceless and open to marauders (TBC 592-97).26 Setanta appeases the smith by offering to take the place of the great hound until he is able to replace it with a suitably raised whelp; hearing these words, the far-sighted Cathbad (chief druid of Ulster) gives Setanta the new name 'Cu

Chulainn', or 'Hound of Culann', adding that it will grow to become a famous name through Ireland and Scotland (TBC 598-604).

TBC 595-97 Condggaib ainech & anmain dam-sa,' 'ol se,' 'infer muintire ruccad iiaim J. mo chu. Robo din & ditiu diarfeib & ar n-indili. Ropo imdegail cacha slabra dun eter mag & tech.' 'The servant you took from me, the hound, protected my life and honor. He was the security and safety of my possessions and cattle. He watched over all my animals, both at home and on the plain.' 64

THE DEATH OF NECHTA SCENE'S SONS (CUCHULAINN TAKES UP ARMS)

The third episode, Aided tri mac Nechta Sceni (The Death of Nechta's Scene's

Three Sons), easily the longest and most complex of the Boyhood Deeds, is based on the ceremonial 'taking of arms' that a young warrior underwent as he entered adult society.

The tale runs as follows: as Cathbad the druid is instructing his eight students in the prophetic arts, Cuchulainn (as he is now again referred to in the Boyhood Deeds) overhears him say that on that day, whoever took up arms would be a truly exceptional and famous warrior, though fated to die young (TBC 609-15). Cuchulainn reports this to his uncle, and Conchobor offers him weapons; however Cuchulainn breaks every set he is offered, until finally he is given the king's own weapons, which are strong enough to endure the boy's handling of them.27 When Conchobor speaks to the druid, Cathbad confirms that he prophesied glory and fame for whoever took weapons that day, but also short life. The Ulster king flies into a rage and - perhaps understandably - to rebukes his nephew for the deception (TBC 633-34).28 Cuchulainn's reply is one of the most significant passages in all of Celtic heroic literature (TBC 640-641):

'Amra brigi son!', ol Cu Chulaind. 'Acht ropa airderc-sa, maith lim cenco

beind acht oenla for domun.'

This set of equipment is comprised of: gai & sciath 'a spear and shield' (TBC 621); alternately, da sleig 7 claideb 7 sciath 'two spears, a sword, and a shield' (TBC LL 935), and is representative of the typical equipment a youth would receive upon his initiation into warrior society. The act of receiving weapons from a chieftain implies that the warrior is indebted to the chieftain, and will use those arms in his service as required. Cf. Dooley (2006, 112-13), who describes this clever process of taking arms and chariot from the king (i.e. the king's personal equipment) as a sort of'verbal sleight of hand'. 28 'Cid dochana duit in brec do imbirt form, a siriti?' ol Conchobar fri Coin Culaind. 'Why did you deceive me, you little monster?!' retorted Conchobar to Cuchulainn (TBC 633-34). Conchobar's outrage is not without reason, as his nephew has tricked him out of his personal set of weapons and chariot. Were it not for Cathbad's intervention, this episode would result in the shaming of the king. 65

'This is splendid!' said Cuchulainn, 'it's fine with me, if I only live for

one day in the world, as long as I am famous.'

Once Cuchulainn utters these words, he is invited to mount a chariot. Like the earlier passage where he shatters every set of weapons he is given, the boy finds that none of the

chariots are strong enough for him - he grabs and shakes each successive chariot, and

each in turn shatters (TBC 648-53). Finally, Conchobor is obliged to let Cuchulainn

make use of his own royal chariot, and like the king's weapons, the chariot is found to be

suitable for the young boy. Now the young hero urges the charioteer to take the chariot

out 'for a spin', and they make a circuit of Emain. Against the charioteers protests that

they have made a decent tour, Cuchulainn insists on bring driven to the borders of Ulster, where the hero Conall Cernach stands guard against raiders from Connacht.29 Perceiving that the older Ulster hero is not likely to let the boy risk himself, Cuchulainn sabotages

Conall's chariot (TBC 680-66). Cuchulainn and the charioteer head south of the border, where the youth provokes battle with three brothers (sons of Nechta), and defeats each of them in turn. This series of duels is complex, as the first brother cannot be cut or pierced, the second can only be slain by a first strike (or not at all), and the third brother (an

excellent swimmer) is fought in a pool (TBC 700-54). Victorious and bearing the heads of his defeated opponents, Cuchulainn orders the chariot to drive home. En route, they take captive a brace of wild deer and several wild birds in a series of stunts which again

29 As the CCC makes evident, Conall Cemach is Cuchulainn's cousin and Conchobar's nephew. In her study of the heroes of the Ulster Cycle, Barbara Hillers makes the interesting observation that in fact Conall occurs in more of the Ulster tales than Cuchulainn, and that in some tales (e.g. Scela Mucce Meic Datho 'Story of Mac Datho's Pig') the primary Ulster hero is not Cuchulainn but rather Conall. This boyhood tale demonstrates a scribal effort to show Cuchulainn's cult of fame incorporating (and indeed surpassing) the cult of Conall. See: B. Hillers, "The Heroes of the Ulster Cycle' in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ulster Cycle of Tales (Belfast, 1994), 99-106. 66

give Ciichulainn the opportunity to display his inhuman dexterity and physical prowess

(TBC 763-801). ° When the court at Emain Macha perceives him returning - in a rage -

Conchobor is forced to order the women of the court to strip naked and meet him outside.

Embarrassed by their nudity, Ciichulainn blushes and averts his eyes - whereupon he is

seized and plunged into three cauldrons of cold water to quench his rage (TBC 814-18).

The cauldrons burst and boil over respectively, and the final cauldron becomes hot, but

not unbearably. With Cuchulainn's fury cooled, he is given clean new clothes, and set up the knee of his uncle - he is symbolically brought back into human society (TBC 818—

21). The episode ends with the formulaic pronouncement that such a boy would grow to become a terrifying warrior.

THE BATTLE WITH EOGHAN MAC DURTHACHT

The fourth episode is known as the Cath Eogan meic Durthacht fri Conchobar

(The Battle of Eogan mac Durthacht against Conchobar). This episode is brief in terms of textual space, but covers events that are larger in narrative scope than the adventures which precede it. Where previously Setanta has pitted his might against other children, a monstrous dog, or in single combat, now as Ciichulainn he enters the tale at the end of a great battle, and finds malevolent supernatural characters waiting to intercept him. The tale runs thusly: war erupts between the forces of Conchobar, and the forces of the rival

Ulster king Eogan mac Durthacht. Ciichulainn was left sleeping, while Conchobor,

Fergus, and the rest of the adult warriors engage Eogan mac Durthacht's forces; the forces of Emain Macha are badly routed, and their wailing wakes Ciichulainn (TBC 480-

30 The capture of the deer and birds involves a complex set of stunts, and a certain amount of trust on behalf of the charioteer. To help facilitate the capture of the birds, Cuchulainn gives the horses and stags a ferocious stare that causes them such fear they do not dare break from the chariot's path (TBC 763-801). 67

490). As he wakes to the sounds of dying Ulstermen, Cuchulainn shatters the stone

pillars that brace his bed. He encounters Fergus at the doors to the fortress, and learns

from him that Conchobar lies wounded on the battlefield. Though it is night-time and

pitch black, Cuchulainn heads to the battlefield to find his uncle (TBC 491). Upon

arrival, he encounters a horrific spectacle: a zombie-like creature with only half a head

approaches him, carrying half a corpse upon its back. The figure calls Cuchulainn by

name, and asks him to help bear the corpse on his back (TBC 494-96). When

Cuchulainn refuses, a fight ensues between the spectre and the young hero, in which the

youth fares worse. At this point, the Badb appears and taunts him, saying: iOlc damnae

laichfil andfo chossaib aurddraggV 'Bad potential for a warrior here, under the feet of

spectres!' (TBC 500). Enraged, Cuchulainn strikes the head off the undead antagonist,

and plays a macabre game of hurley using the creature's head as a ball. When he finds

Conchobar, he carries him back to safety, and is dispatched on a strange errand to find a

roast pig for the king. The youth finds a frightening man cooking a roast pig; undaunted,

he takes the man's pig (and his head), and returns to Conchobar (TBC 525-28). Once

Conchobar is reinvigorated from the food, he and Cuchulainn make for Emain Macha,

finding Cuscraid (Conchobar's son, Cuchulainn's cousin) en route, and Cuchulainn

carries his cousin back to the fortress. Having summarised the primary tales concerning

Cuchulainn's youth, it is appropriate to examine the boyhood exploits of his Persian

counterpart.

31 TBC 494-6: Congna lent, a CM Chulaind,' ol se. 'Rom bith & tucus leth mo brathar ar mo muin. Beir sist lim.' 'Ni ber,' or se. 'Aid me, Cuchulainn!' he said 'I'm wounded and I've brought half my brother on my back. Take him from me.' [cf. O'Rahilly: 'Take a turn with me.'] 'I won't' said (Cuchulainn). This ghastly spectacle involving a wrestling match in the dark with a supernatural monster will be studied below in the chapter on Otherworld events for parallels with Beowulf and the Shahnameh. 68

PERSIAN BOYHOOD DEEDS

The main boyhood exploits of Rostam are similar to the macgnimrada Con

Culaind insofar as they describe the growth and supernatural gifts of the young hero.

Unlike the Boyhood Deeds of the Irish epic, the adventures of the young Iranian hero are not told all at once by a grizzled veteran at a camp fire, but rather interspersed as interesting anecdotes between the larger events of the national epic, which feature predominantly adult characters such as Rostam's father and grandfather. These older warriors are still on narrative 'active duty' defending the Persian nation - war with the neighboring state of Turan is a constant threat. Rostam's birthtale is followed by

Ferdowsi's description of the young hero's growth and development. Unlike a normal child, Rostam consumed ^ *jb o^ 'ten [wetnurses'] portions of milk', and following

weaning, he ate 3r= ^^ ^ 'the food of five men', and grew so swiftly that people compared him to his mighty grandfather, the paladin Sam, in terms of his appearance and stature {Shahnameh 1.1515-22). When the elder champion hears that his grandson is such a magnificent specimen, Sam journeys to Zal's fortress to see his son and grandson.

As Sam approaches the host of Mihrab and Zal's forces, he sees an elephant bearing a golden throne, and seated on the throne is his grandson Rostam. The boy is dressed with a crown on his head, a shield before him, and a heavy mace in his hand; these are all emblems befitting the son of a great lord {Shahnameh 1.1535).32 He is so delighted by the child's size and regalness that he greets him as '\j>}» . U^J' 'incomparable one, lion'

{Shahnameh 1.1539).

32 This heavy weapon is the famous cow-headed mace carried by Rostam's ancestors, including Zal and Sam. It is depicted in most illustrations which feature Rostam in combat, and is his signature weapon; this is paralleled by club wielded by Heracles, a heavy and primitive weapon, and indicative of a strong hero. 69

ROSTAM SLAYS THE WHITE ELEPHANT

Rostam's first great exploit takes place two months after Sam's visit and departure with his son and grandson: l_, J^-J J^V Jlj ^j jus (Rostam son of Zal slays the White Elephant).33 The tale runs as such: one night while Rostam and the rest of the palace are asleep, a massive pet pachyderm known as the a_~o j^ (the white elephant) goes beserk, snaps its chains, and begins to rampage.34 Though the palace is protected with guards, they are terrified and powerless to stop the raging elephant. The trumpeting of the creature resonates throughout the palace (as do the terrified screams of the servants), and awakens the child Rostam. Seizing his grandfather's mace, the boy demands that his guards unbar the gates so that he can go forth and challenge the elephant

{Shahnameh 1.276.17). Fearing that he will be trampled and slain by the monstrous creature, the guards attempt to restrain him, but he is ashamed at their terror and cannot be held back {Shahnameh 1.276.18-25). He enters the courtyard and shouting a challenge, he races towards the elephant. The beast sees the child and makes to attack him, but Rostam uses the mace and bludgeons the creature to death {Shahnameh

1.276.26-35). Following the killing of the elephant, Rostam returns to bed, but the news of the deed spreads throughout the palace and countryside, and Zal is proud that his son is capable of such a deed {Shahnameh 1.276.36^46).

This tale may possibly be a later addition to the Shahnameh, but given its popularity and wide-spread appearance in many manuscripts, it is included in Khalegi-Motlagh's edition (I. 675.1-46). 34 It is noteworthy that the colour white occurs repeatedly throughout Rostam's life: his father is an albino, his first kill (the white elephant) is an albino, his grandfather is slain by the inhabitants of White Mountain, and Rostam's greatest wrestling match is against the White Demon. For the purposes of the Persian epic, the color white is indicative of abnormality or perhaps monstrousness. 70

ROSTAM GOES TO THE WHITE MOUNTAIN

The next of Rostam's boyhood deeds is the _y j^J^ o^ ±>. •±

(Rostam's going to White Mountain to Avenge Nariman).35 Rostam makes known his desire to travel there to avenge his great-grandfather, the champion Nariman, who died at the hands of rebels. The difficulty in avenging Nariman has been that the rebels of the

White Mountain possess a fortress which is unassailable by conventional siege warfare.

Zal, always wise and clever, instructs Rostam that a subterfuge may work where brute- force has failed: since the inhabitants of White Mountain are in need of salt, Zal suggests that Rostam might be able to disguise himself as a merchant, and gain access to the fortress {Shahnameh 1.277.75). Rostam is able to join a caravan, and given his youthful appearance and the clever disguise of a salt-merchant, he is able to infiltrate the city with his weapons hidden in the baggage. Once inside, at nightfall he retrieves his equipment and single-handedly defeats the inhabitants in a daring night raid - the rebels are scattered to the winds, Nariman is finally avenged, and Rostam is hailed as a hero for this dangerous assault {Shahnameh 1.277.120-24). He returns home to Zabol, but sends a letter on ahead to his father Zal, reporting his success {Shahnameh 1.279.125^42).

ROSTAM TAKES UP ARMS AND FINDS RAKHSH

The last tale, related to the slaying of the white elephant, and following it in order, takes place shortly after the Afrasiyab (the crown prince of Turan and hardly older than

Rostam) invades Iran. The Persian nobility turn to Zal to fulfill his ancestral role as protector of the nation, and he in turn remarks that he is getting on in years {Shahnameh

35 The KM edition has this tale in the Critical Apparatus section, following the White Elephant episode. The tale can be found on 1.277.47-124. 71

1.330.48-62). Rostam is eager to begin his career as a warrior and speaks to his father, but Zal tries to persuade Rostam that he is too young for open battle and adult warfare, and encourages him to enjoy the pastimes of youth {Shahnameh 1.332.73):

te-o-fl> JuaPu [£>^L*> a ju C*o£ I (e-oJb ^V W-MJ C-*_J jl jaJJb

Milk is still on your lips / Your heart should be seeking pleasures and happiness.

Yet despite Zal's attempts to restrain the boy from war, Rostam protests that he's a fighter (not a lover), and demands a fitting weapon with which to make war.36 In response to the young hero's request for weapons, Zal gives him the mace of Rostam's grandfather Sam - this famous ancestral weapon is depicted in almost all illustrations featuring heroes from the House of Nariman, and is distinctive by virtue of its ox-shaped head - it is the same weapon with which Rostam slew the White Elephant.37 Rostam is delighted by the gift of this royal weapon, and then asks to be given a steed, with which to travel swiftly to and from battle. Zal orders for all his branded herds to be brought before his son, so that Rostam may choose a fitting horse. Rostam begins to test each horse by placing his hand on the spine of the horse, then pushing down - ostensibly to see if the horse could withstand the sort of force Rostam would exert during battle.38 All of the steeds are forced to bend their backs when Rostam begins to apply pressure to their spines, to the point that their stomachs touch the dirt. As the youth continues this test, he spies a grey mare in the herd, which demonstrates exceptional energy and equine

36 It is beyond the scope of this thesis to assess whether or not Rostam's request (Shahnameh 1.334.88): *g OJJ IXIJ* ,»*!£>• jjf ^ 'I want a mace, a really big mace' is meant to be humorous, but the young hero's enthusiasm is certainly manifest. 37 Shahnameh 1.334.1-8 (critical apparatus). 38 Shahnameh 1.334.91-96 72

physique - and beside this mare runs a colt of exceptional quality, with black eyes, a

spirited tail, and iron-hooved {Shahnameh 1.335.100-104). Curious that the horse bears

no brand, the hero asks the herdsman whose horse it is. The herdsman replies that the

creature bears the mysterious name '^j JJ*/ ('Rostam's Rakhsh'), although the

herdsman has no idea whence the name or who 'Rostam' might be, only that the horse

appeared three years ago (Shahnameh 1.336.108-10). The herdsman warns the hero that

the mare flies into a dangerous rage whenever she sees a rope (ostensibly with which to

steal the colt), and has chased off every noble who has tried to seize the young stallion.

Undaunted, Rostam makes to lasso the colt, and when the mare charges, he frightens her

off with a lion-like roar. Once he has possession of the colt, he applies his test to bend

the spine; the young stallion ignores his efforts, and so Rostam (much pleased) tells

himself that this is the sort of horse that is mighty enough to bear his elephantine ()$ Jj) body into battle, together with his warrior's equipment (Shahnameh 1.336.118-19).

When Zal hears that Rostam has found a worthy steed, he rejoices to have such a worthy

son, and that Iran will have such an excellent hero in the coming days of war with Turan

(Shahnameh 1.337.129-30). 73

NARRARTIVE PARALLELS (TEXTUAL ANALYSIS)

Viewed together, the boyhood biographies of Cuchulainn and Rostam demonstrate some very striking parallels: (see chart below)

Cuchulainn Rostam 1. Cuchulainn asks to be allowed to go 1. Rostam asks to be allowed to go to to Emain Macha to join the Boy Troop, join the Persian army and fight against but is told he is too young. He cannot Turan, but is told he is too young. He be dissuaded, and goes anyways. {TBC cannot be dissuaded, and goes anyways. 406-14) {Shahnameh 1.332.73)

2. Cuchulainn fights and slays a 2. Rostam fights and slays a dangerous dangerous semi-domestic animal (a semi-domestic animal (an elephant); hound); afterwards, he is known as afterwards, he is known as j: J-J Cuchulainn (Hound of Culainn). {TBC (Elephant-Bodied). {Shahnameh 881-75) 1.276.17-46.)

3. Cuchulainn asks to be given 3. Rostam asks to be given a weapon; weapons; he shatters all weapons until he is given a royal, ancestral weapon. he is given royal, ancestral weapons. {Shahnameh 1.334.1-8) {TBC 621-25)

4. Cuchulainn is offered a chariot; he 4. Rostam is offered a horse; he bends shatters each one until he finds a chariot the spine of each one until he finds a that can withstand his strength. {TBC horse that can withstand his strength. 649-52) {Shahnameh 1.334.91-119.)

5. Lugh states that Cuchulainn's horses 5. A herdsman states that Cuchulainn's were born destined for him. horse is destined for him. {Shahnameh {CCC 4.3; 5.4) 1.336.108-10)

6. Cuchulainn undertakes a daring 6. Rostam undertakes a daring raid, raid, alone, against the sons of Nechta - alone, against White Mountain - hereditary enemies of Ulster and his hereditary enemies of his family. uncle. {TBC 700-55) {Shahnameh 1.277.120-24) 74

As can be seen on the table above, the Boyhood Deeds of Ciichulainn and Rostam demonstrate intriguing parallels, yet there are also significant differences or outright inversions. It will be useful to first address the thematic parallels, then the narrative

(specifically episodic) parallels afterwards. In terms of their mental maturity, both demonstrate a certain precocity and courage that one expects to see in an adult warrior, certainly not in someone scarcely five years old. In terms of physical development, both

Rostam and Ciichulainn develop certain physical gifts that mark them as clearly superhuman characters - they are both remarkably strong and agile, and they possess a mastery of the martial arts which is clearly innate rather than learned. Having said that, there is a clear inversion in their physical appearance: Cuchulainn is referred to as a

'small boy' (mac bee), 'lad' (maccdem), and 'youth' (gilla), and in terms of his size or stature, he is not physically remarkable to the eyes of his community;39 even as an adult warrior, Cuchulainn is often mocked by other adults for appearing /" mod maccaim (in the fashion of a youth). ° The Boyhood Deeds make a point of Cuchulainn's sexual immaturity and inexperience is used against him (to restrain him) at the end of his first raid, when the naked women of the court confront him and he is embarrassed and forced to avert his eyes.41 Rostam, however, exhibits an animal or (perhaps monstrous) growth pattern, maturing physically with remarkable swiftness. This rapid growth is marked by narrative devices such as his voracious appetite to fuel this monstrous growth: he requires ten wet-nurses, and once weaned he requires the food of five men.42 While his father Zal grows to be a powerful youth in the course of time, Rostam's physical growth takes place

39 For examples, see: TBC 723, 1327, 1888. 40 TBCLL 1409-10. 41 TBC 814-21. 42 Shahnameh 1.275.1515-22. 75

with exceptional speed, although he is still referred to as a 'boy' (j5i) and (4^) or 'youth'

(J>=-) in the White Elephant and White Mountain episodes.43 When he reaches his full

growth, the Shahnameh frequently comments that he towers over normal soldiers; he is

only matched in size by his own son Sohrab and by the mighty hero Isfandiyar. When the

audience might be tempted by Rostam's aggressive nature to think of him as an adult, Zal

reminds Rostam (and the audience) that he is only just weaned, and should be spending

time in feasting and pleasure-seeking.44 We might say that where Rostam's size

distinguishes him on the battlefield, Cuchulainn's size makes him inconspicuous to the

point of embarrassment. In terms of attractiveness, while Cuchulainn is small and

Rostam is large according to standards for children their age, both the Tain and the

Shahnameh describe the boys as having a handsome appearance. At the end of his raid

against the sons of Nechta Scene and the subsequent quenching of his fury, Cuchulainn is

dressed in fine clothes befitting a noble, and the scribe describes his appearance as

comely - if highly stylized in the description - with shining eyes and golden hair.45

3 For examples: Shahnameh 1.277.6 (Ap Crit); Shahnameh 1.277'.43 (Ap Crit). 44 This passage bears a striking reminder of the Beowulf passage where the hero is admonished to feast and entertain companions, so that they will be loyal to him later in life when he begins his career as a warrior and captain of men (Beowulf 20-25): Swd sceal geong guma gode gewyrcean / fromum feohgiftum on fader bearme /pat hine on ylde eft gewunigen / wilgesipas ponne wig cume / leode gelaesten: lofdaedum sceal / in maegpa gehwaere man gepeon. 'So while in his father's care, a young man should ensure with good works and by fine treasures, that friends will stand with him in old age when war comes, and that people will serve him: anywhere, a man prospers among the people through great deeds.' 45 This occurs in the LL recension of TBC (1198-1207): And sain tiagait fergga in meic for culu & condcbad a thimthach immi. Tdncatar a delba do 7 doringni rothmol corcra de 6 mulluch co talmain. Secht meoir cechtar a da choss & secht meoir cechtar a da lam, & secht meic imlessan cechtar a da rigrosc iarum & secht ngemma de ruthin ruiscfo leith cech mac imlesan dib. Cethri tibri cechtar a da gruad: tibri gorm, tibri corcra, tibri uane, tibri buide. Coica urlafegbuide on chluais go 'cheile do amal chir mbethi no amal bretnasa bdnoirfri taul ngrene. Mdel gle find fair mar bo ataslilad. Brat uanide imme, delg n-argait indi. Leni orsndith immi. Ocus ra sudiged in mac eter dd choiss Conchobuir & ro gab in ri ic sliachtad a maile. "Thereupon the boy's wrath abated, and his garments were put on him. His comely appearance was restored, and he blushed crimson from head to foot. He had seven toes on each of his feet and seven fingers on each of his hands. He had seven pupils in each of his royal eyes and seven gems sparkling in each pupil. Four dimples in each cheek, a blue dimple, a purple, a green, and a yellow. Fifty tresses of hair he had between one ear and the other, bright yellow like the top of a birch-tree or like brooches of pale gold 76

Likewise, in the scene where the old champion Sam meets his grandson for the first time, he is pleasantly surprised at the size and handsome appearance of young Rostam, and praises God for giving him such a worthy offspring.46 Rostam's appearance is also remarkable given that he is red-haired; this puts him in contrast to black-haired Persians and Turanians in illustrated Shahanmeh manuscripts, and is perhaps a reference to his

Scythian roots. While one may be tempted to suggest that perhaps all heroes are likely to be attractive, it is important to recognize that these two children are descended from deformed humanoids (i.e. Balor of the Evil Eye, a one-eyed Fomoire 'giant'; and Shah

Zahhak, a man with snakes growing from his shoulders) which are the source of their inhuman abilities.47 Further, while Rostam's appearance is governed by the same moods and expressions as the rest of normal humanity, Cuchulainn's appearance changes tremendously when he undergoes the warp-spasm, making him to appear deformed and demonic.48 That said, as children, the two boys do not attract undue attention, and certainly do not appear monstrous or deformed like their ancestors.

The child hero is distinguished from other children in that he demonstrates adult characteristics ahead of the normal biological pattern, and as Miller notes, these characteristics can be physical or psychological. For example, Cuchulainn and Rostam each demonstrate a level of adult independence in their desire to begin a career as a warrior. Despite Rostam's size - and likely because of Cuchulainn's - both Dechtire and shining in the sun. He had a high crest of hair, bright, fair, as if a cow had licked it. He wore a green mantle in which was a silver pin, and a tunic of thread of gold. The boy was placed between Conchobor's knees and the king began to stroke his hair' (O'Rahilly's translation). 46 Shahnameh 1.272.1539-60. 47 This demonic ancestry puts Cuchulainn and Rostam in a category apart from Hercules, Achilles, Aeneas, or Indra, all who possess heroic qualities, but due to divine rather than demonic parentage. For further discussion on demonic heritage of the hero, see above Chapter One pp. (58-60). 48 The LL Tain (3317-20) states that during the warp-spasm, Cuchulainn swells up grotesquely, becomes many-colored, becomes twisted, and grows as huge as a Fomoire. Cf. TBC 428-34. 49 See above note 15. 77

Zal are reluctant to see them leave childhood behind, and so the boys are discouraged by their parents. Yet they insist on leaving behind the familiar and comfortable lives of privilege, choosing instead to pursue difficult and dangerous careers in the hope of gaining lives of significance and meaning. Beyond a mere desire for glory (perhaps an adult characteristic itself) or for the recognition of adult society, the young Irish and

Persian epic heroes demonstrate an unshakeable courage which goes well beyond that of a normal adult warrior. Perhaps the best example of this courage is found in the episodes in which each faces the possibility of death by a raging animal: the giant hound for

Cuchulainn, the white elephant for Rostam. The smith Culann tells Conchobor that it takes ten men to restrain his monster hound, and that it is capable of protecting the smith's lands against all manner of human raiders, therefore to challenge the hound is a task well beyond the capability of any single warrior. Nevertheless Cuchulainn (a.k.a.

Setanta) is not afraid and dispatches the monster without much of a struggle.50 Likewise, in the episode with the white elephant, Ferdowsi opens the tale with Rostam waking to the sounds of people running for their lives from the maddened beast. When he confronts the guards and demands to be given a chance to confront the animal, he is troubled by the cowardice of the guards.51 Once he sees the white elephant, Rostam charges it bravely and kills it with a savage blow to its head.52 While these two tales demonstrate that the boys are clearly superhumanly strong and quick, the courage they demonstrate is perhaps one of the most impressive themes in the narrative, as this attribute sets them apart from other children their age. The normal and healthy reaction of a child in danger is to flee

50 TBC 881-75. 51 Shahnameh 1.276.18-25. 52 Shahnameh 1.276.26-35. 78

and seek assistance - but we do not see a desire (or need) for flight in the early careers of

the young Irish or Iranian warrior.

In addition to fierce courage and a fighting spirit, the two young warriors also

demonstrate a very clear understanding of their exceptional physical capabilities. Heroic

literature is filled with examples of would-be heroes who were brave, but lacked the

attributes necessary to perform exceptional deeds. The Shahnameh tells us about the

death of Siamak, son of the primordial Shah Gayumart, who is torn apart when he tries to

grapple the monster known as the Black Demon (itself the son of the archfiend

Ahriman).53 Likewise, the Tain has comedic characters such as Etarcomal, who thinks

himself a match for Cuchulainn, and finds out the hard way that he is well out of his

league.54 Of course, the motif of the fool (or trickster) who tries to act like a warrior is by

no means exclusive to Celtic and Persian literature, but is found throughout Indo-

European literature.55 This is not the case with Cuchulainn or Rostam: they face

dangerous challenges that even adult warriors would fear to encounter, and they do it with the sober confidence that they are equal to the challenge.

One of the marked differences between the two heroes is their control over their

emotions. Although later as adults the Irish and Persian heroes struggle with tremendous

inner rage - the gift and/or curse of many epic Indo-European heroes - only Cuchulainn

53 Shahnameh 1.21.1-35. 54 TBC 1287-1387. This humorous tale takes place when the young Etarcomal (of Connacht) follows the Ulster chieftain Fergus, who comes to parlay with Cuchulainn. Fergus warns the youth not to provoke Cuchulainn, and likewise tells Cuchulainn that nothing must befall Etarcomal. Sadly, Etarcomal is deceived by Cuchulainn's youthful appearance and provokes him once Fergus has headed back to the Connacht camp. Cuchulainn does his level best to drive off the fool by cutting off his clothes, then hair, but Etarcomal will not acknowledge that he is outclassed, and Cuchulainn is forced to kill him. 55 Indeed, the character of the Fool or Trickster is one of the most common figures in world mythology. For a discussion of the Fool or Trickster in heroic literature, see Miller 2000, 242-95; cf. V-A. Deshoulieres, Metamorphoses de I'Idiot (Paris, 2005); M. Jurich, Scheherazade's Sisters: Trickster Heroines and their Stories in World Literature (Westport, 1998); P. Williams, ed. The Fool and the Trickster: Studies in Honour of Enid Welsford (Cambridge, 1979). 79

manifests a difficulty controlling his fury as a child. In the first of the Macgnimrada Con

Culaind 'Boyhood Deeds of Cuchulainn' when little Setanta attempts to play with the

Ulster Boy-troop, he flies into a rage when they provoke him, and comes near to killing

them.56 Setanta's fury is so fearsome that the boys play dead as a means of placating him

- there is something wolf-like about this scene, as this is how canine packs establish

dominance (i.e. showing the throat to ward off the alpha male). Likewise, in the episode

Aided Tri Mac Nechta Sceni 'The Death of Nechta Scene's Three Sons', Cuchulainn flies

into a rage when he is returning his first raid on Ulster's enemies.57 When a watchman

sees that the boy is in this state, he exclaims that unless the boy is averted, he will lay

waste to all of Emain Macha.58 In other words, Cuchulainn returns home in a state in

which his martial powers are heightened to a clearly inhuman level, but his ability to

distinguish friend from foe is clearly absent, and so kin-slaying is a very real danger.

Ultimately, it is Conchobar's quick thinking that saves Cuchulainn from becoming a

menace rather than a hero to his people, and he is restrained and returned to human

society.59 By contrast, these temper-derived complications are entirely absent in

Rostam's boyhood adventures. As an adult, Rostam is also plagued by excessive rage,

which leads him (like Cuchulainn) to killing his own son, but somewhat surprisingly his

TBC 428-34; 471-80. Note the parallel theme of childish rage in the early life of Heracles, where he kills his music tutor (Apollodorus 2.4.9): 'Hercules was taught to drive a chariot by Amphitryon, to wrestle by Autolycus, to shoot with the bow by Eurytus, to fence by Castor, and to play the lyre by Linus .. .a brother of Orpheus; he came to Thebes and became a Theban, but was killed by Hercules with a blow of the lyre; for being struck by him, Hercules flew into a rage and slew him.' 57 TBC 806-809. 58 TBC 803-805. 59 TBC 810-18. It is noteworthy that in Recension I of the TBC, a warning is given by a watchman of the Cuchulainn's dangerous return, then Conchobor orders that nude women to be sent out to halt Cuchulainn. However in Recension II (TBC LL), first Leborcham (a satirist) and then Conchobor state that slaughter will follow if Cuchulainn is not halted in some way; but the plan to send out nude women is not ascribed to any individual in particular. I am indebted to Professor Dooley for indicating to me the variance in the two recensions. 80

excessive and dangerous anger does not manifest during his youth.60 Instead, Rostam's boyhood interactions with relatives fit within the normal narrative parameters that we would expect, although he is eager and willing to attack when the time for dealing when a

threat arrives. Here, it is noteworthy that while Rostam's adult behavior is characteristic

of a member of a Mannerbund, his childhood interactions with other youths are not

described by Ferdowsi.61

Having discussed the thematic analogues, it would be good to examine the

analogues in terms of episodic parallels. Looking at the table above, it is evident that the

Irish and Iranian boyhood deeds share not only a series of analogous episodes with strong parallels, but also a similar chronology of episodes.62 For example, Setanta/Cuchulainn

and Rostam begin their heroic career by killing a dangerous yet semi-domestic beast; next, they ask for weapons, and also take possession of special horses and/or chariot;

finally, they undertake a dangerous solo raid into enemy territory, in revenge for wrongs

committed against their people or family. The Persian epic has no counterpart per se to the Ulster tale of Setanta's coming to Emain, but this is due to the fact that Rostam is born at the fortress where he is raised and ostensibly trained, and which he will

eventually inherit. While Ferdowsi does not overly concern himself with Rostam's upbringing at the Zaboli fortress, many details of Persian palace culture are provided in the Shahnameh.6i It is important to note that Rostam is associated primarily with Zabol

60 See Chapter Four for a discussion of the Persian and Irish Filicide Episodes. 61 For more on the hero and the Mannerbund, see the discussion below on pp.86-87. 62 See table above on p.73. 63 The reader interested in the rich social environment of the fortresses of Islamic and Sassanian Persian nobility is discussed in L. Bier 'The Sasanian Palaces and their Influence in Early Islam', Ars Orientalis 23 (1993): 58-66; D. Brookshaw, 'Palaces, Pavilions, and Pleasure-gardens: the Context and Setting of the Medieval Majlis'' in Middle Eastern Literatures 6.2 (2003): 199-223; A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1944); and C.F. Robinson, ed., A Medieval City Reconsidered: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Samarra, Oxford Studies in Islamic Art XIV, (Oxford, 2001); D. Whitcomb, 81 and the surrounding region of Sistan, while Cuchulainn is associated with two separate sites: his palace/fortress at Dun Dealgan in Muirthemne on the southern border of Ulster, and the province's capital of Emain Macha. This dual association of Cuchulainn is shown in Compert Con Culainn, where the tale situates the birth of Cuchulainn at

Muirthemne, yet his 'team' of foster-kin are situated at or near Emain Macha. Arguably, this is why the Tain includes a short tale in order to relocate the boy-hero from his birth place to the site of his adolescent training and development.

SLAYING THE BEAST

The theme of the warrior slaying a monster, whether animal or supernatural, is widespread in mythology. (Greek) Hercules strangles serpents sent by Hera to kill him in his cradle;64 (Biblical) Samson wrestles and kills a lion;65 and (Biblical) King David kills a bear then a lion.66 What sets Cuchulainn and Rostam apart from these other heroes is

Before the Roses and Nightingales: Excavations at Qasr-i abu Nasr, Old Shiraz (New York, 1985). For comparison with the Ulster fortress-complex Emain Macha (home of the adolescent Cuchulainn), the reader may consult: J. Mallory & C. Lynn, 'Recent Excavations and Speculations on the Navan Complex' Antiquity [Cambridge] 76.292 (2002): 532^1; R. Warner, 'The Navan Archaeological Complex: A Summary', in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ulster Tale Cycle, eds. J. Mallory & G. Stockman (Belfast, 1994), 165-70.

The episode of Hercules and the serpents are in Apollodorus The Library 2.4.8: 'And Alcmena bore two sons, to wit, Hercules, whom she had by Zeus and who was the elder by one night, and Iphicles, whom she had by Amphitryon. When the child was eight months old, Hera desired the destruction of the babe and sent two huge serpents to the bed. Alcmena called Amphitryon to her help, but Hercules arose and killed the serpents by strangling them with both his hands.' Heracles later kills a marauding lion which attacks his herds (Apollodorus 2.4.9). 65 Judges 14:5-7: 'Then Samson went down with his father and mother to Timnah, and he came to the vineyards of Timnah. And behold, a young lion roared against him; and the Spirit of the LORD came mightily upon him, and he tore the lion asunder as one tears a kid; and he had nothing in his hand. But he did not tell his father or his mother what he had done.' 66 In the prelude to fighting Goliath, David claims to have slain bears and lions (I Samuel 17:34-37): 'But David said to Saul, 'Your servant used to keep sheep for his father; and when there came a lion, or a bear, and took a lamb from the flock, I went after him and smote him and delivered it out of his mouth; and if he arose against me, I caught him by his beard, and smote him and killed him. Your servant has killed both 82 that the monster animal they face is a part of their society, a domestic (not feral) animal.

The Irish and Persian narratives are clear that the hound and elephant have chains, which are a symbol of their servitude to human masters - under normal conditions these creatures are a benefit, not a hindrance to their societies. By contrast, the other heroes listed above come across a beteferoce in the wilderness, rather than in a domestic setting.

The hound is a guardian of the smith's territory, and the elephant is a sort of living siege engine or bulldozer for eastern-style warfare. In each case, the fight itself is also quite short - Setanta throws his toy ball into the maw of the hound, then grabs it and smashes it against a standing stone, killing it instantly.67 Likewise, Rostam takes his grandfather's mace and shatters the skull of the white elephant with a single blow. The brutal, unnatural strength of the children is obvious, especially since the narratives make clear that these animals would be difficult to restrain (let alone kill) by normal adults.

Interestingly, in both cases, the animals are the aggressor, with the hound hunting, the elephant rampaging, although regrettably the hound is only doing its 'job', while by contrast the elephant has become mast, a dangerous state in which elephants are prone to violence and are hard to control.69 With good reason, the adult characters in the tale do not expect the children to survive: the Persian guards try to keep Rostam from a perceived suicidal combat with the elephant;70 while on the other hand the Ulstermen are filled with horror and fear when they hear the baying of the great hound when it spies

lions and bears; and this uncircumcised Philistine shall be like one of them, seeing he has defied the armies of the living God.' And David said, "The LORD who delivered me from the paw of the lion and from the paw of the bear, will deliver me from the hand of this Philistine." *77BC881-75. Shahnameh 1.276.26-35. 69 For more on the domestication (and dangers) of elephants in western Asia, the reader is advised to see: R. Sukumar, The Asian Elephant: Ecology and Management (Cambridge, 1989). 70 Shahnameh 1.276.18-25. 83 little Setanta from a distance.71 Following the destruction of the great beasts, the heroes gain a nickname by which they are known afterwards: Setanta becomes the 'Hound of

Culann', while Rostam becomes 'Elephant-Body' (o\J**)- This name-taking is clearly totemic in nature, and the animal-names in question are appropriate as symbols of warrior virtues in their respective cultures: the hound (or its counterpart, the wolf) is the regional animal feroce for northern Europe, and is both an animal that lives in packs and a solitary creature, and embodies traits such as strength and ferocity; the elephant is the largest and strongest of Asian and African animals, and was used by the Achemaenids and Sassanids in warfare due to its exceptional strength and fortitude.72 Setanta's totem-taking of the hound is emphasized all the more by the fact that for a time he carries out the duties of the hound for the smith.73 Moreover, later in life it is made clear that it is taboo for him to eat dog meat - this theme will manifest later on in the chapter dealing with the 'Tragic

Death of the Hero'.74 In contrast to the Irish epic, the Shahnameh does not put Rostam into contact (or conflict) with elephants to any greater extent that perhaps encountering them on the battlefield, as does the rest of common soldiery. It is likely that each of these tales is told to help explain the origins of the adult names (or nicknames) used later in life by the two heroes, but it is significant that these episodes take place when they are still boys, rather than adults or young adolescents, which makes the hound and elephant slayings all the more singular.

71 This scene is comedic and touching all at the same time, since the guilt-stricken Conchobar exclaims that he wishes he had never come to the smith's feast, since a little boy, 'the son of (his) own sister', has been slain by the hound {TBC 589-91). 72 The early military use of elephants is discussed in: H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (Ithaca, 1974); P. Briant, Histoire de I'Empire Perse: de Cyrus a Alexandre (Fayard, 1996); W. J. Vogelsang, The Rise and Organisation of the Achaemenid Empire: the Eastern Iranian Evidence (New York, 1992); J. D. Howard-Johnston, Rome, Sasanian Persia and the End of Antiquity: Historiographical and Historical Studies (Ashgate, 2006); G. Sandhu, A Military History of Ancient India (New Delhi, 2000). 73 TBC 900-14. 74 See below Chapter Six for a discussion of the death of the hero. 84

BEARING ARMS & FINDING A MOUNT

The taking up of weapons is a common practice in most warrior societies, as a

part of the ritual of initiation into adulthood. For example, in many early Indo-European

(Celtic, Germanic, Slavic) cultures, a young man of warrior heritage who comes of age

would receive weapons from his chieftain or lord, in exchange for promises to serve in

times of war, or even as part of the lord's retinue.75 Faithful service would often bring

gifts of gold and cattle, and perhaps land and clients - or slaves. In the case of an

especially favored youth who might be a member of the chieftain's extended kin-

network, or the son of a valued client, an adolescent could expect weapons and

equipment of superior quality, or perhaps even equipment which belonged to the

chieftain himself.76 It is no great surprise then that we find the authors of the Tain and

Shahnameh take the time to include these very important cultural rites of passage in the

biographies of our two heroes. The Irish tale contains comedic elements, while the

Iranian analogue is more sober and sentimental in tone. In tricking the king into letting

him take up arms despite being only seven years old, Setanta's behavior is more typical

of a tricky teenager than a youth passing into adult status.77 Even when he is given his

See, for example, J. Hill, The Anglo-Saxon Warrior Ethic: Reconstructing Lordship in Early English Literature (Gainesville, 2000); J. Koch, The Celtic Heroic Age: Literary Sources for Ancient Celtic Europe and Early Ireland and Wales (Andover, 1997); B. Lincoln Priests, Warriors, and Cattle: a Study in the Ecology of Religions (Berkeley, 1981); B. Lincoln Death, War and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology and Practice (Chicago, 1991); K. McCone, Pagan Past and Christian Present in Early Irish Literature (Maynooth 1990), 203-33. For a discussion of the Mannerbund in early Iran, see: G. Widengren, Der Feudalismus im alten Iran: Mannerbund, Gefolgswesen, Feudalismus in der iranischen Gesellschaft im Hinblick auf die indogermanischen Verhdltnisse (Koln, 1969). 76 The weapons and armour of the ancient and early medieval world are discussed in: S. Anglim, Fighting Techniques of the Ancient World, 3000 BC-AD 500: Equipment, Combat Skills and Tactics (London, 2002); A. Bradford, With Arrow, Sword, and Spear: a History of Warfare in the Ancient World (Westport, 2001); R. Gabriel, The Great Armies of Antiquity (Westport, 2002). 77 Dooley remarks that Cuchulainn's taking of the king's own weapons and chariot is accomplished by a 'verbal slight of hand'. See Dooley 2006, 120-21. 85

first adult weapons, he smashes them and all the subsequent weapons he is offered until

he finds the king's set 'durable enough' - and one cannot help but wonder if even those

are strong enough for him to wield, or if Cuchulainn's pride is simply too great to accept

a lesser set of arms. By contrast, when Rostam demands a weapon, Zal gives him the

mace of Sam without any hesitation, and the young Persian hero is delighted to inherit

such a worthy weapon.78 In both cases, however, the heroes inherit weapons belonging

to an older male relative, and the weapons of a king - after all, Sam and Zal are the rulers

of Zabolestan, though they pay homage to the Shah of Iran as their overlord.79 However,

in addition to accepting a certain prestige that comes along with those most excellent of

weapons, it is understood that the two young heroes are also accepting a great

responsibility to wield them for the benefit of their people; in wielding the weapons of a

king, the hero is held that much more accountable to represent the king on the battlefield.

It is also noteworthy that while Rostam's mace is indeed his signature weapon, used to

end many combats with a single blow, Cuchulainn's real signature weapon is neither

spear nor sword given him by Conchobar, but rather the gae bolga spear given to him

during his apprenticeship with Scathach at her academy of heroes in Alba.80

Nevertheless we must assume that in day-to-day raids or warfare, the weapons of

Conchobar are those used by Cuchulainn.

The ox-headed mace of Sam is discussed in J. Doostkhah, 'Gorz ('club', 'mace')' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007). 79 For a discussion of early Iranian feudaliasm, see Widengren 1969; and also: A. Lambton 'Eqta [Feudalism]' in Enclopedia Iranica, ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007). I would suggest that given its wide range of use, the Persian term Shah (oli) is closer in meaning to the Irish term ri than to most other Indo-European king-terms. Middle Persian Sah (oLi) derived from Old Persian xsayaOiya, 'king', cognate with Avestan xsi- 'govern, rule'; cf. Sanskrit (ksatriya) 'warrior' or 'dominion' and Greek KpaoOoo, 'to acquire'. For further reading on the etymologies of these terms, see: 'n" in C. Marstrander, Dictionary of the Irish Language: Based Mainly on Old and Middle Irish Materials (Dublin, 1913-1976), R col.52; J. Pokorny, ed., Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Bern, 1959). 80 Ox-headed mace: Shahnameh 1.330.48-62; ga bolga: TBC 2574. 86

The much more obvious parallel, however, is in the 'stress test' process by which

Cuchulainn and Rostam come to possess horse and/or chariot. In each story, the Irish and

Iranian hero demonstrate an effort to test each chariot (in the Irish narrative) or horse (in

the Persian narrative) to see if the object in question is strong enough to bear the weight

and the physical force that they will exert while in combat conditions. Cuchulainn

actually shatters the chariots, while Rostam pushes down on the spine of each horse to

see if it will yield.81 In addition to the 'stress test' that each horse and chariot undergoes,

I have already noted above in Chapter Two that both Cuchulainn and Rostam have

supernatural horses which the tales assert are destined to serve them: Rakhsh is Rostam's

steed, and Cuchulainn's chariot is drawn by the Grey of Macha, and the Black Sainglenn.

While cautious readers will point out the disparity in the number of steeds, it is important

to note that Celtic warfare relied upon chariots drawn by a pair of horses, while Persian

warfare was fought mounted on horseback.82 Rostam has a single stallion, while

Cuchulainn is served by an undifferentiated pair. In terms of how the heroes gain their

respective vehicles, Cuchulainn is given his horses as a birth-gift, but according to the

Ulster Cycle he does not appear to make use of them until he is given a chariot.83 Like

the weapons he is given, he smashes each chariot (through stress testing) until he is given

81 One assumes (or hopes) that this does not permanently injure the horses, but the text is not clear about the extent of damage the horses suffer, if any. This assumption is not based on any great sentimentality, but since the herds are the property of Zal, it would be contrary to Rostam's normal behavior to deliberately destroy his father's property. 82 For studies on chariot and cavalry warfare in antiquity and the early medieval period, the reader is advised to consult: A. Cotterell, Chariot: the Astounding Rise and Fall of the World's First War Machine (London, 2004); R. Drews, The Coming of the Greeks: Indo-European Conquests in the Aegean and the Near East (Princeton, 1988); R. Drews, 1993; M. Littauer & J. Crouwel, Selected Writings on Chariots and other Early Vehicles, Riding and Harness, ed. P. Raulwing, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East vol. 6 (Boston, 2002); P. Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (London, 2006). 83 CCC 5.5. Note the parallel themes in the life of Heracles, who (according to Diodorus 4.13.3) receives horses from Poseidon as a coming-of-age gift; this follows his receiving weapons and armour from Athena and Hercules received a sword from Hermes, a bow and arrows from Apollo, a golden breastplate from Hephaestus, and a robe from Athena (Apollonius 2.4.11). 87

Conchobar's - in short, he takes both the weapons and vehicle of the king, which almost certainly implies a client-vassal relationship of special important. Indeed, Cuchulainn goes on to use both his uncle's weapons and chariot against the invading forces of

Connacht, standing alone against all of Medb and Ailil's army when all of Ulster is lying impaired by the curse of Macha. By contrast with Cuchulainn's almost under-handed chariot appropriation, Rostam asks his father for a horse, and Zal has the Zaboli herds brought before his son, so that he can choose whichever horses pleases him most. There is nothing especially clever or questionable in how Rostam choses his horse - it is simply a matter that the herdsman claims that the horse to be the 'Rakhsh of Rostam', and also that Rakhsh alone is strong enough to pass Rostam's test.84 The episode of steed-finding in the Shahnameh has less humour than its analogue in the Tain, but the parallels are striking, and the end result is the same: the epics have provided the background to explain the origins of these unique horses which will bear the heroes to battle.

THE RAID BEYOND THE BORDER

Much has been said and written about the differences between Indo-European traditions of the warfare of adult warriors, versus the traditions of warfare waged by adolescent members of a Mannerbund?5 Contrary to the normal heroic code which demands honorable fighting by day, and a certain honesty between antagonists as to their identities and loyalties, many early Indo-European societies provide examples of adolescents who

84 Like the horses of Cuchulainn, Rakhsh is meant for the hero by superhuman character: not a divinity per se, but rather a divine force (Fate). 85 See, for example, D. Adams & J. P. Mallory, eds. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture (Chicago, 1997); A.R. Dexter, and K. Jones-Bley, eds., The Kurgan Culture and the Indo-Europeanization of Europe: Selected Articles from 1952 to 1993 (Washington DC, 1997); J.P. Mallory In Search of the Indo- Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth (London, 1989). Cf. Davidson 1994, 106-109. 88 follow a different type of warrior's code while they are preparing to be initiated as adult members of their community. Behaviors commonly found in the members of the

Mdnnerbund of Greek, Celtic, Germanic, and Iranian tribes would include such practices as night raiding, skirmishing, sneak attacks, and out-and-out brigandry.86 Moreover, while these sorts of behaviors would bring dishonor and even legal troubles to an adult warrior, conversely they are considered socially appropriate for young warriors who have yet to enter into adult society. It is no great surprise then that Rostam and Cuchulainn do not begin their careers as soldiers by joining in a national or provincial campaign, but rather by undertaking a solitary raid against an enemy, in hopes of proving their might and skill. Cuchulainn's first raid takes place immediately after he takes up arms, against the sons of Nechta, bitter enemies and slayers of the champions of Ulster.87 Likewise,

Rostam stages a solitary raid on White Mountain, in hopes of avenging his great­ grandfather Nariman on the brigands who killed him. Cuchulainn's raid has elements of youthful and chaotic warfare, in that he sabotages the chariot of Conall Cernach (so he cannot interfere with the raid),88 he continually disregards the advice of the charioteer (a more seasoned campaigner),89 and he returns to his people in a dangerous and volatile state of mind. Rostam's raid has similar elements of unorthodox behavior: he disguises himself as a merchant to gain entry to the fortress on White Mountain,90 and waits until

For a critical study on the Mdnnerbund as an Indo-European social institution, the reader is advised to see: P. Vidal-Naquet, The Black Hunter: Forms of Thought and Forms of Society in the Greek World, trans. A. Szegedy-Maszak (Baltimore, 1936); see also McCone, who discusses Indo-European Mdnnerbund behavior in: K. McCone 1990, 203-33; see especially pp. 213-14 for his discussion of the lycanthropic nature of the Mdnnerbund mdfian. See also O. Pritsak "The Distinctive Features of the "Pax Nomadica'" in Settimane di studio vol.35, no.2 (1987): 749-780. 87 The Tain reports that the Sons of Nechta boast that the number of Ulstermen they have slain outnumbers the Ulstermen who have survived their attacks. 88 TBC 680-86. 89 TfiC 655-720. 90 Shahnameh 1.277.79-104. 89 the brigands are drunk and asleep before the young hero fetches his weapons and begins his attack.91 The two heroes fight alone, but do not undertake the raid without advice from their elders: Cuchulainn has the advantage of his charioteer's knowledge of the supernatural strengths and weaknesses of Nechta's sons;92 Rostam is instructed by Zal in how he might infiltrate the brigands' fortress by making clever use of their dependence on regular salt shipments.93 In terms of locale, both raids take place along borders on the frontier, as opposed to within their own territories. Interestingly, the targets of the raids are figures whom the heroes have reason to hate for having killed friends or family; but are difficult enough opponents that previous champions from the heroes' families have failed to kill them. This is a significant point. Such a raid against weak antagonists would be unsatisfactory to an audience familiar with the tale of the hound or white elephant. Likewise, the raids are not staged to eliminate a single figure, but a number of enemies: Cuchulainn kills three enemy champions, and Rostam destroys an entire enemy stronghold. The raids completed, the heroes return home to the strongholds of their people; Cuchulainn's return to his uncle's stronghold is complicated by his chaotic nature, which asserts itself here in a dangerous frenzy, but he is ultimately restrained;

Rostam returns to his father's fortress without any undue trouble, even taking time to send a letter on ahead to his father.

The tales featuring the connections between the young hero and an animal totem are significant, and were necessary for the authors to include in their epics. Given a large oral corpus that was assimilated into the main body of the epic, the authors faced variant traditions in which their main heroes almost certainly had different names depending on

91 Shahnameh 1.277.111-24. 927BC721-54. 93 Shahnameh 1.277.72-77. 90 the region where the tale was recorded. Further, the heroes (as we know them) may be understood as composites of several characters, whose exploits were blended together as stories or elements of stories travelled.94 Since Setanta and Rostam are called by their nicknames (Cuchulainn and PTl-tan) frequently, such explanations are not only helpful, but necessary to an audience encountering the heroes for the first time: for example, in

Ferdowsi's case, his patron (Sultan Mahmud) was Turkish, rather than Persian, and hence may not have been familiar with Rostam's lineage and exploits, so an explanation concerning his nickname would have facilitated the Sultan's understanding and enjoyment of the poetic epic.95 Likewise, the connection to a dangerous, semi- domesticated beast reminds the audience that while the Hero is trained to serve his society, he will never be 'safe', or socially normalized. In the same way that the society must beware the uncontrolled anger of the unchained hound or elephant, the heroes too must be regarded with caution by their people, and by the audience itself. Finally, we may read an element of foreshadowing in their respective final boyhood adventures, since this episode brings the heroes (and their audience) from a solitary raid against a deadly larger force, to the present, where the heroes are preparing to wage against entire hosts of their enemies. This theme is consistently found throughout the Tain and the Shahnameh, and will be discussed further in Chapter Five ('Otherworld Adventures'), where I will investigate the adventures of the solitary hero on the battlefield.

94 As an example of this process, it is generally accepted that Isfandiyar's impressive haft-khan 'Seven Labours' {Shahnameh V.219-89) are modelled on Rostam's, where originally Isfandiyar is thought to have been a very minor character in the Avesta, and not the major hero of Ferdowsi's records. For other comparisons of the two haft-khan, see M. Maguire, 'Rustam and Isfandiyar in the Shahnameh' (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1973), 158-70; idem, "The Haft-Khan of Rustam and IsfandTar' in P. Chelkowski, ed., Studies in Art and Literature of the Near East in Honor of Richard Ettinghausen (New York, 1974) 140-47; and Davidson, 1994,158-66. 95 Mahmud's Turkish ancestry is thought to have been a potential source of his disinterest in Ferdowsi'For a discussion of the tension between the sultan and poet, see Ferdowsl and Sultan Mahmud in D. Khalegi- Motlagh 'Ferdowsl, Abu'l-Qasem' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-^-2007). Chapter Three: The Filicide Episodes in the Shahnameh and Aided Oenfir Aife: the Hero as Social Dismptor

The relationship between the monarch and the hero is by necessity a somewhat precarious one, and this can be said also of the relationship between the society and the hero. The more that the society relies upon the hero, the greater the disruption when the hero's capacity for violence is unleashed on the people he is obliged to protect, or when he fails to act in their defence. Examples of disruption through action include: Fergus' razing of Emain Macha in retaliation for Conchobar murdering his son;1 Cuchulainn's scarcely-prevented attack on Emain Macha in the midst of his first boyhood riastarda

('battle-madness' or 'warp-spasm');2 Hercules' murder of his wife and sons;3 and

Samson's slaughter of the thousand Philistines' with the donkey's jawbone (with negative consequences for the Israelites).4 Examples of disruption through inaction include: Achilles' refusal to fight at Troy, in defiance of Agamemnon;5 Cuchulainn's dallying with women (when he should be guarding the borders of Ulster) at the beginning of the TBCf and Rostam's insistence on feasting for three days instead of immediately attending on the Shah, to the detriment of Iran's defences during Sohrab's invasion.7

Beyond the military problems these heroes face by virtue of their action or inaction, the hero often demonstrates a socially disruptive function by virtue of his virtual adolescence. Though they may be young or (rarely) mature adults for much of the literature concerning them, this 'virtual adolescence' refers to their exhibiting

1 (Longes mac n-Uislenn) LU 34450-79 2 TBC 805-20 3 Apollodorus 2.4.12 4 Judges 15:14-17 5 Achilles refuses to aid the Achaeans in Books 1-18 of the Iliad, and enters battle only in Books 19-24. 6rSC210-325 1 Shahnameh 11.163.311-36

91 92 characteristics suitable for much younger members of their society. A primary example of such a characteristic is a perpetually unmarried status - though not necessarily sexual abstinence.8 If the hero is married, then we might find traditional inconsistencies, for example the conflicting narratives of Cuchulainn's courtship of Emer with their pledges of fidelity, followed by his training and sexual liaisons in Alba.9 Both Cuchulainn and

Rostam are outlived by their fathers and murder their own sons. Cuchulainn dies at thirty-three, a very young age - and this early death is foretold in the 'Boyhood Deeds' section of the Tdin.i0 Rostam lives into his hundreds, and is referred to as an 'old man' by Isfandiyar, yet this is underscored by the fact that his father Zal is a background character in the same tales which feature Rostam, and that he outlives Rostam. Zal, by contrast, is a married and settled noble, though he officially turns his duties as champion of the Shah over to Rostam during the disastrous invasion of Mazandaran.11 The murder of the sons, Connla and Sohrab, could be interpreted as an act of reclaiming the fathers'

'youth' symbolically; after all, having children and parenting them is clearly an adult responsibility, of which neither Cuchulainn or Rostam are capable. In addition, these heroes often act in wild and reckless behavior more suitable to younger men - for example, Rostam is bad-tempered, and given to raiding and freebooting while on his adventures, not to mention his frequent and excessive drinking and feasting - he also demonstrates a surly rebellious streak which is much more in keeping with the

Rostam is unmarried (unless we consider his tryst with Tahmineh), though he has a son. A list of other unmarried (or presumably unmarried) heroes would include Achilles, Beowulf, and Grettir. 9 These events occur in the tale Tochmarc Entire ("The Wooing of Emer') in which Cuchulainn goes to Scotland to be trained by masters of combat. These romantic liaisons taken place with Uathach daughter of Scathach (Tochmarc Entire p.50, section 68); and Aife, the enemy of Scathach and future mother of Cuchulainn's son Connla (Tochmarc Emire pp.53-56, sections 74-78). 10 7BC 635-39 11 This is discussed further below in Chapter Five. 93 disposition of an adolescent, than of a mature champions like his father and grandfather.

Even his drinking and contest of strength with Isfandiyar are more suitable for a youth than for an old man. By contrast, Cuchulainn is a youth for most of his adventures, and this is demonstrated in his continual friendly (or not so friendly) contests with the heroes

Conall and Loegaire.13 Indeed, Cii Chulain has a difficult time proving his adult status; and in a comic scene in the Tain, he has to use mud and grass to 'fake' a beard, in order to face one of his challengers (many of the insults levied against him are aimed at his youth).14 At the same time, it is stated clearly in the Tochmarc Entire ('Courtship of

Emer') tale that he is comely and that the men of Ulster wanted him married off, ar ro carsat a mnd 7 a n-ingen co mmor e ('since their wives and daughters loved him greatly').15 Furthermore, Cuchulainn uses guerrilla tactics (such as night-raiding), which are considered more the province of adolescent warriors than veterans.16 Rostam, likewise, uses tricks and deception in war that might be considered beneath the honor of an established warrior - such as his concealment of his name, or his lies to the Shah of

Mazandaran about his identity as a j5"l> {choker 'servant, page') rather than a warrior.17

It is important to recognize here that these attributes of Rostam and Cuchulainn are not typical of the average noble or warrior in their respective societies: these are attributes

12 Davis gives an in-depth look at Rostam's personal vices (and the extent to which he is able to function when he gives over to them), as well as how he compares to the service rendered by his father and grandfather, Zal and Sam. See Davis 1992, 55-64. 13 Examples of these unfriendly contests are found in the Fled Bricrend ('Bricriu's Feast'), where Cuchulainn contends alone against Conall Cernach and Loegaire for the caurathmir ('champion's portion'), which indicates place of prominence among the Ulster champions; see Fled Bricrendpp.14^6 section 15. 14 For example, Fergus exclaims at the adult Cu Chualinn {Tain 633): 'A siritiV 'You little monster!' Medb refers to him as (TBC LL 715): 'in serriti 6c' 'this little stripling'. Cf. W. Sayers, 'Airdrech, Sirite and Other Early Irish Battlefield Spirits', Eigse 25 (1991): 45-55. 15 Tochmarc Entire p.22 section 7. 16 Such passages as TBC 897-919 and TBC 916-41 demonstrate Cuchulainn using his sling-shot to kill at night, or try to shoot Medb in broad daylight to inspire terror among the enemy. 17 Shahnameh I. 552.783-84. Likewise, Rostam also engages in 'night-attacks', and is said to use tactics befitting a young member of a Mannerbund- or mairyo , to use the Avestan term. See Davison 1985, 87. 94 unique to their special status as epic heroes, rather than simply members of the warrior profession. Their respective narrative cycles are filled with examples of other warriors who have a more functional and stable role within the societies to which they belong, so this should not be seen as a part of the warrior archetype in their respective traditions or cultural backgrounds.18

In the wide range of heroic literature from the medieval period, there are few themes as shocking and tragic as a son's death at the hand of his father. Despite the unsavoury or taboo nature of such tales, there are sufficient examples of this theme in medieval heroic literature such that it can be termed a proper motif. As early as 1902, Murray Potter identified this pattern as an intercultural heroic theme.19 Although Potter's study and methodology are dated, his study provides an outline of the famous Rostam and Sohrab episode in the

Shahnameh and compares it to a wide range of similar tales from Africa, Asia, and Europe.

Although it serves more as an interesting commentary on marital and martial customs around the world, Potter's study laid the foundations for future studies in comparative heroic literature dealing with this theme. In his 1996 article 'Defining and Expanding the Indo-

European Vater-Sohnes-Kampj'Theme'', Dean Miller presents an analysis of four analogous filicide (or Sohnes-Todi) episodes identified by Potter that occur in Iranian, Irish, Germanic, and Russian medieval heroic literature.20 Of these four episodes, the Persian tale of Sohrab and

Rostam (from the Shahnameh), and the Old Irish tale of Ciichulainn and Connla (from Aided

Oenfir Aife) have attracted the most attention as analogous tales, from both Celtic and

18 A short list of examples of 'stable' warriors might include (Irish) Conall Cernach, Loegaire Buadach, Fergus, Conchobar, and Sualdaim; and (Iranian) Sam, Zal, Piran, and Afrasiyab. 19 M. Potter, Sohrab and Rustem: the Epic Theme of a Combat between Father and Son: A Study of its Genesis and Use in Literature and Popular Tradition (London, 1902). 20 D. Miller, 'Defining and Expanding the Indo-European Vater-Sohnes-Kampf Theme', Indo-European Religion after Dumezil (Washington, 1996), 109-10. Miller identifies the four major father/son epic-heroic conflicts as those of Persian Sohrab and Rostam, Old Irish Ciichulainn and Connla, the Germanic Hildebrand and Hadubrand, and the Russo-Slavic Ilya and Sokolnichek. 95

Iranian scholars.21 Although the Germanic and Russian tales do merit and receive attention in

Miller's study, they lack critical details which cause them to be excluded from further consideration in this chapter; Olga Davidson's and Jan de Vries' separate (and earlier) treatments of the four tales highlight the fact that no actual filicide occurs in either the

German or the Russian text.22 Miller identifies the heroic filicide (aptly termed the 'Sohrab and Rostam' motif) as a primarily Indo-European narrative device. In addition to the fact that the Irish and Iranian tales are unique insofar as they contain an actual kin-slaying (not merely a father-son conflict), they also possess several other parallels which do not occur in any other of the Indo-European heroic father-son conflicts.24 In this chapter, I intend to outline these parallels (and their inversions, where appropriate) within the framework of the narrative, paying attention to the chronology of each text, and then discuss the importance they hold within their own heroic cycles and for comparative studies in heroic epic literature.

At its core, the story is comprised of these basic elements or functions in the Proppean sense:

I. A Champion travels to foreign lands.

II. He meets a wondrous Woman, sleeps with, and impregnates her.

21 Cf. Davidson 1994, 128-41; de Vries, J. 'Le Conte Irlandais Aided Oenfir Aife et le Theme Dramatique du Combat du Pere et du Fils dans quelques Traditions Indo-Europ^ennes' in Ogam 9 (1957) 122-38; cf. Hanaway, W. 'Epic Poetry' in Persian Literature, ed. F. Oinas (Bloomington: 1978), 82-83. 22 The earliest manuscript text containing the Germanic episode comes to a halt just as father and son draw their weapons, while the Russian tale ends in a reconciliation between father and son; see: de Vries 1963, 128; Davidson 1994, 128, 136. 23 Miller 2000, 316-17. 24 These unique parallels will be discussed below, especially on pages 110-11. The struggle between the Titans and the Gods in Olympian cycle (exemplified by the consecutive struggles of Uranus and Kronos, then Kronos and Zeus - which do not, incidentally, end in parricides or filicides) is another common example of the inter-generational struggle. 96

III. A token of identity (a ring) is left by the Champion for his unborn Son.

IV. Unable (or unwilling) to remain abroad, the Champion returns to his own country,

V. He instructs that the Son should be sent to the Champion when he matures.

VI. The Son is born, and matures at a prodigious rate.

VII. The Son is advised by his mother to keep his identity/paternity a secret.

VIII. When he is still young he travels to find his father.

IX. The Son intends to findth e Champion, conquer foreign enemies with him, and

establish the Champion as the new sovereign of conquered territory.

X. (Yet) Through a confusion/concealing of identities, the Son brings conflict to his

XI. father's country, and overcomes several of his father's fellow warriors.

XII. Compelled by duty to oppose the youth, the Champion challenges him to

battle. XII. The conflict is prolonged, and takes three matches to complete.

XIII. The Champion sinks into rock as a sign of his great strength.

XIV. The Champion is finally obliged to use under-handed means to trick his Son in order

to gain an unfair advantage.

XV. The Champion mortally wounds the Son with a piercing weapon.

XVI. While the Son lies dying, his identity is made known to the Champion,

XVII. Lamentations are made by both Champion and dying Son;

XVIII. The Son dies.

This outline applies equally well both to the Old Irish Aided Oenfir Aife, and the Persian

Shahnameh, with expected variations indicative of each epic's geographical location, the 97 political status of the epic's nation, and the cultural paradigms of the tales' compilers. The history of the Shahnameh has been discussed above in Chapter One. The Irish Aided

Oenfir Aife belongs to the Ulster Cycle of tales (as does the Tain), and is a considerably shorter work than the Shahnama, with only 1,266 words in the earliest version. The tale's author is unknown; it is one of several tales from the fourteenth century section of the manuscript, The Yellow Book ofLecan.26 Based on linguistic grounds, the tale is generally accepted to have been written in the later Old Irish period, circa 800-950 CE. This story, though not part of a larger epic, is a part of a corpus of heroic literature known as the 'Ulster Cycle' which includes not only shorter tales, but also the major Irish epic, 71am Bo Cuailnge. The

Ulster Cycle depicts Ireland in the pagan era, in the century before the coming of Christianity, though allegedly near the time of Christ. The main characters are heroes and kings of Ireland's provinces; Conchobor mac Nessa is the king of Ulster, and the ambitious Medb rules as queen of Connacht, along with her husband king Ailill.

Some of the major themes which run through the Ulster cycle are: the heroic code, great martial deeds, inter-provincial strife, and the constant threat of the Otherworld. Although each province claims its own renowned champions, the undisputed primary hero is

Cuchulainn, the 'Hound of Ulster'. The 'heroic code' is one of the governing forces that shape the narrative of their epic/heroic literature. In each country, there is great value placed on the hero's feme,hi s role as defender of his liege and country, his drive to be primus inter pares, and his choice of death before dishonor. These themes are integral to Rostam's and

Cuchulainn's respective roles within the body of literature that features them, and form an

25 For information on the pertinent editions, see Chapter One, Note 1. Cf. J. Clinton, 'The Tragedy of Sohrab and Rostam' from the Persian National Epic, the Shahname of Abol-Qasem Ferdowsi (Seattle, 1987). 26 The text ofthe Aided Oenfir Aife is found on folios 214a-215a of the Yellow Book ofLecan (Dublin, Trinity College, ms. 1318. 98 ethos which governs the actions of the hero, whether for better or - as we will see - for worse.27 It is this informing 'heroic' ethos which has allowed the analogues of these two heroes to develop and/or survive in a coherent, recognizable form. The filicide episode is, as I have mentioned before, a tale which features these two primary champions and in which the heroic code is responsible for bringing about a tragic end.

The story of Sohrab and Rostam begins with a hunting trip that leads the champion

Rostam away from his home province of Zabolistan (Sistan), towards the Turkish border and the region and city of Semengan (S. 11.120.22-30). While napping, Rostam loses his horse to roving Turks and is forced to approach the city of Semengan on foot. His fame and appearance cause the princess Tahmine to fell in love with him; she approaches him by night secretly and spends the night with him (S. H.122.53-72).28 When the whereabouts of bis horse is made known to him, and he makes ready to leave the city. Before his departure, his gives

Tahmine a bead from his armband, with the instructions that if a son is born, he should wear it on his arm as a token by which his father might know him (S. II. 124.73-89). After nine months, Tahmine delivers a healthy boy, he is cheerful and smiling, and she names him

'Sohrab'. He matures at a prodigious rate: for every month that passes his body ages by a year, by five he has learned to use the sword and bow, and by age ten he has surpassed every warrior in his country (S. n. 125.99-101). Although his paternity has been kept a secret from him, he now demands to know his father's identity: his mother tells him of Rostam, but bids him to stay at home and not seek his father for fear of the Turks (S. H. 126.113). Undaunted, Sohrab leaves and begins to look for Rostam. Afrasiyab, the Shah of Turan, discovers Sohrab's

27 The heroic code has a negative aspect as the causal agent for tragic conflict, as in the duels of Cuchulainn/Fer Diad and Rostam/Isfandiyar; cf. C. Monette, 2004. 28 Later versions of the Shahnameh include several variant lines in which Rostam approaches the Shah of Semangan (Tahmine's father), and asks for a mobad (cleric) to bless their union; the earliest versions do not contain this interlude. 99 identity and makes him an offer: an army of Turan's warriors with which to subdue Iran.

Sohrab accepts, planning to make Rostam the king of both Iran and Turan once he locates him; he now has a Turanian army, and a warrior (Zende Razm) whom his mother has sent to aid him, and who can identify Rostam by sight (S. H.126.116-125). Afrasiyab, however, secretly hopes that the invasion of Iran will cause Rostam to fight his own son; whether the father kills the son, or the son kills the father, Iran will be weakened (either through the father's death or demoralization) and so Afrasiyab risks little and has much to gain. When Sohrab has routed several of Iran's defenders, Rostam is summoned by Kay Kavus to defend Iran against the invading force. Rostam kills Zende Razm, thus eliminating Sohrab's chance of identifying him (S. 11.128.136-41, et al.). Rostam and Sohrab meet on the battlefield, and

Sohrab tries to ascertain whether or not Rostam is Rostam; Rostam, believing that Sohrab is still a child and that his antagonist is a Turk, does not confess his identity (S. 11.169.639-40).

They begin the first of three (well matched) battles (S. II. 171.668—854); the first is a contest that begins with lances, then swords, then maces, then wrestling - which ends inconclusively.

During the second battle, Rostam is forced to trick his son in order to escape from his hold.

After he escapes, Rostam's strength is renewed, and he becomes so strong that he sinks into rock (S. II. 184.apparatus 1-10).29 In the third battle, Rostam hurls Sohrab to the ground and pierces his chest with a dagger (S. 11.185.854). Sohrab reveals his identity to Rostam, who - stricken with horror - tries to effect the saving of his son's life by obtaining a magic potion from Kavus. Kavus, however, fears the united power of father and son, and so

This episode explains how at one point in time Rostam was too strong (therefore dense) to walk on solid ground; God removes a portion of his strength so that he may walk normally. During the intermission between the second and third struggle, Rostam's strength is restored by God, and so he sinks into the ground as we walks. 100 denies Rostam. Sohrab dies, and Rostam, broken-hearted, bitterly curses fate (S. H.192.942-

49).

The earliest version of the Irish Aided Oenfir Aife begins with the arrival of

Cuchulainn's son to Ireland, but it continues events which take place in another tale fromth e

Ulster Cycle, the Tochmarc Emire la Coinculaind ('The Wooing of Emer by

Cuchulainn').30 Cuchulainn goes overseas to Scotland to study the warrior arts with Scathach,

a supernatural warrior-woman {Aided Oenfir Aife 1.1). There, he overcomes Scathach's

enemy, the warrior-woman Aife, and begets a son on her {Aided Oenfir Aife 1.2-5). He

departs for Ireland, but before he goes, he leaves a ring and a sword for his unborn son {Aided

Oenfir Aife 1.5-6). He also instructs that the boy should be named Connla ('little hound'), that he should never reveal his name to anyone, that he should never give way to

anyone, and never refuse combat to anyone. Five years later, Connla arrives in Ireland by boat, alone {Aided Oenfir Aife 2.1). While approaching the coast in his little boat, he performs feats with his slingshot that amaze the assembled court of Ulster. He rebuffs the first man sent to greet him, defeats the second, whereupon Cuchulainn goes to challenge him;

Cuchulainn's wife, Emer, warns Cuchulainn that it is his son Connla whom he goes to fight

{Aided Oenfir Aife 10.1-7). A three-fold combat begins {Aided Oenfir Aife 10.1-11.12): first they trade blows with swords; Connla lops off his father's hair. Next, Cuchulainn and Connla wrestle, and Connla strains so hard that his feet sink into the rock {Aided Oenfir Aife 11.1-6).

Finally, they wrestle in the water: Connla dunks his father twice, whereupon Cuchulainn employs his magical spear (the gae bulga), which pierces and mortally wounds his son

{Aided Oenfir Aife 11.8-12). Cuchulainn carries the mortally wounded boy ashore, where

30 A. G. van Hamel, 'Tochmarc Entire' in Compert Con Culainn and Other Stories, Medieval and Modem Irish Series, vol. 3 (Dublin 1933, reprinted 1978). 101

Connla greets the men of Ireland and exclaims that he would have conquered as far as Rome and given his father the seized kingship {Aided Oenflr Aife 12.8-10). Connla dies and is mourned by all {Aided OenfirAife 12.2).

The outline (see above) can be adapted to break down the two episodes into their analogous components, arranged sequentially (see table): 102

Rostam Cuchulainn

1. Rostam travels to Semangan. (S. n. 120.22- 1. Cuchulainn travels to Scotland. (Aided 30) Oenfir Aife l.l)

2. Rostam encounters Tahmine, sleeps with 2. Cuchulainn encounters Aife, sleeps with, her, and sires her child. (S. tt 122.53-72) and sires her child. (Aided Oenfir Aife 1.2-5)

3. Rostam leaves a bead as a token of identity 3. Cuchulainn leaves a gold ring as a token of ferhis unborn son. (S. U. 124.73-89) identity fir his unborn son. (Aided Oenfir Aife 1.5-6) 4. Rostam returns home to Zabolestan. (S. 4. Cuchulainn returns home to Ulster. E. 124.90-95) (Tochmarc Entire 77.1)

5. Tahmine says Rostam will ask Sohrab to be 5. Cuchulainn instructs that Connla be sent to sent to him when he matures. (S. n.126.114-115) him when he matures. (Aided Oenfir Aife 1.7-8)

6. The child Sohrab develops martial skills at a 6. The child Connla develops martial skills at a prodigious (superhuman) rate. (S. E 125.99- prodigious (superhuman) rate. (Aided Oenfir 101) Aife 2.5-8)

7. Sohrab is told to guard the secret of his 7. Connla is told to guard the secret of his identity by his mother. (S.11.126.113) identity, by his father/mother. (Aided Oenfir Aife 1.9-10)

8. Sohrab, still a child (age 10), leaves to find 8. Connla, still a child leaves to find his father. his father. (S. E127.126-131) (Aided Oenfir Aife 2.1)

9. Sohrab intends to conquer Iran and Turan, 9. Connla intends to conquer the lands as far and instate his father (Rostam) as Shah of both. east as Rome, and instate his father (S. E126.116-125) (Cuchulainn ) as king. (Aided Oenfir Aife 12.8- 10)

10. Rostam's identity is kept secret from 10. Connla's identity is kept secret from others Sohrab through the actions of others, including through his own actions. (Aided Oenfir Aife 4.1- Rostam himself. (S. H128.136-41, et al.) 6. 5.1-18)

11. Compelled by honor and duty, Rostam 11. Compelled by honor and duty, Cuchulainn challenges Sohrab to fight. (S. H.169.639-40) challenges Connla to fight. (Aided Oenfir Aife 10.1-7)

12. Rostam and Sohrab fight a duel which 12. Cuchulainn and Connla fight a duel which takes three matches to complete, involving takes three matches to complete, involving weapons and grappling. (S. U. 171.668-854) weapons and grappling. (Aided Oenfir Aife 10.1- 11.12)

13. Rostam, after the second match, asks God 13. Connla, while grappling his father in the to restore his strength; as a sign of this, he sinks second match, strains so hard that he sinks into into the rock upon which he stands. (S. 11.184. the rock upon which he stands. (Aided Oenfir apparatus 1-10) Aife 11.1-6). 103

14. Rostam, losing the struggle against Sohrab, 14. Cuchulainn, losing the struggle against uses unfair tactics to gain an advantage over Connla, uses unfair tactics to gain an advantage him. (S. n.182.813-822) over him. {Aided OenftrAife 11.8-10)

15. Rostam pierces Sohrab with a dagger, 15. Cuchulainn pierces Connla with the gae mortally wounding him. (S. 11.185.854) bulga (spear), mortally wounding him. {Aided OenftrAife 11.Sr-12)

16. While Sohrab lies dying, he makes his 16. While Connla lies dying, his identity is identity known to his father and others. {S. made known by his father to H. 185.856-65) others. {Aided OenftrAife 12.6)

17. Rostam, Sohrab, and the Iranians lament the 17. Cuchulainn, Connla, and the Ulstermen lament tragedy publicly. (5. H.187.870-934) the tragedy publicly. {Aided OenftrAife 12.2-5)

18. Sohrab dies. (S. H. 192.942-949) 18. Connla dies. {Aided Oenftr Aife 12.2)

As seen in table above, these narrative episodes contain several themes that merit close

examination. First, both Sohrab and Connla partake of a mixed genealogy: each of their fathers

are native to the epic's country of origin, but their mothers are from a neighboring

kingdom; Tahmine is a princess of Semengan (a vassal state of Turan), while Aife is a

chieftain and warrior-woman of Alba (Scotland). This mixture of non-native and native blood

adds a dimension of 'otherness' to the children. Since the children are raised in their

mothers' countries, away from the courts and politics of their fathers, it is understood that the culture and customs of their fathers' will be strange to them when they travel to seek

them out. Yet even though Sohrab and Connla are different from the sons of other heroes by virtue their foreignness, they have each inherited a much stranger nature from their fathers.

Rostam's own genealogy is far from normal: his father Zal ('white') is an albino, and the

fosterling of the mythical bird Simorgh. Zal is a warrior-hero, like his son Rostam, but he is

also a supernatural character by virtue of his magical foster-parent, and he is a magician-

figure; Zal's prolonged lifespan is testimony to his unnatural nature, exceeding even

Rostam's. More sinister than his paternal ancestry is Rostam's (and Sohrab's) ancestry 104 from his mother's side. As stated in Chapter One, the princess Rudabe, daughter of Shah

Mehrab (potentially a historical Buddhist ruler), is descended from the div 'demon'

Zahhak; this figure, who is prominent in the early part of the Shahnameh, is a euhemerized version of the great dragon Azi-Dahak a from the Zend-Avesta.31 Zahhak is a monstrous and cruel tyrant, a demonic king who brings suffering and ruin to Iran. Davidson discusses the concerns raised by the pahlavan Sam (Zal's father) and Shah Manuchehr concerning the marriage of Zal and Rudabe: understandably, if the child inherits power from both Zal and Zahhak, then there is the potential for Zahhak's evil to be incarnate also in the child.32

These concerns are not without merit, as the filicide episode shows. Rostam does inherit tremendous strength, endurance, and size fromhi s ancestors - as well as a dangerous temper - but he exerts primarily a protective influence over Iran. Sohrab, however, inherits his father's powers and size, but not his stabilizing role - indeed we see something of his ancestor Zahhak in his character. Though Sohrab is not evil per se, he is a bringer of chaos and disorder to Iran.

Conversely, we find that Connla inherits a very strange genealogy through Cuchulainn.

Cuchulainn inherits the demonic nature of his Formoire ancestor, which manifests itself most clearly in his warp-spasm in battle, causing grotesque temporary deformations and savage - almost unquenchable - fury.33 Like Rostam, Cuchulainn has prodigious strength,

31 Shahbazi states: 'It has been argued that the house of Mehrab came from the Daha- a powerful Iranian tribe who formed the core of the Arsacid invaders of Parthia in the third century B.C.E. (see DAHAE), and that their enemies 45 later disparagingly identified the eponymous ancestor of this tribe with the demonic king Dahak/Zahhak (Shahbazi, p. 159). Down to the fifth-century of the Islamic era, the Sam dynasty of Gour traced their descent from Zahhak.' See Shahbazi 'Rudaba' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007).

32 Davidson 1985, 69-71. 33 Cu Chulainn's demonic or inhuman nature is most clearly demonstrated by his riastrad or 'warp-spasm'. A (graphic) example of this phenomenon occurs during his fight with Fer Diad (JBCLL 3317—20): Is and sin ra chetriastrad im Choin Culaind goros lin att 7 infithsi mar andil i lies co dnerna thuaig n-uathma(l)r 105 endurance, and skill with a weapon; he also uses his supernatural heritage for the betterment of his country. Connla, the son, inherits the father's prodigious (indeed inhuman) skill with weapons and tremendous strength, but (like Sohrab) does not bring further stability into

Ireland, but rather disorder and conflict. Although Connla does not exhibit the outward physical aspects of the Fomoire, he represents the dangerous and unchecked potential which lies dormant in his father. It should also be noted, that on his mother's side, Connla is the child of Aife, a warrior woman and the rival of Cuchulainn's own mentor Scathach; thus his training is likely to be the equivalent of the skills Cuchulainn learned from Scathach at her academy in

Alba.

The token of identity is a strong parallel between the two tales, and potentially the most confusing omission in the text. The ring - or armband - was a common gift and appropriate piece of decoration for warriors in both Ireland and Iran, being a symbol of wealth and champions. Cuchulainn gives Aife a gold ring from his thumb, and instructs that she send Connla to him when he is large enough to wear it.34 At the age of seven Connla arrives in

Ireland, and presumably he bears the ring; it is not only the necessary token of identity, but also the symbol of Connla's maturity. Yet it is mentioned only once in the narrative, at the text's beginning, and does not occur later. In fact, when Emer (Cuchulainn's wife) sees the boy, she identifies him as Cuchulainn's son, but does not give any indication of exactly what identifying characteristics indicate this; it could be physical appearance, his superhuman feats of arms, or her own intuitive powers, but no further information is provided. The

Shahnameh treats the token of identity more fully: Rostam takes the bead from his arm and n-acbeil n-ildathaig n-ingantaig de, gomba metithir rafomoir ... in milid morchalma 6s chind Fir Diad I certarddi. "Then occured Cu Chulainn's first distortion. He swelled up and grew big as a bladder does when inflated and became a fearsome, terrible, many-colored, strange arch, as big as a fomoir, high above Fer Diad...' Here I have used O'Rahilly's translation, bold text mine. 34 Aided Oenfir Aife 1.5-6 106

gives it to Tahmine, with instructions to bind it to Sohrab's arm when he is born.35 When

Sohrab encounters his father (on the battlefield), his armor hides the bead, and so the purpose

of the token is defeated. When Rostam gives Sohrab his death blow, Sohrab (dying) tells

Rostam of the token and its significance - but it is too late at that point for it to make a

difference.36 Is, then, the Shahnameh 's treatment of the token more complete? In each

story it fulfills the same original purpose: it demonstrates that the father recognizes the practical need to identify his child in the future. We may assume also that - especially in

the case of the Shahnameh - the fathers have not anticipated the circumstances in which

they will encounter their sons. It is likely then that the ring serves as an appropriate and pragmatic device of identity, which serves not to undermine the narrative (as if the authors have 'forgotten' them), but to heighten the tragedy which results from the confusion of

identities. Ferdowsi's use of the bead-token at the end of the tale may indicate that he himself is

aware of its failure to accomplish its intended purpose, but has not forgotten its role in the story.

Sohrab matures at an accelerated rate: for each month that passes, he grows what a normal human child would in a year. The Shahnameh states that he learns to play polo at three, the bow and javelin at seven, and was without peer in Semengan by age ten. The epic is very clear that he attains not only the military skills to rival his father, but the tremendous size and height. His first words to Tahmine address the fact that he is larger than other children, and when Rostam first sees him, he compares Sohrab's stature to Sam's.37 Sohrab is addressed as a youth (J^), but also as a lion (^), an elephant (J^), and hero (JL) - all terms befitting an adult warrior. Here, the Aided Oenfir Aife tale deviates from the

35 Alternately, if a daughter is born, Tahmine is to bind the bead in her hair as a token of fortune {Shahnameh II. 124.73-89). 36 Shahnameh 11.185.856-65 37 Shahnameh 11.222.675 107

Shahnameh significantly: Connla, on his arrival, resembles a boy of seven years. He is referred to by others as mac (son, boy) and gillae (lad, boy).38 Connla arrives at the Irish coast in a little boat, performing games with his sling and passing birds - behavior fitting for a child (albeit a very talented one).39 The heroes that speak to him address him as one would a child; Condere, the spokesman for the king of Ulster begins his speech to Connla saying {Aided Oenfir Aife 4.2-3):

'Is loor dotheig, a macdin,' ol Condere, 'cofessamar cid no theig 7 can do chenel.'

'Son, you've come far enough', said Condere, 'till we should know where you've come from, and where you're going.'

Next, the hero Conall says (in speaking of the games which Connla plays) {Aided Oenfir

Aife 7.4):

'Is dlaind do chluiche, a macdin,' ol Conall.

'Son, your playing is splendid', said Conall.

Further evidence of Connla's diminutive size is demonstrated in the fight with Cuchulainn .

Whereas the Shahnameh pits Rostam and Sohrab against each other as equals in size and strength, Connla possesses the strength of his father, but not the size. When Cuchulainn and

Connla begin to grapple, Connla is too short to do so properly, and so exclaims {Aided

Oenfir Aife 11.1):

Aided Oenfir Aife 2.3,3.2 In other words, he seems to be a clone of his father, re-enacting Cuchulainn's arrival to Emain Macha. 108

'Ni rous do chris,' ol in mac. Ro gab in mac for di chloich...

'I can't reach your belt', said the boy. (So) He got up on two rocks ...

By contrast, during the first intermission of their duel, Sohrab describes Rostam to Human,

(MohlII.232.817-18):40

He said to Human 'This lion-like man who fights me on the battlefield, his height is no less than mine and in struggle his heart is fearless.

In the filicide battle, the Iranian tradition equates strength with size, whereas its Irish

counterpart clearly does not. There is an inversion here of the size-motif between the two

episodes, but in either case it remains a functional part of the combat's narrative structure.

While the Shahnameh pits the two near-giants locked in even struggle, the Aided Oenfir Aife

makes use of the size discrepancy by pitting an adult against a child, with the obvious

difficulties of leverage which that implies.

In each episode, the combat between father and son is intense, prolonged, and largely

dominated by the younger combatant. This model of combat stands in contrast to the

majority of the Irish heroic texts featuring Cuchulainn, which depict him as the unconquerable

Irish champion; his duels are short, usually limited to a single stroke or blow which kills the

other party. The only exceptions to this are his son Connla, and his foster-brother Fer Diad,

who is introduced as Cuchulainn's foil in the Tain. The Ulster Cycle places Cuchulainn in

the prominent place of Ulster's primary champion. Rostam occupies a similar place in the

This variant does not occur in Khalegi-Motlaq's edition. 109

Shahnameh: he is identified as the dominant Iranian pahlavan - has no heroic equals, and further, (as I have mentioned above) he is the taj-bakhsh or 'king-maker'. Isfandiyar and

Sohrab are the only two human opponents who ever give him a serious challenge, otherwise his nearest rivals are monsters (such as the White Div). The battles with Connla and Sohrab are exceptional episodes within their respective traditions, because they depict the fathers at a disadvantage and fighting for their very lives. Considered as a pair, the two duel episodes contain several similar elements. The first similarity is sequential: Rostam's and Sohrab's struggle has three distinct divisions: Ciichulainn and Connla also have three separate divisions to their combat. In the Shahnameh, the first battle begins with shortened spears (S.

11.171.660), then swords (S. 11.171.662), then heavy maces (S.II. 171.664). Although the combatants are exhausted at this point, the first duel finally results in a grapple, with

Rostam and Sohrab seizing each others belts.41 Sohrab ends the duel by striking his father with his mace, then riding away. It is noteworthy that this same order of weapons is later repeated by Ferdowsi when he relates the duel between Rostam and Isfandiyar, which is the only other prolonged duel Rostam undertakes. The Irish analogue is much shorter and, as a result, has much less detail than its Iranian counterpart; yet it also begins with weaponry, then shifts to wrestling. Connla and Cuchulainn attack each other with swords, until Connla cuts off his father's hair with a well-placed stroke, whereupon Cuchulainn makes a pun and challenges his son to wrestling and ends the first part of the combat. This joke, and the seeming absurdity of a child wrestling an adult, work in contrast to the otherwise grim nature

41 Shahnameh II. 172.681: j*S Jl3.> j^ jl jl jj^i/ /J£, J\ 3* y> Jj j^i ^ (Though both were pained by each other, they each grabbed each other's belt.) 42 Aided Oenfir Aife 10.8-11: Atnaig in mac cuici. Immustuaircet. Nos mbeir in gillae mail fair cosin chlaidiub. i. beim cofomus.. 'Is co cend in cuitbiud!' ofCu Chulainn. 'The boy makes for him. They strike one another. The lad cuts him bald with a carefully executed strike of the sword. "The mockery has come to a head!' says Cu Chulainn.' no of this tale. The Shahnameh narrative is entirely devoid of humor; indeed Ferdowsi's language and use of the combatants emotion and visual imagery (for example, bloody tears, dirty faces, feelings of despair or rage) works to underscore the tragedy of the impending filicide.

The first match, in each epic, ends with the son striking a final blow. The second match in each epic is comprised of a wrestling match instigated by the father. This phase begins in the Irish text when Cuchulainn challenges Connla to wrestle, saying {Aided Oenfir

Aife 10.11):

iTiagam do imthrascrud didiu'

'Let's get to wrestling then!'

Rostam, likewise, challenges Sohrab with a similar statement {Shahnameh 11.233.838):

I'm no child, though you're a youth, and I'm ready to wrestle.

Though Rostam's challenge is not unexpected heroic behavior during a duel, it is prefaced by

Sohrab's plea to cease from the combat; this highlights Rostam's role (like Cuchulainn's) as instigator of the second phase of combat. These two verbal challenges create a formulaic pair, where the parent challenges the child to complete the contest through wrestling rather than weaponry. Connla cannot reach his father's belt, and so he gets up on two stones to provide leverage. While they struggle, Connla exerts so much force that he sinks into the rocks on which he stands {Aided Oenfir Aife 11.1-5): Ill

Ro gab in mac for di chloich ... 7 niro gluais in mac nechtar a da chos dona coirthib, co ndechadar a thraigthi isna clochaib conici a da n-adbrond.

The boy got up on two stones ... and the boy did not move either of his two feet from the stones, until they went down into the stone up to his two ankles.

This passage is reminiscent of the Shahnameh passage immediately following the second match, in which Rostam petitions God to restore his previous strength.43 The visible manifestation of this strength is shown when (S. II. 184. apparatus 1-10):

When Rostam walked on rock his two feet would sink into it.

Davidson discusses this analogue and the rest of the Iranian filicide episode in an excellent chapter of Poet and Hero in the Persian Book of Kings. However, in her discussion of the Irish parallel she uses a much later (Middle instead of Old Irish) version of the Aided Oenfir Aife. She also mistakenly states that 'Also like Rostam, his (Cuchulainn's) feet sink into stone'.44 As can be seen from the Irish text, an inversion has taken place so that it is the son, not the father, to whom this occurs.

Despite the shift in characters, this parallel is still one of the most significant features common to both stories, and does not occur in the Russian or Germanic variants of the tale. The fact that it exists in both Irish and Iranian texts raises the question of the tale's origin; it is highly improbable for these two tales to have

43 This episode is not included in the base text apparatus of Khalegi-Motlaq's edition, but rather included in the critical apparatus. Cf. W. Thackston, A Millenium of Classical Persian Poetry: a Guide to the Reading & Understanding of Persian Poetry from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century (Bethsada, 1994), 5. 44 Davidson 1994, 134-34. Davidson omits any mention of her source or edition of the 'Aiged Aenfhir Aife'. 112 developed such a similar feature independently; thus we must examine the possibilities of mutual inheritance, or mutual contact at some point pre-dating the manuscript traditions.45

Where the second match of the Aided Oenfir Aife is brief, the Shahnameh is considerably longer. An entire night passes before the combatants prepare to fight; they arm themselves for battle in the morning, and the duel is preceeded by dialogue. This second part of the conflict is entirely wrestling, with none of the weapons used previously, thus matching the Irish episode. Just as Connla manages to thrust his father down to the ground (establishing his superiority over Cuchulainn ), Sohrab likewise pins his father to the ground and prepares to kill him. He straddles Rostam and produces a dagger; Rostam, sensing his end, tells his son (S. 11.182.818):

Our nation's tradition is different, our religion's way is otherwise.

Rostam explains further that an opponent cannot be slain on the first 'pin'. Sohrab believes the ruse; in part, this may be explained by the fact that Sohrab has been raised outside of Iran and is unfamiliar with the customs, so he is yielding to the experience of a more senior champion.

He releases Rostam (who retires until their next meeting) only to discover his mistake when he reports then event to Human. It is noteworthy that in the passage describing Rostam's escape from Sohrab, the text refers to Sohrab as an Lt^l 'dragon' - this word is fromth e same root as Zahhak, Sohrab's ancestor, and is very aptly applied since Zahhak himself is often

45 These possibilities of transmission or mutual inheritance will be discussed below in the Conclusion. A. Dooley suggests that it seems a literary device: a rhetorical touch or heroic Indo-European simile; perhaps an injection by a common text, e.g. the prints of a saint's feet, leaving marks in rocks. Communication from Professor Dooley, Friday 17 August, 2007. 113 referred to as a dragon.46 The term is not, of course, unique to Sohrab, but in his aspect as the uncontrolled youth he personifies the wild and chaotic potential of his family that is associated with the dragon. This image also invokes the scene previous to the first duel, where Sohrab, seeing Rostam's tent, describes his standard (S. 11.160.530):

The shape of his standard is a dragon.

The dragon, then, is understood not only as a generic term applying to a hero, but as a symbol of

Rostam's family and their origin from an actual dragon/div. By extension, the term is more than a metaphor - it becomes a pun, since Rostam and Sohrab are -s^U^I 'dragon-born'.

The repetition of the term 'dragon' before and during the duel serves to subtly reinforce the underlying similarity of the combatants and, at the same time, their quasi-human nature.47

The ruse used by Rostam sets the stage for Sohrab's demise, but subtly: as seen above,

Rostam uses the escape to entreat God for additional strength, without which he would remain unable to kill his son. Once this is granted to him, however, he is able to easily overpower Sohrab. Where Rostam's cheating is verbal, a deceit used to escape,

Cuchulainn's cheating is an aggressive ploy which takes place in the third and final part of the filicide duel. Gichulainn and Connla each enter the ocean to continue wrestling, where they

46 S. 11.183.823. Significantly, Zahhak is a euhemerised figure, originally appearing in the Avestan as a literal dragon (in fact, the primordial Indo-European dragon) with three heads; by Ferdowsi's time, the character of the dragon had become a human cursed with two snakes growing from his shoulders. The original Avestan draconic figure is discussed in Watkins 2000, 464—70. Cf. A. Taffazoli, 'Feredun' in Encyclopedia Iranica, ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007). 47 It is noteworthy that dragon imagery is also used of Cuchulainn in the Tain, when Fedelm delivers her prophecy for Medb's army (Tain line 79): dofeith deilb ndracuin don chath 'in battle he looks like a dragon'. This is clearly an image borrowed from a non-Irish source, perhaps Old French or Latin. 114 attempt to drown each other. Connla succeeds in immersing his father twice under the water, whereupon Cuchulainn (Aided Oenfir Aife 11.8-12):

... coro brec cosin gai bulga ... Dacorustar don mac triasind uisce, co mboi a inatharfoa chossaib.

... so that he cheated with the gae bulga ... he cast it at the boy through the water, so that his innards ended up around his feet.

Cuchulainn employs his magical spear, given to him by the warrior-woman Scathach; this weapon is unique in that it possesses the ability to always hit its target. Connla is mortally wounded, and the combat ends here. In the third match of the Shahnameh 's duel, like the previous two matches, the conflict is ended suddenly and swiftly. The first strike is the last; the text says that Rostam (S. II. 185.851):

Aiaj .^jJJLo-* juoL-> AJLOJ tj'3"?" 3 j-J^ C «••'•'••* ^131 A-^

Rostam bent the young hero's back, his time had come, he had no more strength.

Then further (£11.185.854):

He drew a sharp blade from his belt, he sliced through the breast of the alert lion.

Each episode's third match, though it begins with grappling, ends with the father employing a piercing weapon to slay his son. The weapons are similar, but not identical: the gai bulga is a spear, whereas Rostam employs a dagger (or potentially(?) a 'sword', though the context of the 115 tale as well as relevant Shahnameh illustrations indicate otherwise). In his analysis of the

Irish tale and its analogues, Jan de Vries discusses Rostam's weapon in the third match of filicide episode in the Shahnameh: 'Le jour suivant Rustam perce sonfils avec une lance

(comme Cuchulainn use de son gae bulga) ... La Lance, dont Sohrab est frappe mortellement, serait-elle de la meme nature que la gae bulga de ChuchlainnT Clearly there is a confusion, as Rostamuses a yj j-j 'sharp sword'. The variation in weapons aside, the

Irish and Iranian death-blows are significant: why do the parents not strangle the sons, or drown them in the case of the Irish tale? They are (after all grappling, so the use of weapons seems out of place - especially in the case of the Irish text, where it is considered cheating.

Why does Rostam not employ the mace (a bludgeoning instrument), since it is the last weapon wielded in the duel? Context provides one potential solution: if Connla and

Sohrab die by strangulation or bludgeoning, there can be no final conversation between father and son. The piercing blow provides an unavoidable yet slow death, allowing the author to describe the final dialogue between father and son.49

The issue of the identity/paternity of the youths, and the turmoil caused by their confusion is at the very core of these stories. From the beginning of the Aided Oenfir

Aife, Cuchulainn makes it plain that Connla must be sent to him when he reaches the proper age - determined not in terms of years but by Connla's ability to wear his father's ring.

Cuchulainn also places three geissi (sg. geis) or 'taboos' upon his son: he must not reveal his name to anyone, he must not make way for any man, and he must not refuse any man

48 de Vries 1957,129. 49 It is also noteworthy that the death-blow has a humbling or humiliating element: the torso of the wounded is bent back, and the entrails spill outwards. 116 combat.50 Clearly, these taboos are very nearly mutually exclusive in a warrior culture with a strict importance on territory and tribal boundaries. For a hero (let alone a youth) to travel from his own country to his father's, his identity would be demanded at whatever tribal/provincial borders he crosses. Yet Connla's geissi, which he must honor, compel him to engage in dangerous social behavior in order to find his father. When he arrives in

Ireland, he encounters the court of Ulster assembled at the coast; in order to interact with them in a proper social fashion, he would have to violate geissi, which he is unable to do. The threat of a youth who will not make himself known causes a chain of confrontations, resulting with Cuchulainn himself. Cuchulainn is warned by his wife Emer that the boy before him is his own son; so before the duel begins, the contusion of identities is resolved, thereby raising the dramatic stakes. Yet this raises two serious questions: why does Cuchulainn give his son such socially difficult geissi, and why (if he knows he faces his own son) does he not make himself known to Connla and thus avoid the conflict?

In contrast to Oichulainn's strange set of instructions for Connla in the Aided

Oenfir Aife, Rostam places no such restrictions on his son, but Tahmine makes it very clear to Sohrab that he must keep his identity a secret if they are to avoid the attention and malice of Turan's Shah Afrasiyab. Despite his mother's admonitions, Sohrab insists on seeking his father, and news of this spreads to Turan very quickly. From the moment he becomes involved in events, Afrasiyab perceives the potential for strife between father and son, and arranges events (via the 'gift' of the Turanian troops) to bring about the death of father and son. The Shahnameh narrative is careful to place Zende Razm (a warrior of

Tahmine's) with Sohrab, who's only task is to identify Rostam, but the older warrior

50 The DIL entry for the geis reads: 'a prayer or request, the refusal of which brings reproach or bad luck.' E.G. Quin, ed., Dictionary of the Irish Language (Dublin, 1998), 358; see also: T. Charles-Edwards, 'Geis, Prophecy, Omen, and Oath' in Celtica 23 (1999): 38-59. 117 is (coincidentally) the first Turk whom Rostam kills. This irony is compounded when the captive (Hojir), whose role in the tale is to identify Iran's champions to Sohrab, decides to lie about Rostam's identity in order to protect him.51 Yet despite the lack of information,

Sohrab suspects Rostam is his father, and confronts him. When he does so, Rostam lies about his own identity; this behavior is confusing, since Rostam stands to gain little by deceiving the youth. The Irish and Iranian episodes have an inversion of the same theme present: in the

Aided Oenfir Aife, Cuchulainn's son is identified for him by a third party; there is no indication that Connla recognizes his father. In the Shahnameh, Sohrab's 'third party' (Zende

Razm) is killed early on, and neither father nor son knows the other's identity; Rostam actively conceals his identity from his son.

This brings us to the question at the heart of the story: why does this episode take place? There are several themes behind the inner working of the filicide episode. The first theme is the attribute of perpetual youth possessed by the father figures, Rostam and

Cuchulainn - they never fully mature into functional members of adult society. Rostam, throughout his career, is characterized by brash and reckless behavior. Davis states that

Rostam displays consistent excess (bishi j az) throughout the Sohrab episode - he is frequently drunk throughout the filicide episode: before/during Sohrab's conception, before he attends Kavus's court, and then before the duel itself.52 Aside from drinking, Rostam behaves in a manner different from the other Iranian warriors: he is a loner, and does not participate in large-scale battle as a part of a larger, cohesive whole, but as an individual.

Further, even though he has a centuries-long life and is referred to as 'old' by Sohrab and

Isfandiyar, his 'youthfulness' is underscored by the fact that his father (Zal) remains an

51 He identifies Rostam as a Chinese lord, who has come to serve Shah Kavus. 52 Davis 1992, 106. 118 active character during his lifetime, and in fact outlives him. Compared to Rostam, we see that

Cuchulainn exhibits similar traits: he is young - in fact, a teenager - for the duration of his

'adult' life. He engages in modes of warfare that are questionable: for example, he uses guerilla tactics with a slingshot in the Tain to bring Medb's army to a halt. He undertakes quests that involve superhuman skill and ability. Cuchulainn's father (Lugh) is also alive, and outlives him. Since Cuchulainn and Rostam are unique in their standing as national champions, the arrival of a younger character who inherits their powers is a threat to their function, both as champions and in the narrative structure of the tales. If the Shahnameh has two 'Rostams', then Rostam himself is no longer unique. The same can be said for

Cuchulainn. Further, the introductions of the sons (Connla and Sohrab) are an indication that the fathers are no longer quasi-adolescents, but full fledged members of the adult community. In bringing about the death of their sons, both Rostam and Cuchulainn attempt to maintain or reclaim their perpetual youth.53

The episode in the Shahnameh is governed by the concept of Fate.5 The

Shahnameh itself is largely informed by a belief in the predestination of its characters, and with a strong sense of fatalism. From this point of view (i.e. the predetermination of all action) Rostam must kill his son because it is foreordained, there is no escaping his (or

Sohrab's) fate. Unlike the Shahnameh, there is no sense of religious/spiritual conviction or sense of governing higher authority evident in the Aided Oenfir Aife, but rather a sense of meaningless waste and confusion at Cuchulainn's destruction of his family line. The

53 This filicide may be read as a preventative act to prevent a patricide, an event which has taken place in prior generations of Cuchulainn's and Rostam's family, i.e. the slaying of Balor by Lugh, Zahhak's murder of his own father. This has been generally accepted as a common Indo-European motif, occuring elsewhere (for example) in the the Welsh tale 'Culwch & Olwen', and the titanomachies of Apollodorus. See below pp. 120-21 for further discussion. 54 This powerful (even divine) force is discussed in E. Aturpati, The Wisdom of the Sasanian Sages (Denkard VI), trans. S. Shaked (Boulder, 1979), bk. 6; see also S. Shaked 'Bakt [Fate]' in Encyclopedia Iranica, ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007). 119

Shahnameh, at the very least, can offer the excuse that its characters are driven by forces beyond their control - which may or may not imply an absence of culpability on the part of the protagonist. Here, in contrast, the Irish tale makes no effort to justify or explain the actions of the hero, but describes them with an attitude bordering on the morbidly humorous.

But the death of the sons is also the product of the heroic code. Cuchulainn and Rostam share the function of the guardians of the national order. Sohrab declares that he intends to conquer Iran, then Turan, and set Rostam up as Shah over both lands.55 Likewise, Connla

(dying) states that he had intended to conquer the territory between Ulster and Rome, and set up Cuchulainn as king. Shah Kavus' fear of this kind of ambition is shown in his words to

GudarzfS'. II. 191.936-7):

Kavus said to Gudarz: 'Which of my warriors is greater than Rostam? If Rostam's position gets any stronger, no doubt he'll destroy me.'

Kavus is implying that together, Sohrab and Rostam will overthrow him.56 Two factors make this plausible: first, that the relationship between Kavus and Rostam is filled with conflict, and second, it would not be the firsttim e that a member of Rostam's family has slain

55 Shahnameh 11.179.135-42. 56 Kavus's reaction to the thought of including Sohrab as a part of the social order in Iran is similar to the thoughts of Irish king when Connla is first seen arriving at the coast (Aided Oenfir Aife 3.1-5): 'Maith tra,' ol Conchobar, 'mairg thir i tdet in gillae ucut; else. 'Maitisflr mora na hindsi asa tder donistis, conmeltis ar grian...Nacha telged i tir eter. 'Well then,' said Conchobar, 'alas for the land where he's headed', he said. 'If adults fromth e island he's fromwer e to come to us, they'd grind us to dust... don't even let him land.' Note the pun of fir mora as a reference to formoire (giant), a reference to Ciichulainn's and Connla's ancesty. I am grateful to Professor Dooley for indicating this to me. 120 a monarch to take power. Zahhak, the maternal grandparent of Rostam, slew his own lather to take the throne - thus there is precedent for regicide in Rostam's family background. Not only does this past ancestral crime threaten the Shah, but it also provides a precedent for the murder of the father. If Zahhak was capable of killing his parent, then Sohrab may also be capable of such a crime. The Irish tale provides a parallel: Cuchulainn's father, Lugh, also slew his royal grandparent, Balor. In each case, there is a previous member of the hero's family tree who kills a (grand)parent in order to seize royal power. The sons, Connla and Sohrab, may be capable of the same act - albeit in ignorance - and so the filicide may be understood as a preventative device in the narrative. As champions and supporters of the kings Kay Kavus and Conchobar, Rostam and Cuchulainn are placed in a situation where they have no choice but to answer the challenge of the invading threat posed by the arrival of their sons into the country. In the case of Rostam, he fulfills his function while ignorant of the nature of his opponent; in Cuchulainn's case, the story indicates that he is aware of his opponent, but is compelled to kill him regardless of their familial relationship. The heroic code which informs the behaviour of the two champions demands loyalty to one's sovereign, protection of the social order, and the maintenance of one's honor through the confrontation and defeat of enemies. For Rostam and Cuchulainn, ignoring or rejecting a challenge is never an option - this is illustrated in the Shahnameh most clearly before the duel with Isfandiyar, when Rostam refuses to be bound and brought to Goshtasp's court. The negative aspect of the heroic code (and their status as champions) is the hubris that accompanies their positions of honor. This pride is the source of a kind of blindness from which Rostam suffers, and the cause of Cuchulainn's unrelenting (and irresponsible) attention to duty.57 Since the sons bring disorder and chaos, the heroes are bound to fulfill

57 This sense of duty is, albeit, selfishly conceived. In a similar sense, the 'honor of Ulster' need not be 121 their ftinctions by confronting and destroying them. The death of the sons, instead of bringing further honor on the heroes, shows that at times the heroic code fails those heroes

who try to uphold it. In the filicide episode, we see the inversion of the code itself, since the

death of the sons weakens the nations and brings shame and dishonor on the champions.

In this chapter, I have given an outline of the Iranian and Irish filicide episodes, and

discussed the most significant parallels between the two stories: the 'otherness' of the sons,

their tokens of identity, their political aspirations, and the combats in which they take part. I

have also demonstrated that several elements of the tales have undergone inversion, such as

the footprints in stone, and the discrepancies in physical size between the sons. A number

of motifs that work to separate these two tales from the other Indo-European filicide

analogues have been identified, and as well as the similar ways in which the Irish and Iranian

warrior cultures inform the respective narratives. Last, I have provided several explanations

for the underlying cultural and/or narrative justifications for the kin-slaying episode. After

considering these two tragic episodes, we are left with a question of origins: how do these two

tales come to exist in a written form, at such a distance, with so much similarity? This

question will be discussed further together with other analogous episodes (for example, the

'Trial of Champions') in the final chapter of this thesis.

construed as a simple territorial mindset, but read as the behavioral standard of a proud people. Chapter Four: Overwhelming Rage

If the Indo-European heroic model has a common flaw for the Hero, it is excessive and uncontrolled rage. Miller states: 'Furor, ferg, wut, margon or aristeia, berserksgangr all signify that the warrior-hero is out of control, has escaped the set limits of combat conducted as a ritual, and may have passed into a killing trance, quite possibly to the point where he cannot distinguish between friend and foe, or kinsman and non- kinsman.'1 There is certainly no shortage of examples of the dangerous and often unpredictable episodes where the Hero's powers are turned against his own people - perhaps even family - due to his inability to control his rage. In this state, the Hero usually demonstrates superhuman levels of skill, strength, and endurance, sometimes accompanied by physical manifestations such as change in shape or color, and may even emanate a certain luminous aura.2 Conversely, in this state of heightened martial awareness, the Hero risks losing the ability to distinguish between friend and foe, with disastrous results; thus we find such scenes as Hercules' maddened slaughter of his wife and children, Achilles assault on the waves, Rostam's killing of Sohrab, or the child

Cuchulainn's maddened attack on the boy-troop at Emain Macha.3

In the Zoroastrian religion, which serves as the backdrop to Ferdowsi in his formulation of the themes of the Shahnameh, there exists a belief that each human has an angel or demon which has great influence on his character. These angels and demons

1 Miller pp.218. For further discussion of this ecstatic rage (and the power it brings the hero), see pp.218- 20. An earlier version of this chapters appears in Monette, C. 'Indo European Elements in Celtic and In do- Iranian Epic Tradition: the Trial of Champions in the Tain Bo Cuailnge and the Shahnameh', Journal of Indo European Studies 32 (2004): 61-78. 2 This is frequently term the 'Hero's Light' or 'gloire lumineuse' by such scholars as Dumezil; Davidson comments that the Persian concept of sovereignty (fair) is shown by a luminous glow. For a discussion of the visible manifestation of sovereignty and its parallels in Greek, Persian, and Celtic literature, see Davidson 1985: 88-101. 3 Tain 450-56.

122 123 represent the major virtues and vices of the Zoroastrian religion, so concepts (or beings) such as Truth or Health or Rage are understood to have a powerful influence over certain people in a way that bears some relation to Western beliefs in the zodiac and horoscope.4

In his account of the duel between Rostam and Sohrab, Ferdowsi states that when kheshm

(anger) overshadows a person, the mortal's actions are doomed to bring about negative consequences. Ferdowsi says {Shahnameh 11.185.849): ?r, )*& 'jL> <-&-' ^ I pr* <^> ij3l p^s. tS iSS\ y» ('When bad luck brings anger, stone becomes soft like wax').

Significantly, ^^ 'anger' is the final word in the episode (Shahnameh 11.199.1014).5 It is understood that the 'angel' who overshadows Rostam is kheshm, the spirit of anger, who appears originally in the Avestas as Ashema Daeva - a prince of evil spirits and personification of uncontrolled rage.6 While Rostam has a terrible temper, neither his father or grandfather demonstrate the same sort of self-destructive anger; they are both powerful and respected warriors, although not Rostam's equal. The most probable explanation is that Rostam is the descendant of Zohhak (Av. Azi Dahak) the div, a very powerful yet evil supernatural being.7 Rostam inherits tremendous power, but a character which is much less stable that his father or grandfather. While Rostam does not tend to erupt into frenzy on the battlefield in the same way as Achilles or Cuchulainn, he does allow anger to overshadow his judgment in his filicide episode. Perhaps more shockingly, his temper manifests powerfully in a confrontation with Shah (Key) Kavus, where

4 On this see S. Shaked, trans., Wisdom of the Sasanian Sages (Denkard 6) Bibliotheca Persica: Persian heritage series (Boulder, 1979), no. 34, p.29, nos. 77-78; and Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, vol.1 (Leiden, 1975). 51 am grateful to Professor Maria Subtelny, who has indicated to me. 6 This figure is widely believed to be the source of Ashmodai in early Hebrew literature, such as the Book of Tobit - in Zoroastrianism Ashema Daeva is not the chief spirit of evil, but rather his lieutenant. 7 Whether or not Ferdowsi was aware, the Azi Dahak of Avestan legend was the first dragon created by the evil divinity Angra Mainyu to seize the divine kvarna (personification of sovereignty) for the forces of evil. 124

Rostam openly defies the Shah and taunts him, saying that the Shah is nothing without

Rostam to support his throne. The outraged Shah orders him to be hanged, and whereupon Rostam strikes the champion Tus who tries to arrest him - knocking Tus to the ground, and storming out of the Shah's presence.8 It is important to note that this defiance of the Shah is scarcely conceivable in a culture where the Shah's right to rule is understood as a part of the divine mandate - neither Rostam's father or grandfather ever demonstrate such disobedience, nor does any other hero in the Shahnameh. After this episode, Rostam and the Shah reconcile following an embarrassing scene where the Shah chases Rostam outside the court and begs him to forego his anger.

It is also noteworthy that Rostam's more foolish decisions are also made in connection with episodes in which he has been drinking heavily - Ferdowsi includes many references to Rostam's love of feasting and drinking, even going so far as to include a moment in the feast with Isfandiyar where Rostam admonishes a page to not serve the wine watered down (as was the custom), but rather strong and undiluted.9

Rostam frequently appears drunk and red-faced, which to an Islamic audience would have seemed archaic and impious - traits which are fitting adjectives for Rostam's rough form of chivalry.

Cuchulainn's riastrad (warp-spasm) has been the object of considerable academic interest. This state manifests first when he returns from his first raid at the age of five; it occurs repeatedly when he suffers tremendous rage or shame.10 Not merely a state of mind, the riastrad causes great change in Cuchulainn's appearance. For example, in the duel with Fer Diad, he is said to grow in size until he towers like a fomoire, the Irish

8 See my discussion on pp 18-20. 9 On Rostam's drinking habits, see above Introduction, note 39. 10 7BC 428-34. 125 equivalent to a giant or ogre.11 His insides are revealed, and a spout of blood shoots from his head; his hair bristles, standing on end, and his eyes bulge and sink with grotesque imagery. Even more, he emanates the 'hero's light'; it is hard to know exactly what is meant by this term, but some sort of fervent glow is likely implied. This phenomenon has been discussed by Ford as the gloire lumineuse, which finds parallels with Persian farr (Av. hvarna) and Achilles' battle-radiance.13 He also radiates great heat, clearly a literary device used to demonstrate the tremendous reserves of energy that this maddened state taps into. In this state, Cuchulainn is capable of superhuman feats of strength and endurance, and he appears to be invulnerable or at least unaffected by wounds, albeit only for the duration of the combat. It is in this state that he engages in single-handed, large- scale slaughter against Medb and Ailill's army in the Tain. However, during one of the early boyhood manifestations of this battle rage, the court of Ulster feared that he would lay waste the fortress of Conchobor (his uncle and liege). In an effort to stave off his attack, the woman of the court assembled outside the fortress and bared their breasts at him, whereupon Cuchulainn's childhood modesty forced him to cover his eyes. His relatives and guardians seize him and plunge him into three cauldrons of cold water - bursting the first, boiling the second, and steaming the third.14 This immersion in cold water brings him out of his madness, whereupon the king (his uncle) places the boy on his knee and treats him with affection - this scene appears to facilitate his re-entry into

11 The DIL entry for fomoir. "The name of a mythical people entering largely into the legendary history of Ireland... Elsewhere in early literature, they appear as two-legged and two-handed beings, but generally of greater stature and evil nature... the oldest form of the word is fomoire, a derivation of *fomuir 'land lying towards the sea,' 'shore land'.* Set: fomoir in E.G. Quinn, ed. Dictionary of the Irish Language (Dublin, 1983), 286. 12 7BC 428-34; 1476-80; a lengthier description of the warp-spasm is found on TBCLL lines 2273-94. 13 On this see, for example, P. Ford, "The Well of Nechtain and La Gloire Lumineuse', in Myth in Indo- European Antiquity, ed.Gerald James Larson (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1974). 14 r5C 814-21. 126 human society, Cuchulainn's warp-spasm is both a bane and a blessing to his people: in this state he defends Ulster against enemies, but in the absence of enemies his rage demands some form of destructive expression. Considering the graphic ugliness with which it manifests itself, the warp-spasm may be read as a reminder that his own father

(the divinity Lugh) is himself the grandson of Balor, a monstrous ruler of the Fomoire.

While, unlike Rostam, Cuchulainn's rage does not impair his judgment outside of combat, it cripples his powers of discrimination once it takes hold of him. Like Rostam,

Cuchulainn's supernatural heritage (the source of his rage) gives him the power to do great good for the community, but it is also the source of the explosive and deadly anger which is as much a threat to allies as to enemies.

By the end of the Irish and and Persian epics, where we find the 'Trial of Champions' episodes, the audience has become familiar with combats in which the hero dispatches enemies with curt words and blows.15 In both the Tain and the Shahnameh, the combats between the primary heroes Cuchulainn and Rostam and their many antagonists are often as brief as the verbal sparring which precedes them. The final duel of each epic, however, is conspicuous due to its complexity and length. This duel is heralded by the introduction of a second hero, a relative newcomer in each epic: Fer Diad (Cuchulainn's foster-brother) in the Tain, and Isfandiyar (crown-prince of

Iran) in the Shahnameh. This secondary hero has the attribute of invulnerability, due to a previous encounter with one of the supernatural elements that empowers

15 On the Irish episode, see S. Rutten, Battles at the Ford: an Introduction to the Tradition of 'Comrac Fir Diad', with Editions of the Later Versions of the Tale (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 2006). 127 the primary hero.16 The secondary hero is compelled against his will into the duel by the actions of a corrupt monarch. Next, the stories follow with a dialogue between the heroes. Here, instead of beginning their dialogue with threats and insults characteristic of other previous duels, the heroes demonstrate mutual admiration for each other and discuss their own past victories; the dialogue eventually degenerates into an exchange of hostilities. After this verbal sparring, the champions' trial by weapons commences. In both the Irish and Iranian duels, the combat itself is presented elaborately, in which various weapons are tried and discarded in favor of other weapons. The extended description is evidently meant to communicate to the audience the tremendous skill, vigor, and determination of the combatants; the duel lasts for so long that several periods of respite are needed. Badly wounded, the primary hero finally employs a piercing magical weapon in order to overcome his antagonist. Ultimately, the primary hero of each epic emerges victorious, but is broken-hearted at the death of the other noble hero.

It will be helpful to give a breakdown of the parallel events, as they occur in each epic (see table below):.17

In the case of Isfandiyar, this event is bathing in the blood of the slain mate of the avian Simorgh, which renders the hero invulnerable to weapons; the Simorgh herself relates this explanation to Rostam (VI 297.1279). In Fer Diad's case, he is given a 'horn shirt' by Scathach to protect him in battle (TBC 2574; this also occurs in the Book of Leinster recension: TBC LL 2610-16). 17 Events are listed in sequential order of, except where indicated otherwise (i.e. Tain events 2 & 3, Shahnameh event 5a). 128

Shahnameh Tain l.Isfandiyar, intoxicated, is summoned to Goshtasp's 1. Fer Diad is summoned to Medb's court. He court. He is compelled to bring Rostam to court in arrives and becomes intoxicated. Once drunk, he is chains, by force if need be. {Shahnameh compelled into agreeing to fight Cuchulainn. VI.217.2-28) (2617-2720)

2. Isfendiyar returns to his chambers and informs his 3. Fer Diad returns to his chambers and informs his mother of the upcoming challenge. She becomes people of the upcoming challenge. They become upset, believing that Isiandiyar will be killed. upset, believing that Fer Diad will be killed. (VI.227.151-187) (2783-97)

3. Bahman (a prince) is sent to tell Rostam 2. Fergus (a leading warrior) goes to tell that Isfandiyar is coming. He implies there Cuchulainn that Fer Diad is coming. He will be consequences if Rostam challenges warns Cuchulainn of the consequences of Isfandiyar. (VI.227.188-217) accepting Fer Diad's challenge. (2721-82)

4. Bahman returns from delivering his 4. Fer Diad's charioteer rebukes him for message to Rostam. He praises Rostam's agreeing to fight Cuchulainn . The might, and is in turn rebuked by Isfandiyar. charioteer praises Cuchulainn's might, and is (VI.240.451-459) in turn rebuked by Fer Diad. (2805-2913)

5. Rostam and Isfandiyar meet at the river 5. Cuchulainn and Fer Diad meet at the Hirmand. They exchange greetings, but an river-ford (Ath Ferdia). They exchange argument follows. They part with threats. greetings, then threaten and upbraid each Isfandiyar remarks that he fears to become other; Cuchulainn begs Fer Diad not to friends with Rostam, since death would be an engage in combat for sake of friendship. unbearable loss of friendship. (VI.240.464- (2926-3086). 545)

5a. Isfandiyar provides food and drink for 6. The duel begins with javelins, then light Rostam. (VI.260.790-879)l8 spears. (3097-118)

6. The duel begins with spears. (VI.281.1045- 6a. Fer Diad provides food and drink for 46) Cuchulainn. (TBC 3119-34)

7. The duel switches to swords. 7. The duel switches to swords. (TBC-3182— (VI.281.1046^18) 3241)

This episode (event 5 a) in which Isfandiyar provides a meal for Rostam, precedes the duel, and follows immediately after the meeting of Rostam and Isfandiyar at the banks of the river Hirmand (event 5). In the Tain, Fer Diad provides a meal for Cu Chulainn (event 6a) on three consecutive nights during the intermissions of the duel. 129

8. A prolonged interval follows. Rostam 8. A prolonged interval follows. Fer Diad prepares his armor and weapons for the final prepares his armor and weapons for the battle part of the duel. (VI.274.931-994) of the duel. (TBC 3242-3337)

9. Rostam and Mindiyar resume the duel with 9. Cuchulainn and Fer Diad resume the duel with archery, Rostam pierces Lsfandiyar with a magical swords; Cuchulainn pierces Fer Diad with the tamarisk arrow, giving him his death wound magical gae bolga, giving him his death wound (VI.304.1387-1390) (TBC 3338-3362)

10. Lsfandiyar says his death speech; Rostam laments 10. Fer Diad says his death speech; Cuchulainn the slaying. (VI 303.1391-1510) laments the slaying. (TBC 3364-3595)

From the above synopsis, there are several markedly important parallels between the two epics. First, each duel is instigated at the behest of an ill-intentioned

monarch. During the return from the great cattle raid in the Tain, Queen Medb of

Connacht needs to cross a valuable river-ford guarded by Cuchulainn. Cuchulainn will not

yield the ford, and at night has been continually killing large groups of Medb's troops with his sling. In order to slow the loss of Connacht troops, it has been settled between Medb and Cuchulainn that he will not attack her army by night, provided

that each day he is sent a champion to engage in single combat. Cuchulainn,

however, defeats all challengers. The duel between Cuchulainn and Fer Diad is

arranged by Medb, who has been hard-pressed to find a champion capable of overcoming

Cuchulainn (2473-78). From Medb's position, Fer Diad is an ideal warrior to

send against Cuchulainn due to their similar training and skill; but Fer Diad is

Cuchulainn's foster-brother, therefore both custom and taboo are violated when he and

Cuchulainn engage each other in battle. Medb's knowledge of this violation of custom, and her willingness to force foster-brother against foster-brother is both heartless and morally reprehensible. Without her direct agency in the compulsion 130 of Fer Diad, the duel would never take place, since it forces the two champions to violate their oaths of friendship and fostering. As evidence of Medb's contempt for the bond of foster-brotherhood, which she forces the two heroes into breaking, we might take note of her words to Ailill expressing an attitude of indifference to the likelihood of Fer Diad's death.19

In the Persian epic, it is the Iranian ruler and father of prince Isfandiyar, Shah

Goshtasp, who brings about the duel between the two heroes. Publicly, Goshtasp sends his son to arrest Rostam and bring him in chains to court for the spurious offence of not having traveled to the capital to pay homage to Goshtasp; he promises Isfandiyar the throne as his reward for this deed (VI.223.101-46). Privately, he sends

Isfandiyar on this difficult mission because he secretly fears his son's ambitions to succeed him as Shah; he alsoTcnows that Isfandiyar is fated to die if he ever fights Rostam (VI.

220.44-58). Thus by sending his son on an impossible quest, Goshtasp removes the threat to his sovereignty. In addition to examining the monarchs who are the instigators of the duels, we might also consider the culpability of the heroes Fer

Diad and Isfandiyar due to their intoxication during the court scenes. As soon as he has appeared at Medb's assembly, the Tain tells us that Fer Diad is served strong drink to the point of intoxication (2627-29). Once he is intoxicated, then Medb begins to coerce him. The Shahnameh tells us that in the two days before he attends his father's court,

Isfandiyar spends his entire time drinking wine (VI 219.27); it comes as no surprise that his speech at court is criticized for being belligerent and disorderly. Isfandiyar rails against

19 The Tain (Recension I) contains a brief conversation as Fer Diad leaves for the ford, in which Ailill tells Medb that she is unlikely to see Fer Diad alive again after the fight with Cuchulainn. Medb displays the same callous indifference to Fer Diad's death as she has shown to other champions who have died facing Cuchulainn; see TBC 2865-75. 131 his father's command to arrest Rostam, but he cannot persuade his lather otherwise and ultimately is compelled to go. The intoxication of the two heroes places them both in the position of being socially vulnerable and easily goaded by their sovereigns.20 The two epics also portray the monarchs Medb and Goshtasp as manipulative and selfish, willing to sacrifice their vassal for their own personal goals. This is an inversion of the proper monarch-hero relationship, in which the functions of both monarch and hero should be to strengthen and sustain each other.

The reactions of the relatives and retainers of the secondary heroes (Fer Diad and Isfandiyar) to the news of the impending conflict provide valuable insights as to whether

Fer Diad is actually the equal of Cuchulainn, and whether Isfandiyar is the equal of

Rostam. When informed of the tasks that the secondary heroes have agreed to, the intimate companions of each hero react in a similar fashion: they express grief and protest the conflict, instead of encouraging their hero towards the duel. The Tain says that when Fer Diad returns to his tents to tell his people of the upcoming combat, his people are saddened and fear the loss of one or even both of the heroes (2783-97). His charioteer goes further - he argues against the combat, and praises Cuchulainn instead of his master; this in turn provokes a series of complaints from Fer Diad (2805-2913). Here is a clear inversion of a proper charioteer's function, in which the charioteer normally praises and encourages the hero.21 We find a similar negative reaction from the mother of Isfandiyar, who begs her son not to undertake what she perceives to be a dangerous and impossible quest (VI 227.151-67). Later, Isfandiyar rebukes his counselor for praising

20 It is worth pointing out Davis' observation that nearly every disaster in which Rostam is involved is preceded by his own drunkenness (Davis 1992,57). 21 For an excellent study of the function of the charioteer in Irish and Indian epics, see Hiltebeitel 1982,85-111. 132

Rostam's prowess and for suggesting disobedience to the Shah (VI.201.561-64). What significance do these protests hold? In both epics, the authors make us aware that Fer Diad and

Isfandiyar are mighty warriors by drawing parallels between them and the heroes they must duel. In Fer Diad's case, we are told that he is a dangerous opponent to Cuchulainn because he is his foster-brother and has had the same training. In fact, Fergus mac Roi goes so far as to say that Fer Diad is Cuchulainn's equal in arms, feats and skills - a statement which appears to contradict Fergus' earlier statement that Cuchulainn has no equal in those exact features (724-33). The Shahnameh patterns the narrative of Isfandiyar's adventures on Rostam's; in this way we are made to expect him to be Rostam's equal on the battlefield. Unlike Fer Diad, Isfandiyar is actually the protagonist for a part of the Shahnameh, and his heroic deeds reduplicate Rostam's, equally marvelous and equally difficult.22 Thus the two narratives, Irish and Iranian, cause us to expect duels between equal champions. Yet the allies closest to Fer Diad and Isfandiyar do not believe that they will prevail; Fer Diad's people react badly to his acceptance of Medb's offer, and

Isfandiyar's mother and his counselor argue against the duel from the tale's beginning.

Each epic, then, presents us with an antagonist to the primary hero, who is portrayed as a double of the man he faces. The challenge this antagonist presents to the primary hero is considerably more serious than other previous encounters, but a closer reading of the epics hints that the two heroes are not entirely equal; instead, we appear to have been given an illusion of an even match.

The section of the Shahnameh preceeding the Dastan-i Rostam va Isfandiyar 'Tale of Rostam and Isfandiyar' is the Dastan-i-Haftkhwan-i-isfandiyar 'Seven Adventures of Isfandiyar' (VI pp. 167-216), a series of seven adventures which Isfandiyar undertakes, which are modeled on seven similar adventures originally undertaken by Rostam. 133

There is also a strong element in both narratives centering on the inversion of friendship and its tragic loss. In the Tain, Cuchulainn rebukes Fer Diad at length and on more than one occasion during the duel for his violation of their oaths of friendship and brotherhood (2926-3086). We are aware that neither hero wishes to fight this combat. Still, they are compelled to it: Cuchulainn is fighting to defend his homeland, and Fer Diad would prefer death in battle to death by slander and satire for cowardice (2625-27). We see a similar theme in the Shahnameh when Isfandiyar tells his counselor that he is truly afraid that he could easily become friends with Rostam; and if one of them kills the other, it would mean the survivor suffering the pain of losing a close friend (VI.240.464-545). Further, by confronting Rostam, Isfandiyar threatens the hero who must have been his role-model. Yet as a Zoroastrian, Isfandiyar says he will burn in hell if he does not obey the Shah, no matter how tyrannical or unjust the command.

Sadly, Rostam cannot submit to being taken away in chains, for if he does he will violate the heroic code, and leave his territory vulnerable to attack23 The epics thus present a pair of men who are not only alike in terms of arms and deeds, but alike in spirit. Each man is driven by an unavoidable code or purpose, and these uncompromising forces are the ultimate reason, monarchs aside, why the heroes come to blows. In both cases, we see the failure of the heroic code, and an inversion of its intended function. Instead of spurring Rostam and Cuchulainn towards greater deeds and glory, in this case the heroic code causes them to engage in duels that weaken and dishearten them; in their efforts to defend their honor, the heroes are forced to commit an act that shames them.

23 Davis (1992, 63-64) articulates Rostam's dilemma especially well: 'To submit is to deny his whole sense of himself as an independent warrior whose service to the Iranian crown is freely given; to fight against-and possibly kill-the Iranian crown prince is to deny the meaning of every value he and his family are presumed to embody ... (this episode) marks the end of his career as a hero who knows unequivocally that he fights on behalf of justice and against evil.' 134

In both Irish and Iranian epics, the 'Trial of Champions' is written in a vivid and graphic style that accentuates the skill and strength of the combatants. The immense talent of the heroes is demonstrated in part through the narrative device of a plurality of weapons.

In the Tain, the combat is a complex event that takes place over four days. Each day the heroes use different weapons; there is a progression from long-range weapons such as javelins and throwing spears (3097-3118), to long spears (3135-3139), then to swords from aboard their chariots (3182-3241), and finally to the two warriors alone in the ford itself with their swords and shields; they fight so closely together that the river-ford and their equipment reacts violently to the kinetic strain (3338-3362). Badly wounded,

Cuchulainn must end the duel with the casting of the gae bolga, a throwing weapon.

Spatially, the duel begins with the combatants some distance apart, and ends with them face to face-although the killing blow is made with a projectile weapon (spear). Each day, and each set of weapons, closes the gap between them. In a similar fashion, the duel between heroes in the Shahnameh begins with lances (VI.281.1045-46), then turns to swords (VI.281.1046-48), then maces (VI.281.1049-50), then finally in a grapple

(VI.281.1050-54). The heroes stop for an intermission, then try archery. Rostam is badly wounded and flees; when the duel resumes the next day, and it ends when Rostam shoots a single magical arrow, killing Isfandiyar (VI.303.1387-90). Again we find in terms of the spatial dynamics of the combat, that one progresses from a long-range weapon

(lance), to short-range (swords, maces) to hand-to-hand combat, and the death blow is struck with a projectile weapon (arrow). This progression of long-range to short-range weapons is unique in each epic, and (with the exception of the Rostam's duel with Sohrab) does not occur elsewhere in the Tain or Shahnameh. The Iranian duel, like its Irish 135

analogue, is brought to a close by the employment of a magical piercing weapon (arrow),

which is conspicuous owing to its occurrence following a sequence of the duel where is

fought at extremely close range.

There is another crucial physical characteristic which both Fer Diad and Isfandiyar

share: they are reputed to be invulnerable to weapons. The Tain gives Fer Diad the

epithet congarichnessach (2614), or 'horn-skinned'. The warrior Fergus says that the

cnes conga 'horn-skin' cannot be pierced or cut (2749-50). The source of this horn-

skin is Scathach, the supernatural warrior woman who fostered and trained both

Cuchulainn and Fer Diad (2611-16). Likewise, in the Shahnameh, we find that Isfandiyar

is said to possess a royin tan, literally 'body of brass' (figuratively 'invulnerable')

(VI.297.1273), a property that he gains from bathing in the blood of the

Simorgh's mate after slaying it (VI.297.1279). The Simorgh, the great Iranian mythical bird,

is the foster-mother of Rostam's father Zal, who raised him when he was abandoned as a

child; by extension she is the protector or patron of Rostam as well. She serves as the supernatural guardian of their family. Both Isfandiyar and Fer Diad are linked to the

champions they duel by their common ties to supernatural female characters who act as

foster-parents to the heroes Rostam and Cuchulainn.24 Surprisingly, despite their

supposed invulnerability, both Fer Diad and Isfandiyar are wounded during the fight; they are wounded, they bleed, and they experience fatigue on the battle field. The Tain

goes to much greater lengths to describe the wounds which Fer Diad and Cuchulainn

24 In addition to Scathach's involvement in Cuchulainn's early training, the female divinity known as the Morrigan (who often takes the form of a raven) exerts a continual influence over his childhood and adult life, although it must be said that unlike the benign Simorgh, the Morrigan is sometimes hostile to Cuchulainn. For further reading on major relationships of Irish, Indo-Iranian, and Greek epic heroes to prominent female characters, see Allen (2000), who applies a six-part model of women/hero dynamics (e.g. woman as lover, woman as mentor, etc.) to such epic heroes as Cuchulainn, Arjuna, and Odysseus. 136 suffer (3144-51), but the Shahnameh is clear that Isfandiyar and Rostam are bloody and dirty at the end of their firstroun d (VI.281.1053^4).

Just as Fer Diad has received the horn-skin to give him added protection in combat,

Cuchulainn has the advantage of the gae bolga, a magical lance which he has acquired also from Scathach. This weapon is the instrument of Fer Diad's death, and kills him with a single piercing thrust; against this weapon, the horn-skin offers little protection

(3348-59). Interestingly enough, in the Iranian epic, it is the Simorgh who explains to

Rostam how he can fashion a magical arrow from the tamarisk tree (VI.298.1303-20).

With this unique weapon, he kills Isfandiyar with a single shot to the eyes. Although the killing weapons (the gae bolga (a kind of spear) and tamarisk arrow) are not identical, it is significant that projectile weapons rather than swords or lances are used to deliver the death-blow, especially since the majority, of the combats are fought at close range. As in Chapter Three, the death-blows delivered by piercing weapons allow for a slower death, and make more plausible the death-speech by the vanquished hero, which could not occur if death were caused by (more commonly employed) slashing or crushing weapons such the sword or mace.25 In each epic, the source of the secondary hero's invulnerability is the same source for the supernatural weapon which ultimately kills him. Both the Tain and the Shahnameh make this source a sort of mythic foster-parent to the primary hero.

The Shahnameh and Tain each contain an analogous episode, related to the duels, in which the wounded hero receives supernatural healing through his

25 The filicideepisode s featuring Cu Chulainn and Connla, and Rostam and Sohrab, make use of a similar sequence formula in which the victim is mortally wounded by a thrusting (not bludgeoning or slashing) weapon, then delivers a death-speech. 137 father. When Isfandiyar begins to dominate the duel, Rostam (badly wounded) manages to flee home, where his father Zal, a powerful magician, uses sorcery to summon the agent of Rostam's healing: the Simorgh. The Simorgh comes, and instructs that Rostam's wounds be washed with a mixture of milk and one of her feathers

(VI.294.1237-320). Although the healing itself is accomplished by the Simorgh's power, the Simorgh herself is conjured by an act of her foster-son, the magician. Later, when Isfandiyar sees Rostam healed and strong, he accuses Rostam's father of having used his sorcery to heal his son (VI.300.1324-30). Following his battle with the hero Loch earlier in the Tain, Cuchulainn (badly wounded) receives a visit from his father, Lugh

(2137-201); Lugh is a member of the Aes Sid, thus one of the divine race which Irish heroic literature places in Ireland before the coming of the Celts.26 Lugh encourages

Cuchulainn to rest, then uses charms and plants to heal his wounds (2163-65). The battle with Loch is appropriate to discuss in conjunction with the Fer Diad episode, because it serves as a foreshadowing of the coming battle with Fer Diad. Like Fer Diad,

Loch has a horn-skin, he succeeds in wounding Cuchulainn badly, he too is slain by the gae bolga, and Cuchulainn utters a lamentation after the duel with Loch (1962-2011). For these reasons, Loch is generally accepted as a double for Fer Diad-and thus, a double for

Cuchulainn, although as a character Loch is featured for a very brief time in comparison with Fer Diad. Further, at the end of the Fer Diad episode, there is a second healing of Cuchulainn through the power of the Aes Sid. The Tain states that Cu

Chulain's allies wash his wounds in streams in which the Aes Sid have placed healing plants

26 The version of the Tain (Recension II) that this chapter deals with identifies the figure as an ally of Cu Chulainn's from the Aes Sid. In the same episode from an earlier (but less complete) version of the Tain (Recension I), the figure identifies himself as Cuchulainn's father Lugh. In other respects (dialogue and magical healing acts) the accounts agree. 138

and charms to aid him (3597-3604). This second supernatural healing episode is likely a

parallel to the earlier episode of healing by a person of the Aes Sid (Lugh), much as

the duel with Fer Diad is a parallel to the duel with Loch. The analogous episodes

featuring the intervention of the heroes' fathers to heal their sons are significant, since they

occur in connection with the 'Trial of Champions', and do not occur elsewhere in the

either epic.

This chapter has discussed the similar attributes of the primary and secondary heroes,

the monarchs who orchestrate the hostilities, and the parallel narrative patterns of the duels.

In order to summarize the most important parallels in this survey of the 'Trial of

Champions' in the Irish and Iranian sources, in each epic, there is a ruler who for selfish

reasons has arranged for a fight between champions; otherwise these heroes have

every reason to be on the best of terms. These heroes are unrelated by blood, but are linked

by episodes with a common supernatural female character; from this character, the primary

hero receives a magical weapon, and the secondary hero receives protective armor. The

friends and allies of the heroes protest the duel; the combatants reply in turn that

though they are reluctant to fight, there are no other options. A meal and lengthy dialogue between the two heroes precede the duel. The combat itself is protracted, and employs a

variety of weapons befitting the respective cultural contexts. The primary hero becomes

badly wounded and near to death, but manages to make use of the aforementioned magical weapon and slays his opponent. A healing episode takes place during or after the fight. The

dying warrior makes a speech, and is answered by his killer. This chapter has also discussed the similar attributes of the primary and secondary heroes, the monarchs who orchestrate the hostilities, and the parallel narrative patterns of the duels. In addition, the supernatural 139 characteristics of the duels have been considered (such as the 'invulnerable' attribute of both secondary heroes), the use of magical weapons by the primary heroes to deliver the death-blows, and the magical healings by means of supernatural forces allied to the primary heroes. As this chapter has discussed a crucial positive relationship that the hero enjoys with a powerful supernatural patron, it follows that the next chapter should address the converse subject of the hero's conflict with the otherworld. Chapter Five: The Hero as Otherworld Mediator

The heroes Cuchulainn and Rostam belong to that group of Indo-European heroes who function as mediators between the supernatural and the natural worlds. As I have already noted in Chapters One to Three, it is interesting that these two men each have a parentage which includes a monstrous element: Balor the Fomoire king for Cuchulainn, and Zahhak the div for Rostam, and this attribute is certainly responsible for a part of their superhuman powers. Each cycle of tales contains stories about a supernatural threat that faces the kingdom of Ulster or the nation of Iran, and that the mortal authorities and military are insufficient to deal with. Celtic (especially Irish) narrative and mythology has the unique concept of the 'Otherworld', a place inhabited by both the Dead and the semi-divine Aes Sid.x The Otherworld seems to mirror the mortal world in some ways

(geographically and socially), and can be reached by mortals through various geographic landmarks associated with the dead (for example, mounds).2 Yet despite these similarities to the mortal realm, it is a realm where characters encounter beings and landscapes which are clearly supernatural - for example, an island where people do not age. In the mundane world, beings from the Otherworld are often marked by narrative descriptors such as aberrations in size: a character who is identified as enormous or miniscule is often meant to be understood as a being from the Otherworld. The

Otherworld is very much a refuge for the pagan elements that cannot or should not be found in a 'contemporary' Christian Irish setting.3 Ciichulainn's father is one of the

Otherworld denizens, the pre-Christian Lugh. This may explain why Cuchulainn is

1 On this, see T. 6 Cathasaigh 'The Semantics of Sid', Eigse 17 (1978): 137-55. 2 See above Introduction, note 14. 3 It is worth noting that the belief in the Otherworld persists today in some Celtic regions; folklore having to do with 'fairies' often considers the Otherworld to be their place of origin.

140 141 singled out for attention by the Aes Sid, on more than one occasion. In the Serglige Con

Culainn 'Wasting-sickness of Cuchulainn', a queen from the Otherworld invites

Cuchulainn to visit the Otherworld to fight on her husband's behalf. In the Tain,

Cuchulainn is offered assistance in his trials in exchange for sexual relations with the

Morrigan, and when he declines he is obliged to fight her. This is complicated by her continual shape-shifting into various animal forms, though he nevertheless succeeds in wounding her three times. Later on, unable to heal on her own (despite her divine nature), the Morrigan tricks Cuchulainn into giving her his blessing, so she can regenerate her injured flesh.4 Further, in the Tain, Cuchulainn receives aid from the Aes

Sid: his father Lugh appears to fight on his behalf for three nights, and he receives healing from unnamed members of the Aes Sid following his duel with Loch.5

Rostam, likewise, is summoned by the Shah to deal with threats of a supernatural nature, which are beyond the powers of the Shah's other champions. Therefore when certain of the divs plague the Iranians (Akvan, the White Demon), it is no surprise that

Rostam appears to be one of the only heroes capable of dealing with them.6 Although there is no exact Iranian equivalent of the Otherworld - perhaps because under Islamic

influence, such a realm would have been difficult to envision - the region of Mazandaran

is perhaps a suitable parallel. Mazandaran is described as inhabited entirely by demons,

4 See TBC 1996-2027; 2038-71. Combat between mortal and Otherworld beings is uncommon, much as it would be for Greek or Norse heroes to engage in combat with their gods. We note that there are exceptions, such as semi-divine Hercules; or the Achaean Diomedes of the Iliad, who attacks Apollo, Aphrodites, and Ares. See Miller 2000, 219. 5 TBC 2144-45: Is and sin focheird in laech lossa side 7 lubri icci 7 sldnsen i cnedaib 7 i crechtaib, i- ndladaib 7 i n-ilgonaib Chon Culaind co terno Cu Chulaind ina chotlud cen rathugud do etir. 'Then the warrior from put herbs from the Aes Sid and healing herbs and a healing salve into the wounds and cuts and sores of Cuchulainn, so that Cuchulainn healed in his sleep without knowing it at all.' 6 Another exception is Prince Isfandiyar, who is later tragically forced to fight Rostam in an exhaustive and lengthy duel; Isfandiyar's adventures (mirrored on Rostam's) form a significant part of the later Shahnameh; see Shahnameh VI, pp. 167-216. 142 albeit creatures who have a society mirroring mortal society: they have peasants, a military, a Shah - indeed even a Shah's 'champion' (the White Demon).7 When Shah

Kavus undertakes the invasion of Mazandaran (with predictably disastrous results), only

Rostam is able to undertake the perilous journey there and defeat the enormous and powerful div champion who traps the Iranian army - this Rostam accomplishes by wrestling the monster to death. Rostam's supernatural strength allows him to function in this realm in a way which none of the Shah's other champions are able to mimic. While they are utterly helpless, Rostam is able to penetrate the structure in which they are trapped, and kill the being who holds the entire army hostage. He also speaks with the

Shah of Mazandaran as the representative of the Iranian Shah - so in a very real sense, he is mediating not just martially, but socially between the human and monstrous sovereigns.

Each of these heroes serves as a sort of buffer between the community and the unknown and potentially hostile supernatural elements beyond the borders of civilisation

- this occurs both in formal and informal combat: formal, on the battlefield against Aes

Sid or div armies; and informal, against monstrous opponents such as the demon Akvan, or the Morrigan. Also, the heroes mediate verbally between the mortal and monstrous societies, speaking on behalf of humans who are otherwise unable to speak for themselves. Being the descendants of both human and inhuman beings, they are the natural choice for such a function - especially since they each have a 'wholesome'

7 This is shown in a scene where the Demon-Shah sends a herald (Sanjeh) to summon the jU L£I=- ('war experienced') White Demon to the Shah's assistance against the invading Persians; this odd scene is very reminiscent of Persian champions being summoned to the Shah's court in times of aid (Shahnameh 11.12.155-194). 143 supernatural ancestry, but also a monstrous element as well, which is be discussed further above.

The hero is superior to his fellow warriors in his ability to overcome difficult and even supernatural opposition. As has been discussed below in Chapter Three, even in their childhood and adolescence Cuchulainn and Rostam are able to overcome large numbers of enemy combatants, and so mundane battles seem to hold little peril for them

- and consequently, less glory - than for other men.8 Yet epic depends on violent conflict as one of its primary themes (perhaps the dominant theme), and so the hero relies on the supernatural world to provide challenging antagonists: against demonic or monstrous combatants, he can pit his skills and powers, at the risk of death but with a genuine chance for glory and fame.9

One of the most colorful passages in the Shahnameh is the famous duel between

Rostam and the White Demon (±~~> r_* ). This tale belongs to the group of tales known as the 'Seven Labours of Rostam' (^—j ^Lxii*), which in all likelihood were influenced by the well-known Greek tales known as the 'Twelve Labors of Hercules'.10 To date, few studies have identified any analogues to this particular Persian cycle of tales, with perhaps the single exception of the Herculean material. Nevertheless there exist remarkable and complex parallels between the 'Seven Deeds of Rostam' and the Anglo-

Saxon poem Beowulf, as I will demonstrate below. Further, the Irish Cath Edgan meic

Durthachtfri Conchobar (The Battle of Eogan mac Durthacht against Conchobar) shows

8 The boyhood deeds and raids are treated above in Chapter Two. 9 Orchard {Pride and Prodigies 32-33) argues this view, stating: 'Beowulf fights monsters because only then is he well-matched. When he does face human champions, like Dsghrefn, his methods are distinctly inhuman, one might say almost monstrous; Daeghrefii is simply crushed to death (lines 2498-508).' 10 The 'Seven Deeds' are found in the Shahnameh II. 21.275-610. It is difficult to know what access Ferdowsi had to sources dealing with Hercules, but it is almost universally agreed that the Greek material played some role in the formulation of the Persian 'Seven Deeds' narrative. See Davidson 1994: 96-127. 144 significant thematic parallels to both the Beowulf and the Persian 'Seven Deeds' narratives, and I will show that all three should be considered as Indo-European analogues.

A discussion of the provenance and dating of the Beowulf text is necessary for the reader to understand its standing (chronologically) in relation to the Tain and Shahnameh.

In some ways similar to the Shahnameh, the Beowulf'tal e is a heroic poem, though with a considerably shorter length of 3,182 lines. Nevertheless, it is one of the lengthiest stories recorded in the Old English (or Anglo-Saxon) language.11 Old English poetry relies on alliteration, whereas Persian or Irish poetry relies on rhyme; all three depend on metre.

Most recently, Andy Orchard has examined the history of the Beowulf manuscript (the

British Library's Cotton Vitellius A.XV) and observes that the dating of the poem continues to be a complex and thorny issue.13 It seems likely that the Beowulf manuscript is no earlier than the earliest known manuscripts of the Tain and Shahnameh, but like the

Tain, we know little about Beowulf's composer(s) or compiler(s), beyond the fact that the manuscript is a monastic product with a twelfth century script. While it is beyond the

1' For a general introduction to Beowulf and a comprehensive overview of Beowulf studies, the reader is advised to see: A. Orchard, A Critical Companion to Beowulf (Cambridge, 2003); cf. P. Baker, ed., Beowulf: Basic Readings (Lincoln, 1997); also R. Bjork and J. Niles, eds., A Beowulf Handbook (Lincoln, 1997); also M. Osborn, Beowulf: A Guide to Study (Los Angeles, 1986). Though written 70 years ago, the seminal article of J. R. R. Tolkien is still necessary reading; see: J. R. R. Tolkien, 'Beowulf. The Monsters and the Critics', Proceedings of the British Academy, 22 (1936), 245-95. Popular recent publications of the legend include the bilingual translation of Seamus Heaney, a verse translation by Roy Liuzza, and the teaching edition of Bruce Mitchell and Fred Robinson; see: S. Heaney, trans., Beowulf: a New Verse Translation (New York, 2000); R. Liuzza, ed., Beowulf: a New Verse Translation (Peterborough, 2000); B. Mitchell and F. Robinson, eds., Beowulf: an Edition with Relevant Shorter Texts (Oxford, 1998). 12 For a discussion of metrics in early Anglo-Saxon poetry, see: G. Russom, Old English Metre and Linguistics (Cambridge, 1987); C. Kendall, The Metrical Grammar of Beowulf (Cambridge, 1991); for metrics in Indo-European poetry, see: Watkins, How to Kill a Dragon, 12-26. 13 For a discussion of the manuscript tradition of the Cotton Vitellius A.XV, see A. Orchard, 2003, 12-56. Orchard (2003, 6) states 'There is still no consensus on the date of the poem, with current estimates ranging from the seventh century to the eleventh (and indeed every century in between).' Cf. C. Chase, The Dating of Beowulf [reprint] with an afterword by Nicholas Howe (Toronto, 1997); K. Kiernan, 'Beowulf and the 'Beowulf-Manuscript rev. ed. with foreword by K. O'Brien O'Keeffe (Ann Arbor, 1996); S. Newton, The Origins of 'Beowulf and the Pre-viking Kingdom ofEastAnglia (Cambridge, 1993). 145 scope of this dissertation to consider questions of the Beowulf poem's original date of composition, my final chapter will suggest new possibilities for its oral narrative origins.

The title {Beowulf) is not one indicated to the reader by the manuscript, but rather it is the name of the protagonist, and the name by which the poem has become known to the academic community. The poem is composed of two separate episodes: the first is the quest undertaken by Beowulf as a young man, to stop the ogre Grendel who terrorizes the

Danish settlement of Heorot; the second episode is the battle between a marauding dragon and Beowulf, who is now an elderly though stalwart king - this tale also serves to bring an end to the hero.14 Like the events of the Tain, those of the Old English poem are understood to take place sometime in the late fifth/early sixth centuries, before its subjects (in this case Anglo-Saxons) converted to Christianity, even though the author is clearly a Christian; as a result, the poem demonstrates both pagan and Christian values and themes - and not always in harmony. Strangely, the events of Beowulf Ao not take place within England (though its audience is Anglo-Saxon), and the hero is a Geat (one of the Germanic races) on a mission to bring aid to a Danish kingdom. Much like early

Celtic and Iranian cultures, medieval Anglo-Saxon society was ruled by a warrior aristocracy, which relied on a system of patron-client relationships between the cyng (or

'king') and his pegnas ('thanes' or 'sworn warriors').15

I now present a summary of the events of the Beowulf narrative, followed by analogous events from 'Rostam's Duel with the White Demon', and the Irish Cath Edgan

14 It can be argued that Beowulf'ha s three episodes, if the visit to the mere is taken as a separate episode from the fight with Grendel. 15 For sources on Anglo-Saxon culture and literature, see: J. Bazelmans, By Weapons Made Worthy: Lords, Retainers, and their Relationship in 'Beowulf (Amsterdam, 1999); J. Hill, The Cultural World of Beowulf (Toronto, 1995); P. Pulsiano & E. Treharne, eds., A Companion to Anglo-Saxon Literature (Oxford, 2001). 146 meic Durthachtfri Conchobar. As in previous chapters, I will follow the summaries with an analysis and discussion of their narrative parallels.

BEOWULF & GRENDEL

The legend begins with the construction of the great Danish fortress Heorot ('Hart

House') in celebration of King Hrothgar's fifty years of sovereignty {Beowulf lines 64-

79). Though the construction is successful and a great cultural centre is born, the sounds of festivities awaken the ogre Grendel, who inhabits a swamp in the nearby mountains

(lines 86-125). Grendel begins a series of nightly raids, carrying off and eating the

Danes. Despite the bravery of the king and his warriors, they are powerless to stop the monster's depredations; for twelve winters, Grendel continues his marauding unopposed

(lines 131-93). In this time of despair and oppression, Beowulf, a Geatish hero, learns of Hrothgar's oppression and leaves Geatland for Denmark with a retinue of warriors, intent on slaying the monster and restoring the security of the kingdom (lines 194-228).

Beowulf s credentials are established by his claims to past heroic deeds and monster- slaying; the poet tells us that: se wees mon-cynnes mcegenes strengest on pcem dcege pysses lifes, cepele ond eacen. 'He was the mightiest human alive in that day and age, noble and mighty' (lines 196-97; Beowulf s account of his adventures occurs in lines

407-26). On the first night at Heorot, Beowulf lies in wait for the monster. When

Grendel bursts into the fortress, Beowulf seizes him and a terrific wrestling match begins

(lines 688-789). The Geatish retinue is powerless to intervene, since by his sorcery

Grendel has rendered himself immune to all blades (lines 794-805). Realizing that

Beowulf is too powerful a foe to overcome, Grendel attempts to break free of the grapple, 147 but is only able to do so at the cost of a limb; he returns to his lair and dies from blood- loss (lines 755-56; 809-24). Beowulf is left holding the fiend's arm as a grisly trophy, which is hung in the fortress as a reminder of the victory (lines 828-36). The Danish people hold a feast to celebrate Beowulf s heroism, but the victory is not entirely complete. That night, as the revellers slumber, Grendel's Mother breaks into the fortress and seizes one of the king's trusted counsellors (lines 1251-99). When daytime comes and the king laments his friend's death, Beowulf mounts an expedition into the mountains to seek out the swamp where the demons dwell (lines 1345-82). The poem goes to some lengths to liken the swamp to the mouth of hell, and Beowulf dives down into it to find the she-demon (lines 1422-95). Grendel's Mother perceives the hero and seizes him, dragging him into a dim, waterless cave at the bottom of the swamp (lines 1487-1517).

A great struggle ensues, in which (at first) Beowulf gets better than he gives; however through divine providence he is able to seize an ancient sword and dispatch the female fiend with a slash to the neck (lines 1518-69). He finds the body of Grendel and beheads the monster, and carries the head back to Hrothgar and the Danes (lines 1584-

90). Celebrations follow, and the elderly king sends Beowulf back to Geatland with praise, great rewards (horses, armour, and beaten gold) and regal advice (lines 1840-80).

BEOWULF & THE DRAGON

Fifty years later, Beowulf rules as a king in Geatland, having inherited the kingdom from his uncle Hygelac (lines 2200-10). As fate has it, one of the inhabitants from the kingdom finds a horde of treasure, and takes a golden cup from it (lines 2210-

41). By misfortune, the horde belongs to a dragon, which (discovering the missing cup) begins to attack and burn settlements in retribution for the slight (lines 2287-323). 148

Beowulf is now an old man, but he is still physically powerful, and makes for the horde of the dragon with the thief and a crew of eleven retainers (lines 2324-565). All of the warriors abandon him for fear of the dragon (though one returns), and so he confronts the beast with only the aid of his kinsman and retainer Wiglaf (lines 2296-99). The struggle is fierce and long, in three parts, and ends when Beowulf slays the beast - but he himself dies shortly after from the monster's venom (lines 2550-820). Wiglaf assumes the

Geatish kingship, and with the proper ceremony Beowulf is buried with the dragon's treasure (lines 3138-82).

ROSTAM & THE WHITE DEMON

The 'Seven Labours' of Rostam begin when Kay Kavus, the Shah of Iran, launches a disastrous campaign into Mazandaran, an otherworldly realm which lies on the borders of Iran, and is populated by demons {Shahnameh II.4.15-185).16 Though his counselors try to persuade him that to do so is tantamount to suicide, the Shah's legendary hubris leads him to ignore their advice and begin the campaign (II.5.35-131).

Kavus leaves behind Rostam and Rostam's father Zal so that they may protect Iran during his absence (11.11.132-34). At first, the Iranian military enjoys great success killing demon peasants and farmers, and eventually they locate a fantastic city (called

Mazandaran City) flowing with gold and jewels - the Iranians occupy the city, and use it as a staging base for their raids (II. 14.176-84).17 When news of this invasion reaches the

Shah of Mazandaran, he wastes no time in sending a messenger to summon his

16 Mazandaran was, of course, a real region on the borders of Iran, but Ferdowsi's literary version is a supernatural reflection of the 'real' Mazandaran. 17 Somewhat confusingly, this city is called 'Mazandaran', though it is not the dwelling place of the Shah of Mazandaran. A western parallel would be 'Rome' as both the name of both an empire and its capital city. 149 champion: the White Demon (11.12.155-94). This creature leaves its lair (a deep pit in the mountains), and comes to stop the Iranian menace. Using sorcery, the Demon summons a cloud of darkness which blinds the Persians and traps them inside the great city, where the monster comes daily to taunt them (11.15.195-215). Another demon,

Arzhang, is left as the guardian of city, the Persian captives, and their wealth (II. 16.216-

22).18 They despoil the Persians of riches and send them back to the Shah of Mazandaran.

Shah Kavus suffers great despair at his helplessness to remedy the situation; yet somehow, he manages to send a messenger to Zal and Rostam, asking for help

(11.17.223-32). Choosing a swift yet dangerous route over a slow but safer course,

Rostam undertakes a journey to Mazandaran (11.19.248-74). En route to the otherworldly realm, Rostam faces a clever lion (11.22.288-99), a three-fold assault by a fire-breathing dragon (II.26.338-88),19 a seductive witch, who turns out to be a wizened hag (11.29.389-416), and a demonic chieftain named Olad, whom he recruits as a guide

(11.31.417-96). He reaches Mount Aspruz, where his guide tells him about the city ahead

(where Kavus and the Persians are imprisoned), and also warns him about the demon hero Arzhang, who guards the city and the captives on behalf of the White Demon

(11.37.497-505). Rostam then heads towards the city, where he encounters Arzhang: the two heroes (man and monster) wrestle fiercely, but Rostam seizes the demon by the head and decapitates him (11.38.506-14). He enters the city, where he finds Shah Kavus and the Iranian captives; the overjoyed monarch warns Rostam that victory is not complete, and that the young hero must attack the White Demon in its lair before it gets news of

18 Arzhang is said to be a 'captain' and 'hero' of the demon race, and one of the vassals of the White Demon. 19 Fearing for his master, Rakhsh intervenes to help Rostam, who severs the head of the dragon; poison (zahr) pours from the stump of the neck. 150

Arzhang's death. The Shah tells Rostam of a route leading into the mountains, where he will find a terrifying grotto, guarded by monsters, and within which dwells the White

Demon (II.39.527-43).20 When he arrives at the pit, he finds it guarded by water- monsters; the poem likens the grotto to the mouth of hell (11.42.565). He is told by his guide that he should make his raid during the daytime, since the sun will limit the power of the demons and cause them to sleep (11.41.555-58). He kills some of the water- monsters before entering the grotto (11.42.561-63). Bearing his sword, he descends into the grotto (also referred to as a well), where his sight is obscured by darkness; he washes his eyes, then he sees the mighty White Demon - a terrifying sight, iron-shod and huge as a mountain (11.42.565-70). The White Demon perceives Rostam and moves to attack him; Rostam manages to sever a limb of the creature, but the demon seizes him and the combatants begin to wrestle (11.42.571-75). The hero reminds himself that he cannot afford to lose the fight, and the White Demon begins to fear that this human warrior is too strong and that any victory is beyond its reach (11.43.576-77). Rostam finally seizes the monster by the neck and stabs the creature's torso, killing it (11.43.580-82). He brings the head of Arzhang and the liver of the White Demon back to Shah Kavus, and frees the

Persians from their imprisonment (11.44.594-615). After some final political intrigues and military strikes against the capital of Mazandaran, the Persian army returns to Iran

(11.45.616-851). The Shah gives Rostam great rewards (clothing, horses, servants and gold), and sends him to his home province of Sistan (11.53.860-85).

Here referred to as a jU 'grotto', but othertimes it is called a «l» 'well' on line 565. 151

THE BATTLE WITH EOGHAN MAC DURTHACHT

The fourth episode of the 'boyhood deeds' in the Tain is known as the Cath

Eogan meic Durthacht fri Conchobar (The Battle of Eogan mac Durthacht against

Conchobar). This tale (one of the macgnimrada Con Culaind 'Boyhood Deeds of

Cuchulainn'), is found in the Lebor na hUidre recension of the Tain (TBC 480-524). The tale runs thus: war erupts between the forces of Conchobar, and the forces of the rival

Ulster king Eogan mac Durthacht (TBC 480-82). Young Cuchulainn is left sleeping at

Emain Macha, while Conchobor, Fergus, and the rest of the adult warriors engage Eogan mac Durthacht's forces; the forces of Emain Macha are badly routed, and their wailing wakes Cuchulainn (TBC 482-85). As he wakes to the sounds of dying Ulstermen,

Cuchulainn shatters the stone pillars that brace his bed (TBC 485-86). He encounters

Fergus at the doors to the fortress, and learns from him that Conchobar lies wounded on the battlefield. Though it is night-time and pitch black, Cuchulainn heads to the battlefield to find the Ulster king (TBC 492). Upon arrival, he encounters a horrific spectacle: a zombie-like creature with only half a head approaches him, carrying half a corpse upon its back (TBC 492-93). The figure calls Cuchulainn by name, and asks him to help bear the corpse on his back (TBC 492-93). When Cuchulainn refuses, the dead man casts his dead brother on the young hero, but Cuchulainn throws the brother aside; a wrestling match ensues between the spectre and the young hero, in which the youth fares worse (TBC 494). At this point, the Badb (an Irish war-goddess) appears and taunts him, saying: 'O/c damnae laichfil andfo chossaib aurddraggV21 'Bad potential for a warrior here, under the feet of spectres!' (TBC 497-99). Enraged, Cuchulainn strikes the head off the spectral antagonist, and plays a macabre game of hurley using the creature's head as a

211 have chosen to capitalize 'Badb', though O'Rahilly's edition does not do so. 152 ball (TBC 501-502). When he finds Conchobar, he carries him safely to a nearby house, and is dispatched on a strange errand to find a roasted pig for the king (TBC 504-14).

The youth finds a dreadful man roasting a roast pig (TBC 514-19); undaunted, he takes the man's pig (and his head), and returns to Conchobar (TBC 519). Once Conchobar is reinvigorated from the food, he and Ciichulainn make for Emain Macha, finding Cuscraid

(Conchobar's son, ergo Ciichulainn's cousin) en route, and Ciichulainn carries his cousin back to the fortress (TBC 520-23).

As in previous chapters, I will now organize these events in a table, sequentially, for the sake of demonstrating parallels. In instances where events are listed out of sequence, I indicate the anomaly with an asterisk (*). 153

Rostam Beowulf Cuchulainn 1. News reaches the hero that 1. News reaches the hero that 1. News reaches the hero that Shah Kavus is endangered in a King Hrothgar is endangered in King Conchobar is endangered foreign land, and goes to rescue a foreign land, and goes to on the battlefield, and goes to him. (11.18.233-274) rescue him. (lines 131-193) rescue him. (lines 480-491)

2. The Shah and his warriors 2. The king and his warriors 2. He reaches the battlefield by are trapped in a fantastic city by dwell in a great hall, but are nightfall; the night is pitch- a magical darkness, and attacked nightly by a 'warrior' black. He is attacked by an attacked nightly by a 'warrior' demon, Grendel. (lines 86-125) undead warrior, (lines 491-7) demon, the White Demon. (11.15.198-222)

3. Both the army and king are 3. Both the warriors and king unable to resist the demon, are unable to resist the demon, since it is a powerful sorcerer, since it has supernatural (ibid; 11.17.223-232) protection, (lines 131-193, 794-805)

4. The demon does not kill the king, but instead causes the 4. The demon does not kill the deaths of his warriors, which king, but instead causes the torments the helpless king. deaths of his warriors, which (11.16.205-220) torments the helpless king, (lines 168-9) 5. The hero undertakes a long and dangerous journey to reach 5. The hero undertakes a long the Shah, (n.21.275-496) and dangerous journey to reach the king, (lines 194-228) 6. En-route, the hero encounters and slays a dragon. (11.26.338- *6. The hero fights and kills a 88.) dragon, (lines 2538-2708)

7. At the king's city, the hero 7. At the king's hall, the hero 7. The hero wrestles with one of wrestles the demon Arzhang, wrestles with Grendel. the spectres. The Badb appears lieutenant of the White Demon. (lines 736-836) and mocks him. (lines 497-500) (11.38.506-515)

8. The hero tears off the *8. The hero cuts off the 8. The hero knocks off the head demon's head. (II.38.514-5) demon's head, (lines 1584- of the spectre, (lines 501-2) 1590)

9. The hero reports to the Shah. 9. The hero reports to the king, 9. The hero reports to the king, (II.39.523-9) (lines 957-978) (lines 503-12)

10. The hero receives 10. The hero receives 10. The hero receives orders instructions from the Shah on instructions from the king on from the king to find and how to find the lair of the White how to find the lair of Grendel's retrieve a roast pig. (lines 513- Demon. (11.39.530-543) Mother, a she-demon. (lines 4) 1345-1382) 154

Rostam Beowulf Cuchulainn 11. The Shah says that the 11. The king says that the creatirfe's lair is up in the creature's lair is up in the mountains. (11.40.535) mountains, (lines 1357-1361)

12. The lair is likened to the 12. The lair is likened to the mouth of hell. (11.42.565) mouth of hell, (lines 1361— 1381)

13. Rostam enters the cave by 13. Beowulf enters the cave by day. (11.41.555-564) day. 1422-1430)

14. Rostam kills some of the 14. Beowulfs retinue kills water-monsters guarding the some of the water-monsters mouth of the pit, and descends guarding the mouth of the mere, into the darkness. (11.42.561—3) and he dives into the darkness, (lines 1432-1441)

15. He finds water at the pit's 15. He swims through water to bottom. (11.42.567) find the mere's bottom, (lines 1506-1517)

16. Through the darkness the 16. Through the darkness the 16. Through the darkness White Demon see Rostam and she-demon sees Beowulf and Cuchulainn finds a dreadful attacks him. (11.42.570) attacks him. (lines 1497-1505) man; he attacks him. (lines 516-18) 17. Rostam severs a limb (a leg) * 17. Beowulf tears a limb (an from the White Demon. arm) from Grendel. (lines 809- (11.42.573) 824)

18. Rostam and the demon 18. Beowulf and the demon 18. The hero and the dreadful wrestle fiercely. (11.42.574-80) wrestle fiercely, (lines 1508— man fight, (line 518) 1556)

19. The Demon considers * 19. Grendel tries to escape, escape as an option, but fears but Beowulf is too strong. that it will loose its reputation (lines 761-794) amongst its own kind. (II.43.576-7)

20. Rostam seizes the Demon 20. Beowulf seizes a nearby 20. Cuchulainn cuts off the by the neck and stabs with his sword and stabs the she-demon fearsome man's head, killing dagger, killing it. (11.43.580-2) in the neck, killing it. (lines him. (line 519) 1587-1569)

21. He returns to the king, 21. He returns to the king, 21. He returns to the king with bringing the head of the demon bringing the head of the the head of the dreadful man Arzhang, and the liver of the Grendel. (lines 1612-1650) and the pig. (line 519) White Demon. (11.44.594-615)

22. The Shah richly rewards the 22. The king richly rewards the hero, who becomes ruler of the hero, who later becomes ruler kingdom of Sistan (a border of a portion of Geatland. (lines region of Iran). (11.53.860-885) 1840-1869) 155

These three tales possess a number of strong parallels, especially the poems concerning

Beowulf and Rostam. My analysis will focus mainly on these narratives, with parallels

from the Celtic text where relevant. Having laid down the events in sequential order, I will now discuss the narratives thematically, and will focus the discussion on these principal points:

1. The Monsters 2. Structures and Lairs 3. The Combats THE MONSTERS: CHARACTERISTICS

Perhaps the most curious element which appears in each of the three tales is the

appearance of two hostile supernatural characters: the Beowulf poem has Grendel and

Grendel's Mother; the Shahnameh has Arzhang and the White Demon; and 'The Battle of

Eogan mac Durthacht against Conchobar' has the two undead warriors, and the man of

dreadful countenance. The reader will note that in all three cases, some of the monsters

are nameless and are referred to instead by descriptive terms (for example, 'mother',

'white'); so Grendel and Arzhang are named, but not their counterparts; the Irish undead

are both nameless, nor is the dreadful man named.23

These monsters are remarkable, because in addition to the characteristics which

are expected in a demon or fiend, these creatures possess (not without irony) traits which

are normally used for human heroes.24 Grendel, for example, is referred to in Old

22 Arguably, the two undead warriors can be read to represent a single figure, as only one brother appears to speak with and physically interact with Cuchulainn. 2 In describing the man, the Tain reads (lines 518): Ba mor a uathmaire indfhir. 'The dreadfulness of the man was great.' 24 Orchard (Pride and Prodigies 29) states: 'Moreover, despite the clear antagonism between the worlds of monsters and men, there is, as in the Passion of Saint Christopher and Judith in the same manuscript, something deeply human about the 'monsters'. All are given human attributes at some stage, and the poet even goes so far as to evoke our sympathy for their plight.' For a full discussion of the human attributes of the monsters, see Orchard Pride and Prodigies 27-32. 156

English as: heal-degn 'hall-servant' (line 142), hyrde fyrena 'guardian of wickedness'

(line 750), mearc-stapa 'march-warden' (line 1003), ren-weard 'hall-guard', and wer

'man' (line 105); yet monstrous terms such as ceglceca 'monster' (line 159),25 ellor-gast

'foreign spirit' (line 907); gcest 'spectre' (line 1002), feond 'enemy' (line 1001), hel-riine

'necromancer, one who is skilled in the mysteries of hell' (line 163), eoten 'giant' (line

761), he is the subject of such verbs as rixode 'ruled' (line 144); he is capable of murder

(not merely killing); he has a heathen soul (line 852).26 He can be sad (line 105), he feels

fear (lines 750-7) and hate (line 142). He is a member of Caines cyn 'the kin of [the

Biblical] Cain' (line 107).27 Grendel's Mother has a similar range of nouns: she is an

aglcec-wif 'terrifying woman' (line 1259), a ferara-wy/f'sea-wolf (line 1505), a mere-wff

'swamp-woman' (line 1519), a modor 'mother' (lines 1258, 1276), a mdn-scada 'wicked

harmer' (line 1339), an ellor-gcest 'foreign spirit' (line 1349); capable of sorrow (lines

1278) and meditations on vengeance (line 1259); along with other horrors, she is

descended from the Biblical figure Cain (line 1260-6), yet simultaneously fatherless and

accursedly supernatural (lines 1355-7). In terms of appearance, the text tells us

The term ceglceca (translated with such various terms as 'wretch', 'monster', 'demon', hero') has attracted considerable attention; see D. Gillam, 'The Use of the Term ceglceca in Beowulf'a t Lines 813 and 2592', Studia Germanica Gandensia 3 (1961): 145-69; S. Kuhn, 'Old English ceglceca - Middle Irish ochlach' in Linguistic Method: Essays in Honor of Herbet Penzl, eds. I. Rauch and G. Carr, Janua linguarum series maior 79 (The Hague, 1979), 213-30, from Orchard 2003. 26 For more on the terms and their translations, the reader is encouraged to consult A. diPaolo Healey et al., ed., Dictionary of Old English (Toronto, 1986- ); see also: J. Bosworth and T. N. Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Based on the Manuscript Collections of Joseph Bosworth (Oxford, 1881-98); An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Supplement, by T. N. Toller (Oxford, 1908-21); Enlarged Agenda and Corrigenda to the Supplement by T. Northcote Toller To An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Based on the Manuscript Collections of Joseph Bosworth, by A. Campbell (Oxford, 1972). See also: T. P. Feldman, 'A Comparative Study of feond, deofl, syn and hel in Beowulf, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 88 (1987): 159-74. 27 Grendel's descent from Cain is the subject of a considerable amount of scholarship; see, for example, S. Bandy, 'Cain, Grendel, and the Giants of Beowulf, Papers on Language and Literature 9 (1973): 235—49; C. Donahue, 'Grendel and the Clanna Cain', Journal of Celtic Studies 1 (1950): 167-75; O. Emerson, 'Legends of Cain, Especially in Old and Middle English', Publications of the Modern Language Association 21 (1906), 831-929; T. P. Feldman, 'Grendel and Cain's Descendants', Literary Onomastic Studies 8 (1981): 71-87; N. Peltola, 'Grendel's Descent from Cain Reconsidered', Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 73 (1972): 284-91. 157

frustratingly little - at a distance, both Grendel and his Mother are said to appear in rough

human likeness, but are too large to be mistaken for mortals (lines 135(M).28

As the poem shows, Grendel and Grendel's Mother are not simply mindless

ogres, but monsters with attributes similar to their human prey. This mix of human and

monstrous imagery creates an unnatural antagonist who possesses both animal savagery

and human understanding, which makes Grendel a very different threat than a wild

animal or enemy champion: he can be pitied for his loneliness and suffering, but also

despised for his willingness to murder and cause suffering needlessly. The poem

characterises him as a type of exiled monstrous (otherworldly) champion, aggressively

defending his territory (i.e. the wilderness) against the order of human society, when the

growing Danish territory begins to encroach on his domain; his Mother carries out the

blood-feud in revenge for the slaying of her son, a uniquely human act.29

The White Demon is the de facto champion of the Otherworld, and this is made

clear by the manner in which 'it' (its gender being unclear) is introduced.30 When the

Persian army attacks the Otherworld realm of Mazandaran, the Shah of the demonic

kingdom panics and sends a messenger to summon the champion of the demons, the

The difference in size must be significant, since the poem states that it takes four men to carry the head of Grendel (lines 1634-39). For more on the physiology of Grendel, see M. Lapidge, 'Beowulf and the Psychology of Terror', in Heroic Poetry in the Anglo-Saxon Period: Studies in Honor of Jess B. Bessinger, Jr., ed. H. Damico and J. Leyerle, Studies in Medieval Culture 32 (Kalamazoo, 1993), 373-402. 29 Consider, for example, the very human theme of exile, which characterises Grendel's solitary existence; see J. Baird, 'Grendel the Exile', Neuphililogische Mitteilungen 67 (1966): 375-81; see also S. Greenfield, Hero and Exile: the Art of Old English Poetry, ed. G. Brown (London, 1989). 30 This is in large part due to the fact that Classical Persian does not have a gendered 3rd person pronoun, using ,1 'him/her/it', and that its nouns (as in Modern English) are not identifiably masculine or feminine as they are in Avestan, Old English, or Old Irish. I am indebted to Professor Subtelny, who informs me that in some traditions of the Shahnameh, the White Div is understood to be a female demon; this explains the mixed practices used in illustrating the monster. For example, on folio 85v of Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, MS Haci Besir Aga 486, the White Demon is depicted with breasts, which suggests a feminine or neuter gender. 158

White Demon.31 Thus from the moment of its introduction, the White Demon's role as the defender of the demonic society is established clearly by the narrative - and this makes good sense, given that the demonic society has peasants, soldiers, and a Shah, much like any mortal kingdom. While, like Beowulf, the Shahnameh does not trouble itself with a detailed description of the monster's physical appearance, the White Demon is referred to as: <>£ 'mountain' (11.42.568), OL-J ^*£ 'a dark mountain' (11.42.570), ^

>Jji 'snow-haired' (11.42.569); he is iron-armoured and iron- crowned (II.42.570).JZ The rich late medieval Persian tradition of illustration has provided many examples of how

Persian audiences envisioned the demon champion: the White Demon is larger than

Rostam (himself a giant among men), predictably white-haired, frequently spotted, horned, or tailed.33 It sometimes is shown wearing a short kilt, it sometimes bears a club

(not mentioned in the epic but frequently drawn), and is depicted with male and/or female physical traits (i.e. genitalia and/or breasts).34 Arzhang's appearance is not described by the Shahnameh (though is shown in manuscript illustrations), but the poem refers to him as: jVL. 'hero, chieftain' (11.16.216), JL^*-. 'military leader' (11.37.503), and J^

'champion' (11.37.503). When depicted in painting, he appears most commonly as a large, black or dark-blue skinned humanoid, with a demonic face, horns, and tale; he

31 It is strange, however, that while Arzhang is the nominal chief of the demons' army, he himself does not take the field as part of any host, but fights alone as a champion. 32 Shahnameh 11.42.570: <>ys ^Ij, ..icL, JJJ>] -j, 'He is iron-armored and iron-crowned'. 33 Omidsalar (2001, 267- 68) suggests that the colouring of the White Demon is in fact a reflex of Zal's pseudo-albinoism, and that the combat with the White Demon is in fact a kind of sanitized vater-sohnes- kampf. He argues that this is suggested by the text, since Zal and the White Demon share common physical markers such as dark-skin with white hair, and are both sorcerers. 34 For examples of manuscripts with illustrations of the White Demon, I refer the reader to: Tehran, Iranian National Museum, MS 4336, fo.152; Moscow, National Library, MS Dorn 329, fo.47v; Cairo, Dar-ul- Kutub, MS Ta'rikh Farisi 73, fo.41r; Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS Ryl Pers 933, fo.31v; Tehran, Gulistan Museum, MS 716, fo. 101. These and other illustrations are available online from the Cambridge University Shahnameh project at: . Cf. Istanbul, Suleymaniye Kutuphanesi, MS Haci Besir Aga 486, fo.85v. 159 wears a short kilt, and frequently bears a mace. These two demons, then, belong to an actual society of monsters, which mirrors human society to a large extent. They are capable of speech and understanding speach, demonstrated when the White Demon gives orders to his vassals and sends replies to the Shah of Mazandaran through Arzhang.36

Further, they are capable of human (ostensibly Persian) speech, as the White Demon mocks the Shah of Iran after Persians have been captive for a week.37

The Irish 'Battle of Eogan mac Durthacht against Conchobar' from the Tain presents Cuchulainn with three very strange antagonists: a pair of spectral brothers, and a man at a fire-pit, who is described as very 'horrific' or 'dreadful'. Very little is said about these antagonists, apart from Cuchulainn's initial impressions of them, though this is due in part to the shortness of the tale.38 No speculations are made about their region of origin, neither are they indentified by their garments. One of the spectres is missing half his head (though he is alive and mobile), and he carries half of his brother

(inanimate) on his back; the text does not specify if the division is vertical or horizontal.40

They are referred curiously to as aurddrag (Olr. 'spectre, phantom', cf. ON draugr), which indicates that they are some sort of undead; the tale itself makes it clear that they are not ghosts, but corporeal fiends. The motif of the undead is not a common one in the

Ulster cycle of tales, though it is noteworthy that the Yellow Book of Lecan manuscript,

For illustrations of Arzhang, see: Oxford, Bodelian Library, MS Ouseley Add. 176, fo.7r; London, British Library, MS Oriental 12688, fo.94v; London, British Library, MS I.O.Islamic 301, fo.51v; Manchester, John Rylands Univesity Library, MS Ryl Persian 909, fo. 65v; Tehran, Museum of Contemporary Arts, Shah Tahmasp, fo,122v; cf. Tehran, Gulistan Museum, MS 1946, fo.134. 36 Shahnameh 11.16.217-20. 37 Shahnameh II. 16.207-11. 38 The tale is a small potion of the 'Boyhood Deeds', with only forty-three lines. 39 Later in the TBC (lines 3545-870), at the request of the Connacht king Ailill, Fergus identifies troops of warriors and individual champions based on descriptions of their weapons and garments. 40 The TBC (line 493) reads: fer 7 leth a chindfair 7 lethfir ailefor a muin. 'A man with (only) half his head, and half of another man upon his back'. 160 which contains a version of Recension I of the Tain, also contains the Echtra Nerai

'Adventures of Nera', in which appears an undead (and hanged) criminal who interacts with Nera (the protagonist) and also murders a family in the early part of the tale.41 As the two spectres of the Tain are encountered on the battlefield at night, they may well be dead warriors - and indeed, the spectres initiate combat when Cuchulainn refuses to carry one of the spectres. The more animate of the two spectres is capable of speech (and thus thought), since he is able to speak with Cuchulainn, and further he recognises Cuchulainn and calls him by name.42 However the spectre does not identify himself or his brother; this namelessness suggests an incompleteness of being, emphasised by the physical incompleteness of their bodies - in fact Dooley suggests that the dead warriors may be understood not only as two siblings, but as a polluted and undifferentiated pair, for which reasons Cuchulainn (very rightly) is reluctant to interact with them. 43 The other antagonist of the tale is the 'dreadful man', whom the young hero finds cooking a pig at a fire-pit in the middle of the forest; he bears weapons (we are not told whether club, sword, or spear) while he is cooking, which identifies him as a warrior-figure.4 The man

Kuno Meyer, ed., 'The Adventures of Nera {Echtra Nerai or Tain Be Aingeri), from Egerton 1782, fo. 71b-73b', Revue Celtique 10 (1889): 212-28. For a study of concept of the undead in Norse literature, see: N. Chadwick, 'Norse Ghosts: a Study in the draugr and the haugbuV, Folklore 57 (1946), 50-65 and 106- 27. Cf. J. Borsje, From Chaos to Enemy: Encounters with Monsters in Early Irish Texts; an Investigation Related to the Process of Christianization and the Concept of Evil, Instrument Practica 29 (Turnhout, 1996). 42 TBC (lines 494-5): Congna lem, a CM Chulaind,' ol se. 'Rom bith & tucus leth mo brdthar ar mo muin. Beir sist lim.' 'Ni ber,' or se. 'Aid me, Cuchulainn!' he said 'I'm wounded and I've brought half my brother on my back. Take him from me.' 'I won't' said (Cuchulainn). 43 TBC lines 494-6. Dooley states {Playing the Hero 111-12): 'The cultural poetics of warrior initiation constructs the narrative in specific ways: as a night raid, the scene is one of inversion and transgression and it is precisely the horror of the dark unclean that constitutes the theatre of meaning. The encounter with the walking wounded deconstructs humans at war into two unsustainable halves. The brothers, twinned in their split condition constitute a paradox; linked and unnaturally unitary as they now are, one half-headed and one half-bodied, they can no longer be reconstituted as normal integrals. That they speak at all represents a challenge and a danger: they are already in the world of the shameful dead, and to consort with them is to risk being taken with them to their shadowy world beyond the human. The throwing of the half-body at the hero is a deliberate effort to engage him through physical contact in the polluted world of the dead.' 44 TBC lines 516-9. 161 does not speak to Cuchulainn, neither is he addressed before Cuchulainn attacks him.

The tale does not specify if the man is terrifying by virtue of deformity (perhaps monstrously so?) or by virtue of his size. As with the two spectres from earlier in the same tale, we do not know the origins of this silent figure, and indeed the tale promotes a sense of unnaturalness or wrongness to have a silent living man, and a talking dead man within several short lines of each other. While it is possible to speculate that this figure could be a mortal warrior, forest-dwelling hunter, or bandit, the context (the emphasis on the theme of Horror) strongly suggests that this figure belongs to the hostile Otherworld forces which are active and abroad on the night in question.45

A final human characteristic (or motif) that the monsters from all three traditions share is a social/familial relationship with another monster: Grendel and Grendel's

Mother are blood relatives; Arzhang is the o'*% 'champion' of the White Demon; the two spectres which Cuchulainn encounters on the battlefield are identified as brothers. In the case of the English and Iranian epics, this relationship is mentioned by the authors as justification for hostility from the second monster encountered: Grendel's Mother attacks

Heorot out of a desire for vengeance;46 Rostam is ordered by Kavus to attack the White

Demon before it learns of Arzhang's death and retaliates.47 In the case of the Irish fiends,

Dooley states that the attack on the dreadful man and subsequent seizing of his goods can be read as a 'virtual raid on the otherworld'; for a discussion of this episode, and the theme of uathbas 'terror' in this tale, see Dooley 112-13. The image of the strange silent man with the roast pig is reminiscent of the strange and grotesque figure 'Fer Caille' from Togail Bruidne Da Derga (344-64), who appears to Conaire bearing a roast (yet somehow living) pig. See: E. Knott, ed., Togail Bruidne Da Derga, Mediaeval and Modern Irish Series 8 (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies Dublin, 1936, reprinted 1963, 1975). 46 Beowulf lines 1276-959: ond his modor pa gyt, gifre ond galgmod, gegan wolde, sorhfulne sid, sunu dead wrecan. 'And his mother still sad and bitter wanted to go to avenge the death of her son, on a sorrowful quest.' Shahnameh 11.39.531—32: J^I ^SLJ j ^ ^l^- ^^j, j I i^i y_ ^ £ ^U JUJ A*J& / ^ JLS ^JJ j_i ^jj' '£ I ,j^l O~_J JJO 4J Jul jf (Kavus said:) 'If news of Arzhang's death reaches the White Demon, you'll be in great trouble, and the world will be full of an army of demons'. I use the pronoun 'it' for the White Demon, as its gender is unclear from the poem. 162

the animate brother attacks Cuchulainn following an implied insult to the spectre's

brother (i.e. that Cuchulainn will not carry the half-corpse).

THE MONSTERS: AS MAGICIANS

In addition to their supernatural strength and resilience, Grendel and the White

Demon are more dangerous than other brutish monsters (for example, the 'common'

demons and sea-serpents who guard the villains' lairs) in their respective poems because

they appear to possess supernatural powers.48 Grendel is referred to as a hel-riine

'necromancer, one who is skilled in the mysteries of hell' (line 163),49 and he is

protected, it seems, by magic from the blades of the Danes {Beowulf 798-805):

Hie paet ne wiston, pa hie gewin drugon, heardhicgende hildemecgas, ond on healfa gehwone heawan bohton, sawle secan, bone synscadan aenig ofer eorban irenna cyst, gudbilla nan, gretan nolde, ac he sigewaspnum forsworen haefde, ecga gehwylcre.

'They did not know as they drew near the enemy, those battle-hardened warriors, trying to hew from every side, to kill the evil-doer, that not even the best iron (blade) or spear on earth could touch him, since he had foresworn every blade of victory-weapons.'

On the one hand, if we read Grendel's invulnerability to be the result of magic, it can be

argued that no magical operation takes place in the poem, and the reader does not see him

performing rituals or enchantments; on the other hand, the poem reports that he has

These lesser monsters (Persian demons, Anglo-Saxon wyrm-kin, and sea-drakes) are overcome with little difficulty, unlike the greater fiends whose lairs they guard; the lesser monsters serve as little more than watchdogs, and have no discemable personality or distinguishing characteristics from each other. 49 See N. Chadwick, 'The Monsters and Beowulf, in The Anglo-Saxons: Studies in Some Aspects of their History and Culture Presented to Bruce Dickens, ed P. Clemoes (London, 1959), 171-203, especially pp. 173-77. I recognize that 'hel-rune' is a feminine noun, but would argue that this does not preclude a masculine subject (cf. Latin nauta, poeta); I am indebted to Professors Dooley and Orchard for indicating these points to me. 163 sigewcepnum forsworen hcefde, ecga gehwylcre 'foresworn (or enchanted) every blade of victory weapons' and that no blade can harm the fiend - so the invulnerability can be argued to be the consequence of Grendel's 'foreswearing' or 'bewitching'.50 By comparison, we do not find the same unnatural toughness in the other monsters that guard the lair, or the other giants that Beowulf has slain. Grendel also carries a glof 'sack' made of dracan fellum 'the skins of dragons' and deofles crceftum 'the crafts of devils', clearly a unique piece of equipment and supernatural in origin.51 On the other hand, it should be argued that Grendel's foreswearing of weapons may represent a choice to avoid tools/weapons, and that his extraordinary resilience is simply an innate (albeit monstrous) characteristic.52 Given his magical or innate toughness, Grendel is able to raid Heorot nightly with impunity, until Beowulf grapples him, thus circumventing whatever immunities Grendel enjoys to slashing or piercing weapons.53 While Grendel's mother is never spoken of as a witch per se, she too possesses an immunity to 'mortal' weapons, much like her son Grendel; it is reasonable to assume that she possesses similar supernatural characteristics as her son, or else he has enchanted her to be resilient as himself.54 Whether or not magic is part of the Beowulf narrative, the presence of supernatural elements in the narrative is integral to the plot, as Grendel's extraordinary resilience to man-made weapons is what necessitates the intervention of the Geatish hero.

For further reading on Grendel's invulnerability, see: E. Laborde, 'Grendel's Glove and his Immunity to Weapons', Modern Language Review 18 (1923): 202-04; G. Storms, 'Grendel the Terrible', Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 73 (1972): 427-36. 51 Beowulflines 2085-88. Orchard (A Critical Companion to Beowulf, 121-22) compares Grendel's glove with the glove of Skrymir, a giant Thor encounters. Cf. E. Anderson, 'Grendel's glof (Beowulf 20S5b-99), and Various Latin Analogues', Mediaevalia 8 (1982): 1-8. 52SeeGillam(1961): 151-52 53 For an examination of magic in Beowulf, see P. B. Taylor, 'searonidas: Old Norse Magic and Old English Verse', Studies in Philology 80 (1983), 109-25; also P. B. Taylor 'Grendel's Monstrous Arts', In Geardagum 6 (1984), 1-12. 54 For studies on Grendel's Mother and her supernatural resilience, see, for example, C. Alfano, 'The Issue of Feminine Monstrosity: A Reevaluation of Grendel's Mother', Comitatus 23 (1992): 1-16; Chadwick, (1959): 171-203; cf. Gillam (1961): 151-52. 164

The White Demon is indeed a sorcerer: indeed, this appears to be the main attribute that raises him above and beyond the other 'champions' of the demon race.55

When facing the question of how to stop Shah Kavus and the massive Iranian army, the

White Demon does not use brute force (though it is clear from the fight with Rostam that battle would have been a viable option), but rather sorcery. The monster summons a magical cloud of darkness, which covers the city and blinds the entire Persian army

(ShahnamehIU5.196-8):

OL^J /C^J L£9J tl)3^" "^J^ (1)^"?" OLJ—J u JUJJ *JI (c^u JL^I C---JJ

'Night came, and darkness came over the army, the world turned dark as an Ethiopian's face. You'd say that the world was like a sea of tar, and all the light had disappeared. He pitched a tent of smoke and bitumen over everyone's heads, and the world turned dark before (the soldiers') eyes.'

Further, when Rostam finds Shah Kavus in the demons' city, the Shah tells him that the

'cure' for the blindness is three drops of the White Demon's blood in the eyes of the blind, which indicates that the demon is the source of the blindness.56 While references are made frequently to sorcerers among the ranks of the demon army, neither Arzhang or the demonic host's other captains demonstrate any magical abilities, apart from the White

Demon. Nevertheless, the single enchantment that the Persian monster uses is sufficient to arrest the events of the narrative in a critical way, i.e. the invasion of Mazandaran is brought to a decisive halt and the army and Shah are incapacitated.

55 See: C. Herrenschmidt & J. Kellens 'Daiva' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996- 2007); M. Omidsalar 'Dlv' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007); see also M. Omidsalar 'Magic in Literature and Folklore in the Islamic Period' in Encyclopedia Iranica ed. E. Yarshater (New York, 1996-2007). 56 This remedy (i.e. the cause of the disability is also its cure) is found in Shahnameh 11.40.541-43. 165

STRUCTURES AND LAIRS

An examination of the structures and important locations of the three epics yields a number of parallel motifs. One of the first observations which even a cursory reading will show is that the major events (combats, interactions between hero and king) do not occur in a region to which the hero belongs, but instead take place in a remote locale which necessitates a journey to rescue the monarch. Once the journey is complete, the hero seeks and finds the king in a man-made structure of great value. In the case of the

Beowulf poem, Beowulf leaves Geatland and undertakes a journey overseas to the neighboring land of Denmark to rescue Hrothgar in the great hall 'Heorot'.57 In the case of Rostam, the hero undertakes a perilous journey to the Otherworld realm of

Mazandaran and to Mazadaran City itself, in order to rescue Shah Kavus, who has taken over Mazandaran city as a kind of staging base for his invasion. In the Irish tale,

Cuchulainn finds Conchobar on the battlefield and carries him to a house (conveniently nearby), about which the story says little except that the young hero leaves the king there when he goes on his errand to find a roast pig.

If we examine the description of Heorot and Mazandaran City, we can see formulaic parallels. The Beowulf poet describes the approach of Beowulf and his retinue towards Heorot as follows (Beowulf 306-311):

A considerable amount of scholarship exists on Beowulf and material culture, including archaeological studies of early Danish/Anglo-Saxon halls and settlements; see, for example, R. Cramp 'Beowulf and Archaeology', Medieval Archaeology 1 (1957): 57-77; R. Cramp, "The Hall in Beowulf and in Archaeology', in Heroic Poetry in the Anglo-Saxon Period: Studies in Honor of Jess B. Bessinger, Jr., eds. Helen Damico and J. Leyerle (Studies in Medieval Culture 32; Medieval Institute, Kalamazoo, 1993), 331— 46; C. Hills, 'Beowulf and Archaeology', in A Beowulf Handbook, eds. R. Bjork and J. Niles (Lincoln, 1997), 291-310. 166

Guman onetton, sigon astsomne, oppaet hy sasl timbred, geatolic ond goldfah, ongyton mihton; baet wass foremeerost foldbuendum receda under roderum on basm se rica bad; lixte se leoma ofer landa fela.

The warriors advanced, and together they saw the wide-beamed and gold-covered hall; that was the greatest building for folk under heaven, in which the king dwelled; its light shone over many regions.

Ferdowsi describes the otherworldly Mazandaran City with similar imagery (Shahnameh 11.14.176-180):

OO jjfZ ^JJJJ C^L^i jj^- LS£J

oLs oJJJu jl£jS-> 04> dj

(The hero) saw a city that appeared like heaven, filled with all sorts of pleasures. In each building and street there were a thousand maidens with tores and earings, wearing wreaths and with faces (as beautiful as) the moon. Every part of the city was covered in gold, and gold coins and gems where everywhere. Herds dwelled in the surrounding region, and you would call that place 'heaven'.

In each epic, 'gold' is used when describing the dwelling places of the kings Hrothgar and Kavus. Specifically, Heorot and Mazandaran City are covered in gold, likely as roof­ top decorations, making them visible to the eye at a distance.58 The hall and city are symbols of security and succesful human society, and both poems use evocative imagery to hint at the potential these centres have for the benefit and pleasure of those who dwell

58 For an examination of Heorot and the theme of gold, see: A. Lee, Gold-Hall and Earth-Dragon: 'Beowulf as Metaphor (Toronto, 1998); cf. C. Scull, 'Before Sutton Hoo: Structures of Power and Society in Early East Anglia', in The Age of Sutton Hoo, ed. M. Carver (New York, 1992), 3-23; B. Raw, 'Royal Power and Royal Symbols in Beowulf, in The Age of Sutton Hoo, ed. M. Carver (Woodbridge, 1992), 167— 74. 167 there. In fact the Beowulf poet goes so far as to say that Heorot is the foremcerost

'foremost' building on earth at that time, while Ferdowsi goes so far as to place

Mazandaran City in the otherworld realm of Mazandaran - it is not even really intended for human use.59 We notice also the comparisons of the structure to 'heaven'; this occurs in each of the two epics - these structures are almost too good to be true, and in fact both tales demonstrate shortly that any sense of joy or security is quickly destroyed when the demons (Grendel and the White Demon) begin their assaults, which defeats the purpose of the hall or city, and turns it into a place of horror and sorrow for the powerless monarchs. Neither is either structure destined to last: Kavus cannot hold Mazandaran

City for long and must ultimately withdraw to Iran, while the Beowulf poet reminds us that Heorot is fated to burn to the ground.60

The primary difference between the two centres is that Heorot is a single structure, while Mazandaran City is made up of many buildings.61 Yet we are never told which building Kavus uses as his own hall, and no particular building is described in any detail - for the sake of the narrative, the entire city appears to operate as a single structure. It is important to point out that this difference in detail (hall vs. city) is like difference primarily from the respective cultures of the epics: early medieval Germanic culture did not have large population centres on the same scale as Baghdad or Bukhara.

In reality, Mazandaran is a northern province of Iran, and is characterized by coastal plains and rugged mountainous terrain; snowfall is frequent during all seasons in the mountainous areas, making it an inhospitable region. The Mazandari were especially resistant to Islamic conversion, and maintained a strong Zoroastrian population well into the late medieval period. The demonic, otherworldly realm described by Ferdowsi has little bearing on the historical region sharing the same name. For more geographic details on Mazandaran, the reader is advised to consult: H. Rabino, Mazandaran and Astarbad (London, 1928); also M. Kazembeyki, Society, Politics and Economics in Mazandaran, Iran, 1848-1914 (London, 2003). 60 Shahnameh 11.62.852-54; Beowu//lines 80-86. 61 It should be noted that Heorot would have been surrounded by a settlement of smaller structures, where the retinue and servants of the king would reside, although these buildings are not discussed at length in the poem. 168

Neither did Persian lords commonly rule from isolated fortresses or halls, but rather from towns or cities.

In short, the human 'structures' share similar motifs of surpassing excellence, gold, and the references to heaven. The other region of importance in each epic is the lair of the monster - and indeed, here we find more striking parallels than in the descriptions of the human centres. Andy Orchard discusses the early Latin and Anglo-Saxon

Christian sources from which the Beowulf poet drew the imagery used in his description of Grendel's hellish mere.63 It is important to state that there is strong evidence that the poet had access to a range of literature describing hell, with an emphasis on darkness, fire, and monsters.64 Through the voice of Hrothgar, the Beowulf poem describes the mere as follows (Beowulf 1357-67):

Hie dygel lond warigea5, wulfhleobu, windige naessas, frecne fengelad, dasr fyrgenstream under nasssa genipu niber gewiteS, flod under foldan. Nis bast feor heonon milgemearces bast se mere standeS; ofer baem hongiao hrinde bearwas, wudu wyrtum faest waster oferhelmaS. baer masg nihta gehwaem ni5wundor seon, fyr on flode. No baes frod leofad gumena bearna, bast bone grund wite.

The exceptions to this rule are Zal and Rostam, who rule the border region (later kingdom) of Sistan from a remote mountain fortress; see Chapter 5 for more details. For an examination of the warrior aristocracy and feudalism in pre-Islamic Iran, see: J. D. Howard-Johnston, East Rome, Sasanian Persia and the End of Antiquity: Historiographical and Historical Studies (Burlington, 2006); for studies on medieval Persian social structure and culture, the reader may consult: M. Brosius, The Persians: an Introduction (New York, 2006); V. Curtis and S. Stewart, eds., The Age of the Parthians (New York, 2007); A. Lindsay, The Persian Empire (Chicago, 2005); and J. WiesehoTer, Ancient Persia: from 550 BC to 650 AD, trans. A. Azodi (New York, 1996). 63 A. Orchard, Pride and Prodigies: Studies in the Monsters of the Beovmlf-Manuscript (Cambridge: 1995),pp.37-57. 64 See, for example, M. Andrew, 'Grendel in Hell', English Studies 62 (1981): 401-10; W. Lawrence, 'Grendel's Lair', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 38 (1939): 477-80; A. Renoir, 'The Terror of the Dark Waters: a Note of Virgilian and Beowulfian Techniques', in The Learned and the hewed: Studies in Chaucer and Medieval Literature, ed. L. Benson, Harvard English Studies 5 (Cambridge, MA, 1974), 147-60; cf. R. Schraeder, 'Sacred Groves, Marvellous Waters, and Grendel's Abode', Florilegium 5 (1983): 76-84. I discuss the theme of the infernal realms further below pp. 169-72, 185-90. They dwell in a secret land, wolf-slopes, windy headlands, dangerous fen-tracts, where the mountain-stream goes down under the head-lands' mist, the flood under the ground. It is not far from here in the tally of miles, where the mere stands, over which hang frosty groves, a wood firm-rooted overshadows the water. There one can see each night a dreadful wonder, fire on the flood. No one lives so wise of the sons of men that knows the bottom.

Several lines later Beowulf arrives at the mere with his retinue. The poem continues

{Beowulf 1408-17):

Ofereode pa sepelinga beam steap stanhlido, stige nearwe, enge anpaSas, uncud gelad, neowle nasssas, nicorhusa fela. He feara sum beforan gengde wisra monna wong sceawian, obpffit he fasringa fyrgenbeamas ofer harne stan hleonian funde, wynleasne wudu; waster under stod dreorig ond gedrefed.

Then the sons of princes passed over steep, rocky, slopes, thin courses, narrow single tracks, unknown paths, precipitous crags, many dwellings of water- monsters; (Beowulf) went on ahead with a few wise companions to view the place: until suddenly he perceived mountainous trees towering over the grey rock, a joyless wood; water stood beneath, bloody and disturbed.66

The mere is not unguarded: Beowulf and his retinue find it is surrounded by fell creatures

(Beowulf 1425-1432):

Gesawon 6a aefter waetere wyrmcynnes fela, sellice saedracan, sund cunnian, swylce on naeshleoSum nicras licgean, 6a on undernmael oft bewitiga6 sorhfulne si6 on seglrade, wyrmas ond wildeor; hie on weg hruron, bitere ond gebolgne, bearhtm ongeaton, gudhorn galan.

65 Here I use Orchard's own translation, pp. 37-38. 66 ibid, p.38 They saw many worm-monsters on the water, weird sea-drakes that went swimming, and water-monsters that lay on the rock-ledges, which often took a wretched journey in the afternoon on the water; wyrms and wild creatures, these departed swollen and bitter when they heard the song, the call of the war- trumpet.

Likewise, the Persian poet speaks with the voice of Shah Kavus to describe the approach to the lair of the White Demon {Shahnameh II.40.535-9):

<-XJJU ^3^- 4^J>L*> ij (Ojj <^tojfc *-%-*-? o 5i^ ay y- i^

You need to cross seven mountains, and you'll see hordes of demons everywhere. You'll come upon a terrifying grotto, I heard it's a pit full of dread. Demons of war guard the entrance, they fight like leopards in every combat. The White Demon is in that grotto, it is the courage and hope of the (demon) army.

Ferdowsi's description of Rostam and his guide's approach to the grotto of the White

Demon follows shortly after (Shahnameh 11.41.550-2):

»~J t_&JL> a Al^S jl jj ^SH y£ ^U--MJ I_X_U A5oL> /)'jl9

Joii qj.i SjSA (JXIJJJI ii >J ) > /jj J-J >Lc ^SjiljJ

Bearing his war-gear, he set out from that place. He travelled with his mind set on vengeance and war. When Rakhsh reached the seven mountains and the warlike demon hordes, Rostam saw an army of demons guarding the mouth of the bottomless cavern.

Rostam dismounts from his horse, ties his reluctant guide (Olad) to a nearby tree, then continues closer to the cavern mouth (Shahnameh 11.42.565-68): 171

JuJuU LSJ*J jjl jl ^J>i /J ^i& °'-:?' ts^i CJ-S^ J J^

Rostam saw a well like Hell, but he didn't see the body of the demon on account of the darkness. He stood there with his sword in hand, he saw nothing, and he held his ground. He rubbed his eyes and washed his face, then looked into the darkness.

Below, I will discuss the formulaic and thematic parallels between the Old English and

Persian poems. The central motif is that the lair of the demon (be it mere or grotto) is described as if the entrance to Hell itself. As I noted above (pp.24-25), the Beowulf poet accomplishes this by using motifs from early Christian texts describing hell; Ferdowsi almost certainly had access to both Islamic and Zoroastrian texts with descriptions of

Hell, hence likely sources for his imagery, and he includes the Zoroastrian term for Hell

(dozakh &3z) to make certain the audience understands the nature of the imagery.

Several motifs are combined to create this image:68

a. The hero takes a journey into the mountains to seek the monsters' lair (Beowulf lines 1357-1361). The hero takes a journey into the mountains to seek the monster's lair (Shahnameh II.40.535).69

b. The lair is a deep and dark (water), with a cave at its base (Beowulf lines 1506-1517). The lair is a deep and dark cave with water at its base Shahnameh II.42.567).70

57 The Persian word for this lair is alternately: _,U 'grotto, cave' and »L> 'well'. Here, the word oL> (chah) 'well, pit' is used; cf. Avestan <= my (chagh) 'well', wheras 'cave' in Avestan is jp^s (eafcha) or _uj_i>^)^_»iyi (hannkanga). This suggests that Ferdowsi was aware of the fact that the White Demon's lair was associated with water. 68 In the following chart, bold text added for emphasis. 69 While Denmark is not generally considered a mountainous area, Mazandaran is almost entirely mountainous, except for the coastal region, and has a tropical climate; thus Ferdowsi's casting of the events there is in keeping with the character of the region. 172

c. The entrance to the lair is guarded by sea-drakes and monsters (Beowulflmes 1432-1441). The entrance to the lair is guarded by hordes of demons (Shahnameh 11.42.561—3).

d. The king states that No one (...) knows the bottom of the mere (Beowulf 1345-1361). The king states that the lair is said to be a bottomless cavern (Shahnameh 11.39.530-543).

e. The king states that the mere holds a dreadful wonder (Beowulf lines 1361-1381). The king states that the pit is full of dread (Shahnameh 11.42.565).

As the above list demonstrates, the passages describing Grendel's mere and the cavern of the White Demon show numerous thematic and formulaic parallels, more in fact than those between Heorot and Mazandaran City discussed above. I will return to the discussion of Hell and infernal imagery further below in this chapter; it will be advantageous to move from here to a discussion of the events which take place inside the lairs themselves: the duels between the heroes and the monsters.

THE COMBATS: HERO AND MONSTER

At the core of all three tales is the conflict between malevolent otherworldly (or supernatural forces), and a warrior who defies those forces when all others are powerless to resist. Grendel and the White Demon each torment a king and his warriors with impunity, and the Irish epic places the two malicious spectres on a battlefield where a king and his warriors lie helpless and wounded to the point of death.71 As I have shown above, each of the narratives has two combats: Grendel/Grendel's Mother (Beowulf);

Not only is water suggested by the repeated use of the word 'well', but by Rostam's washing his face (Shahnameh). Further, the illustration of the grotto from Cairo, Dar-ul-Kutub, ms. Ta'rikh Farisi 73 folio 41r shows a pool of water at the base of the cave. 71 Shahnameh 11.15.198-222; Beowulflmes 86-125; TBC lines 491-97. It is noteworthy that the kings themselves are not attacked, but instead tormented by their helplessness. See: W. Chaney, 'Grendel and the Gifstol: a Legal View ofMonsters', Publications of the Modern Language Association 11 (1961): 513-20;; R. Kaske, 'The Gifstol Crux in Beowulf, Leeds Studies in English and Kindred Languages 16 (1985): 142- 45. 173

Arzhang/the White Demon (Shahnameh); the Spectres/the Dreadful Man (Tain). In each of the three cases, the first combat occurs at or near the structure of the monarch; the second combat occurs when the monarch dispatches the hero on a quest either to destroy the second monster, or (in the Irish tale) to seek out food.

The first duel in the Beowulf poem occurs inside Heorot, where Beowulf ambushes Grendel, expecting that the monster will launch one of its nightly raids. The poet makes clear that Beowulf possesses an excellent sword with which he has slain monsters, but he disdains to use it, since Grendel himself is unarmed.72 The duel seems a lengthy and kinetic ordeal with descriptive imagery, yet much of the action takes place around the combatants: Beowulf s retainters try to intervene, while benches and tables are smashed and destroyed as the wrestling combatants tumble to and fro inside the hall.73 Three motifs which are essential to the episode are: the use of wrestling (i.e. no weapons); the monster's fear and the hero's resolve; and Grendel's loss of an arm.

Regarding the wrestling and the loss of an arm, the poem reads (Beowulf lines 745-66):

Ford near aetstop, nam pa mid handa higebihtigne rinc on raeste, raehte ongean feond mid folme; he onfeng hrabe inwitbancum ond wid earm gesa^t. Sona baet onfunde fyrena hyrde baet he ne mette middangeardes, eorban sceata, on elran men mundgripe maran. He on mode weard forht on ferhde; no by aer fram meahte.

For more on Beowulf s blades, see: T. Cuthbert, "The Narrative Function of Beowulf s Swords', Journal of English and Germanic Philology 59 (1960): 13-20; P. Jorgensen, 'The Gift of the Useless Weapon in Beowulf and the Icelandic Sagas', Arkivfor nordisk Filologi 94 (1979): 82-90. 73 For studies on the wrestling match between Grendel and Beowulf, see: R. Chambers, 'Beowulf s Fight with Grendel, and Its Scandanavian Parallels', English Studies 11 (1929): 81-100; F. Peters, "The Wrestling in Beowulf, English Language Notes 29.4 (1992): 10-12; R. Tripp, 'A New Look at Grendel's Attack: Beowulf 804a-815a', In Geardagum: Essays on Old English Language and Literature, ed. L. Gruber and D. Longbill (Denver, CO, 1974), 8-11, from Orchard 2003. 174

Hyge waes him hinfus, wolde on heolster fleon, secan deofla gedraeg; ne wass his drohtoS baer swylce he on ealderdagum aer gemette. Gemunde ba se goda, masg Higelaces, asfensprasce, uplang astod ond him fasste widfeng; fingras burston. Eoten wass utweard; eorl furpur stop. Mynte se maera, pasr he meahte swa, widre gewindan ond on weg panon fleon on fenhopu; wiste his fingra geweald on grames grapum paet waes geocor sid past se hearmscapa to Heorute ateah.

Then Grendel advanced, he reached for the hero with his hand, he groped with his hand for the hero at rest - who, perceiving the malicious thoughts, grabbed the arm quickly. Immediately the guardian-of-evils found that he had never met someone with a stronger grip anywhere on earth, in the corners of the earth. In his heart, he wanted to escape, but he could not do so. He wanted to leave, to flee to his hiding place and the company of devils, but he could not do now as he had done so often in previous days. Then the kinsman of Hygelac remembered what he'd said at evening; up he came and seized his foe firmly, whose fingers burst. The monster tried to make off, but the chieftain stepped up his attack. The monster meant, if he could, to leap away and flee to the fen-mounds. His fingers felt power in the enemy's grip. That was a sorrowful journey to Heorot that the malefactor took.

So Grendel, sensing that his opponent is too strong and skilled to be overcome, attempts to escape Beowulf s hold and flee, but finds he cannot. Grendel's fear and Beowulf s renewed resolve is an essential part of the tale; I will discuss this theme below in connection with the combat in the White Demon's lair. Then several lines later,

Grendel's arm is torn off as he attempts to escape Beowulf s hold {Beowulf 809-818):

Da past onfunde se pe fela aeror modes myrde manna cynne fyrene gefremede (he waes fag wid god), paet him se lichoma lasstan nolde, ac nine se modega masg Hygelaces hasfde be honda; wass gehwasber odrum lifigende lad. Licsar gebad atol asglasca; him on eaxle weard 175

syndolh sweotol, seonowe onsprungon, burston banlocan. Then the murderous one, who in earlier days hated God and killed many men, discovered that his body would not endure, but rather the sharp-minded kinsman of Hygelac gripped him; each alive was hateful to the other. The terrible monster suffered a wound; his shoulder tore visibly, its sinews ripped, and the shoulder burst.

Grendel ends the wrestling match and tears himself free from the Beowulf s arm-lock, but can only do so at the cost of losing an arm, and upon reaching the mere he dies from the resulting blood loss. Following his wrestling match with Grendel's Mother, Beowulf severs Grendel's head, and brings it back to Hrothgar as proof of Grendel's death.

The first of Rostam's two wrestling matches takes place at Mazandaran City, though unlike Beowulf s duel with Grendel, the wrestling match takes place outside the city, since Arzhang seeks to deny Rostam entrance to the City to prevent him from reaching the Persian Shah and captives. 74 It is remarkable that Rostam engages in wrestling, as the text makes clear that he is carrying his full set of weapons, especially his signature weapon: the ox-headed mace of Sam. Throughout his career, most of Rostam's kills are accomplished with his grandfather's mace - the sword and bow are used rarely.

Nevertheless, when it comes time to dispatch Arzhang, the poem states:

QJ *£ a Qy^m iy*>S*>eS Aj Jno] &Z> oj^ *—^')y ^°^^" V osy.

74 For a study of the history of wrestling in Iranian culture, see: M. Abbasi, Tarikh-e Koshtigari dar Iran "The History of Wrestling in Iran' (Tehran, 1995); H. Beizai, Tarikh-e Varzesh-e Bastani (Zoorkhaneh) (Tehran, 1967). See: A. Loewen, The Concept of Jawanmardi (Manliness) in Persian Literature and Society (PhD Diss, University of Toronto, 2001). 176

,wJ i,*. Vi Tjtbl JLuLo C«J>IJ a JO Sr ' C^c^XJI u (JjJu Ju rtj-^-^ i 4?*

He strapped his grandfather's mace to the saddle, and advanced with a heart full of vengeance. He wore a kingly helmet on his head, and a (tiger-skin hauberk soaked in sweat) on his body. He went to find the captain Arzhang, until he came to the fiend's famous host. He gave a yell - you could say it rocked the very (earth) and sea. From his tent, the demon Arzhang advanced towards Rostam, when the shouts reached his ears. When Rostam saw him, he spurred Raksh towards him (like fire). He seized Arzhang by the head and ears, and the body of his rival hero with the other hand. Like a lion, he tore the head from the body.

In each case, the first fight begins with the demon making the initial advance, but the hero seizes the monster before it is able to execute a successful attack. Although the combat in the Shahnameh is shorter in terms of length, in terms of actual deeds or maneuvers, the combat in Beowulf is not much longer. The monster never harms the hero

(though the structure might suffer), and the hero is never in any danger once the grapple begins. The Irish tale, however, presents some significant variants in terms of the description of the fight between the hero and the malevolent dead (TBC 497-502):

La sodain focheirt in n-aire do. Focheird-som de. Immasinithar doib. Doscarthar Cii Chulaind. Co cuala ni, in (m)boidb dinib collaib.

'Olc damnae laich fil and fo chossaib aurddrag!'

La sodain fonerig Cu Chulaind 7 benaid a c(h)end de cosind luirg ane 7 gabaid imma(i)n liathraite nam dar in mag.

Then the (dead man) cast his burden onto Cuchulainn. Cuchulainn cast it away from himself. Then they wrestled each other. Cuchulainn was thrown down. Then he heard the Badb calling from among the corpses: 'Bad potential for a warrior here, under the feet of spectres!' Then Cuchulainn rose up and struck its head off with his hurley stick, and taking (the head) he drove it like a ball across the field. 177

In the Tain, like the Persian and English epic, the monster makes the initial move to assault the hero. However, unlike the two other epics, the Irish hero is not able to properly forestall the assault: he is able to throw aside the half-corpse, but then he is drawn into a grapple where he is the weaker combatant. He is even thrown to the ground: this is a vulnerable position in wrestling. Here the war-goddess (the Badb) intervenes by mocking the young Cuchulainn;75 he recovers and strikes the head off the spectre with his toy stick (or hurley).76 It is essential to remember the hero is still a child during this episode - he has not yet come into his full strength as an adult, and this contributes to the difficulty he faces in grappling with the 'adult' spectres. At the same time, the fact that

Cuchulainn is a child creates a discrepancy of size between himself and his attacker, and this creates a parallel with the Persian and Anglo-Saxon epics, as their fiends are larger than the adult warriors they are wrestling.

When analysed together, these three episodes share a common narrative formula:

a. The duel begins at an architectual structure77 • Grendel attacks Beowulf at (inside) a structure (Heorot). (Beowulflines 86-125) • Arzhang attacks Rostam at (outside) a structure (Mzdr. City). {Shahnameh II. 15.198-222) • The spectre attacks Cuchulainn near to a structure (the unnamed house). (TBC 491- 97) b. Monster advances on Hero • Grendel advances towards Beowulf. (Beowulf lines 745-46) • Arzhang advances towards Rostam. (Shahnameh 11.38.506—515) • The spectre casts his dead brother towards Cuchulainn. (TBC lines 497-500)

This complex divinity (the Badb) has been examined recently by Brent Miles (Miles 2005, 156-65), and demonstrates parallels (and is often confused or identified) with the Morrigan, and also the classical divinity Athena. Cf. F. Le Roux, Morrigan - Bodb - Macha: la Souverainete Guerriere de I'lrlande (Rennes, 1983). 76 For a study of the Irish sport of hurley and its history, the reader may consult: S. King, A History of Hurling (Dublin, 1996); L. O Caithnia, Sceal na hlomdna: 6 Thosach ama go 1884 'The Story of Hurling from its beginnings to 1884' (Dublin, 1980). 77 The presence of the structure (as opposed to a lake, a mountain, etc) is the point here, rather than the hero's location in relation to the structure. 178 c. Hero seizes & wrestles with Monster • Beowulf seizes Grendel before the monster can seize him. (Beowulf lines 778-79) • Rostam seizes Arzhang before the monster can seize him. (Shahnameh 11.38.514) d. Monster suffers a fatal wound during the grapple • During the grapple, Grendel suffers a fatal wound. (Seow«//'lines 809-824) • During the grapples, Arzhang suffers a fatal wound. (Shahnameh 11.38.514-5) • During the grapple, the spectre suffers a 'fatal' wound. (TBC lines 501-2) e. Monster is decapitated (before or after death) • Grendel's head is taken. (Beowulf lines 1584-1590) Arzhang's head is taken. (Shahnameh 11.38.514—5) The spectre's head is taken. (TBC lines 501-2)

The other significant duel, and by far the more challenging for the heroes, is the second match, the duel in the lair or territory of the monster. Here the hero enters the otherworldly realm (discussed above), where he is attacked by a more dangerous adversary than the one he has just defeated. Unlike the initial match in which the hero seizes the monster and decisively out-classes it in terms of skill, this wrestling match is much more serious, and the hero is hard-pressed to defend himself.78 In the Beowulf text, the battle begins shortly after Beowulf dives into the mere (Beowulf 1497-1556):

Sona paet onfunde se 5e floda begong heorogifre beheold hund missera, grim ond graedig, baet basr gumena sum aelwihta eard ufan cunnode. Grap ba togeanes, gu8rinc gefeng atolan clommum. No by ser in gescod halan lice; hring utan ymbbearh, bast heo bone fyrdhom 6urhfon ne mihte, locene leooosyrcan laban fingrum. Baer ba seo brimwylf, ba heo to botme com, hringa bengel to hofe sinum, swa he ne mihte, no he \>xs modig waes, wa;pna gewealdan, ac nine wundra paes fela

78 For examinations of this wrestling match, see R. Huisman, "The Three Tellings of Beowulf s Fight with Grendel's Mother', Leeds Studies in English and Kindred Languages 20 (1989): 217—48; also P. Frank "The Wrestling in Beowulf, 10-12; P. Taylor, 'Beowulfs Second Grendel Fight', Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 86 (1985): 62-69. 179

swencte on sunde, sasdeor monig hildetuxum heresyrcan braec, ehton aglaacan. 5a se eorl ongeat paet he in niSsele nathwylcum waes, paer him naenig weeter wihte ne scebede, ne him for hrofsele hrinan ne mehte faergripe flodes.

Immediately the grim and greedy one, eager to destroy, who had watched fifty years of the flood's courses, perceived that some human from above, some man, was exploring her monster-dwelling. She reached for him with terrible [hands], and grabbed the warrior. Yet she did not harm his healthy body; the chainmail surrounded him, so that she was not able to break the armor, the chainmail, with wretched fingers. Then when the sea-wolf touched bottom and brought the lord of rings to her lair, so that even though he wanted to, he could not wield weapons though many monsters attacked him in the water; many terrible sea-beasts came after him and assailed his armor with warlike tusks. Then Beowulf perceived that he was in some cavern, where no water hindered him, neither could the currents of the flood reach him on account of the ceiling.

Beowulf is seized by Grendel's mother, and dragged to the bottom of the lair. During the descent, he is assailed by monsters, but he strikes at them with his sword. He discovers he is in a hall, and the poem adds several lines later that he can see due to fire-light. The poem tells us that Beowulf perceives the ogress through the murk (1518-9); he slashes at her with his sword, but the blade cannot pierce her skin, and he casts the sword away in anger (lines 1520-33). Weaponless, he is obliged to fight the ogress hand-to-hand

(Beowulf 1531-44):

Gefeng pa be eaxle nalas for feehde mearn Gudgeata leod Grendles modor; braegd pa beadwe heard, pa he gebolgen waes, feorhgeniSlan, part heo on flet gebeah. Heo him eft hrabe andlean forgeald grimman grapum ond him togeanes feng; oferwearp pa werigmod wigena strengest, fepecempa, beet he on fylle weard.

The Geatish prince did not regret the hostility, but seized Grendel's mother by the shoulder. The battle-hardened warrior, swollen with rage, threw the deadly foe to the ground. She rapidly repaid him with a grim grasp, and wrestled 180

together with him. She threw the champion, weary from fighting, so that the strongest of men was on the ground.

Clearly, this is a very different fight than the one which precedes it. Unlike the wrestling match with Grendel, Beowulf grapples and is grappled in turn. The ogress pins the hero down and tears at him with her claws, but he is kept safe for the moment by his chainmail

(lines 1502-4). Grendel's Mother hefts a short sword (seax) to stab him, but Beowulf s armour resists the weapon (lines 1545-49). Things look grim for the hero, but Fate gives him a fighting chance (Beowulf 1557-69):

Geseah 6a on searwum sigeeadig bil, eald sweord eotenisc, ecgum byhtig, wigena weordmynd; baet waes waepna cyst, buton hit wass mare 6onne aenig mon oder to beadulace astberan meahte, god ond geatolic, giganta geweorc. He gefeng ba fetelhilt, freca Scyldinga hreoh ond heorogrim hringmael gebragd, aldres orwena, yrringa sloh, bast hire wiS halse heard grapode, banhringas braec. Bil eal 6urhwod fasgne flasschoman; heo on flet gecrong. Sweord waes swatig, secg weorce gefeh.

Then Beowulf saw a victory-worthy blade, an old giantish blade, lying in the midst of war-gear; with a worthy edge, an heirloom of warriors. It was a choice sword, but it was bigger than any other man could carry to battle; it was good and stately, the work of giants. The chieftain of the Scyldings took the belted-hilt, fierce and savage, he drew the ringed sword, despairing of life, angrily he struck so that it took her fiercely by the throat and broke the collarbones. The blade cut through doomed flesh; she collapsed to the floor. The sword was bloody, the warrior was content with its work

Where the sword from the mortal world fails, the giant's sword is able to wound and kill

Grendel's Mother: the hero triumphs, having severed the monster's head.79 Following

A considerable body of scholarship deals with this supernatural sword; the reader may consult, for example: D. Cronan, 'The Rescuing Sword', Neophilologus 77 (1993): 467-78; J. Koberl, 'The Magic 181

the fight, he finds the body of Grendel which he beheads (using the giant's sword) to

bring back proof of the monster's death to the Danes; but curiously, he leaves behind the

head of the ogress. He also brings back the hilt of the giantish sword; the blade itself is

able to kill the demon, but her blood melts the blade as if it were ice.80 The poem goes on

to say that it takes four men to carry the head of Grendel (lines 1637-9), and that the hero

returns with his retinue to the hall of the king, where he receives rich rewards for his

assistance to the Danish people.

The Persian account of Rostam's 'Seventh Labour' is strikingly similar in several

respects. Rostam arrives at the mouth of the lair and sees that it is swarming with

monsters. He attacks the monsters at the mouth of the cave, and they scatter. He

descends into the hell-like pit, and is blinded by the darkness. After he washes his eyes,

he looks into the darkness and perceives the White Demon. The text reads (Shahnameh

11.42.569-575):

LS3' IS^4 3 tsli^j j JJ oW? iSy 'Atf d?? IJ3J 'V-' "-&j **

o^-° y *y. c^j** &^ Ls^i ok; Jii o^y "^^^y

He saw a mountain there, it was so huge he couldn't see the cave on account of it. It seemed as dark as night, and its pelt was the color of snow; it seemed to fill up all the world with its height and breath. It came towards Rostam like a dark

Sword in Beowulf, Neophilologus 71 (1987): 120-28; R. Schraeder, 'The Language on the Giant's Sword Hilt in Beowulf, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 94 (1993): 141-47. 80 On the melting of the giantish blade, see: M. Puhvel, "The Melting of the Giant-Wrought Sword', in Beowulf and Celtic Tradition (Waterloo, 1979), 39-44; H. Whitman, 'Corrosive Blood in Beowulf, Neophilologus 61 (1977): 276; S. Viswanathan, 'On the Melting of the Sword: wcel-rapas and the Engraving on the Sword-Hilt in Beowulf, Philological Quarterly 58 (1979): 360-63. 182

mountain, it was iron-shod and iron-crowned.81 Rostam's heart was full of fear, he was afraid he might not walk away from this fight. He charged forward like a rampaging elephant, and he slashed with his sharp sword at the demon's torso. From the force of the blow, he severed a leg from the stump. But the demon seized him, and they wrestled each other like an elephant and a lion. Each one tore at the other, and their blood turned the ground into mud.

This is a much more difficult match than when Rostam faces Arzhang; in fact, it is one of rare moments in his centuries-long life that he feels fear facing an opponent.82 The poem emphasizes the massive size of the fiend, and given the loss of a limb early in the fight, it shows remarkable resilience by continuing to fight with a powerful warrior. Likewise, this is one of the three times in his career that Rostam faces a foe of equivalent physical strength, whereas other foes are usually dispatched with a single blow or defeated as soon as he seizes them. Despite the fact that Rostam is afraid, the poet tells us that he is not alone in feeling fear {Shahnameh 11.43.576-82):

rtyJU O^iaJ a j_J oJojj l&^jl /ul u£jL7- \\ c-XJaJal S

-\....,v,.j Ajjj a_^J iV j' i^y'i^f ^ij^ri

In his heart, Rostam said: 'If I survive this, I'll live forever.' Meanwhile, the White Demon said to himself: 'I'm becoming afraid of losing my sweet life. If I escape from the claws of this dragon, with a missing leg and torn skin, neither small or great in Mazandaran will respect me.' Rostam grabbed him by the neck and threw him to the ground; he roared like a lion. He stabbed the monster in the

81 In all the ms illustrations referred to in this dissertation (and for that matter, those available through the Cambridge Shahnameh digital image project) there are no illustrations with the White Demon actually armoured; this suggests that the expression could be a poetic figure refering to the monster's supernatural resilience. 82 The other two times Rostam feels fear are when he fights his son Sohrab, and when he fights the invulnerable Isfandiyar; see Chapters Three and Four for more discussion of these events. 83 The other two prolonged battles are those described in Chapter Three (vs. Connla) and Chapter Four (vs. Isfandiyar). 183

heart and stomach with his dagger. All the cavern was filled with the demon's corpse, and the floor became like a sea of blood.

Rostam then returns to the surface bearing the liver of the demon, since the blood of the creature is needed to heal the blindness of the king and his men. He brings with him the head of Arzhang (or in some later medieval recensions of the Shahnameh, the head of the

White Demon) as proof of the kill. The king's blindness is cured, due to the magical power of the monster's blood. Once he reports his deeds to the Shah and they return to

Iran, he is richly rewarded.

These two duels demonstrate several parallels. We can see that this narrative formula is common to both episodes:

a. The hero readies a sword. Beowulf enters the mere bearing Hrunting (Beowulfline 1461) Rostam enters the lair bearing his sword (Shahnameh 11.42.566) b. The hero enters the monster's domain and must repel many lesser monsters. Beowulf fights through swarms of sea-drakes and wyrm-kin (Beowulflines 1432-1441) Rostam fights through hordes of demons (Shahnameh 11.42.561-3) c. Through the darkness, he is perceived by the demonic owner of the lair. Grendel's mother sees and attacks Beowulf before he is aware of her (Beowulflines 1497-1505) The White Demon sees Rostam before he is aware of it (Shahnameh 11.42.570) d. The hero attacks (once) with the sword. Beowulf slashes and fails to wound Grendel's mother (Beowulflines 1520-25) Rostam slashes and maims the White Demon (Shahnameh 11.42.573) e. The hero and monster wrestle fiercely. Beowulf and Grendel's mother wrestle each other (Beowulf lines 761-794) Rostam and the White Demon wrestle each other (Shahnameh 11.42.574-80) f. The hero makes a decisive attack to the neck. Beowulf slashes at the neck of Grendel's Mother (Beowulf lines 1587-1569 ) Rostam seizes the Demon by the neck and pins it down (Shahnameh 11.43.580-2)

84 It is critical to the plot that Rostam enters the lair of the demon not with his trademark mace, but with a sword, as he uses it to sever the limb of the demon during the combat. 184 g. The monster is killed by a blow from a bladed weapon. Beowulf beheads Grendel's mother with the sword (Beowulflines 1587-1569) Rostam stabs the White Demon with a dagger (Shahnameh II.43.580-2) h. A considerable amount of blood floods the lair. The blood of Grendel flows from the cave and into the water (Beowulflines 1591-94) The blood of the White Demon is likened to water (Shahnameh 11.43.581-82)

In addition to these parallels, the reader will notice some variants related to the earlier combats with Grendel and Arzhang. The Beowulf poem makes clear that during the fight with Beowulf, Grendel is afraid and desires to flee; likewise, the White Demon despairs of winning and considers escape as an option; neither of the fiends escapes alive.

Grendel loses a limb (arm) in fighting Beowulf; the White Demon loses a limb (leg) fighting Rostam.85 Further, although Rostam and Beowulf possess ancestral weapons of quality (and use them in most other combats, according to their respective epics), they do not employ them in any of their fights with these two fiends; this is especially strange in the case of Rostam, as his grandfather's mace is mentioned only a page earlier when he ties it to his saddle, and he has used the mace to slay countless other demons during the

Mazandaran campaign - so the absence of the mace is a mystery.86 This suggests that

Ferdowsi was aware of a tradition which insisted that the White Demon be grappled and stabbed, as opposed to Rostam's more traditional style of bludgeoning or crushing opponents to death. Likewise, Beowulf is aware that his sword has slain giants (eotand) in the past; it seems strange that he would trust an unknown blade to a task that may well

It is important to note that in each epic, the limb is severed fromth e torso; Grendel's shoulder bursts, while the White Demon's leg/arm is severed at the hip/shoulder - as opposed to the elbow or knee. 86 Clearly Rostam's mace is capable of killing even very powerful fiends, since in his battle with the shape- shifting Akvan Demon, Rostam crushes the monster's skull with his mace. The Akvan Demon episode is found at Shahnameh III.279-295. Prof. Subtelny suggests that this is in keeping with the fact that this is a highly ritualized duel, and that as the Demon lacks a mace, Rostam will not employ his own. 185 have caused his death if the weapon were to fail (and indeed, Hrunting does). Just as the weapon (the giant's sword) with which he kills Grendel's Mother is not the weapon with which Beowulf enters the mere, Rostam uses a dagger (not a sword) to stab his antagonist to death - not the sword with which he dispatched the fiendish hordes. In both cases, the struggle is prolonged, vicious, and in doubt - but ultimately the hero emerges without any serious harm.

MAN AND MONSTER

The Irish, Iranian, and Anglo-Saxon narratives all possess an element of blurring between the hero and monster, whether the result of deliberate grammatical vagueness, or the result of the hero taking on the role of the monster.88 Orchard discusses the manifestation of this theme in the parts of the tale where Beowulf enters the lairs of the

Grendel and the dragon: instead of being the assailed, Beowulf becomes the intruder and assailant of the Otherworld.89 In the case of Rostam, some (later) variant versions of the

Shahnameh include a coda to the tale where having slain the White Demon, Rostam takes its head and wears it atop his helmet, as a symbol of his victory;90 this can be read as a seizing of the demon's power for himself. l Even in the most reliable manuscripts, the duel episode shows the same blurring of language and grammar which Beowulf

The eotenas (giants) which Beowulf has fought are discussed in R. Kaske, "The eotenas in Beowulf, in Old English Poetry: Fifteen Essays, ed. R. Creed (Providence, 1967), 285-310. 88 This theme is examined in: S. Dragland, 'Monster-Man in Beowulf', Neophilologus 6 (1977): 606-18; S. Greenfield, 'A Touch of the Monstrous in the Hero, or Beowulf Re-Marvellized', English Studies 63 (1982): 294-300. 89 Orchard 2002,29-30. 90 Examples of such variants are the naqqali Versions I & II presented in M. Omidsalar See: M. Omidsalar, 'Rostam's Seven Trials and the Logic of Epic Narrative in the Shahnama', Asian Folklore Studies 60 (2001): 259-93, especially 272-80. 91 Omidsalar (2001, 272) argues that in fact the seizing of the head, liver and blood of the White Demon, Rostam incorporates the essence of the creature into himself. . 186 employs. Dooley demonstrates that Cuchulainn, through facing the terror embodied by the undead and silent man, will do more than just destroy it: 'The concept of terror, uathbds, will not just be overcome by the hero; he will internalize it as he himself becomes in turn an agent of terror'.93 In essence, then, these three narratives take the hero and transform him by putting him in contact with supernatural forces, and incorporating those forces into his being; he may walk again in the land of the living, but mortals cannot ever be truly comfortable around such a character. The hero may go on to fight other human antagonists, but only supernatural forces are hereafter capable of presenting him with any real challenge.

AT THE GATES OF HELL

Perhaps the most interesting narrative feature, common to both Beowulf and the

Shahnameh is the comparison of the demonic lair to Hell, and the use of infernal imagery in the descriptions of the lairs of the demons. Such Middle Persian texts as the Arda

Wiraz Namag ('Book of Righteous Wiraz') provide detailed descriptions of the

Zoroastrian concept infernal realm of Hell: a subterranean realm of noxious darkness and torment, ruled by Ahriman (the spirit of evil) and inhabited by noxious creatures such as snakes; it is characterised by great extremes of heat and cold.94 Significantly, as Orchard notes, the Beowulf poem incorporates infernal imagery that shows parallels to the (Latin)

For example, Shahnameh 11.42.574-575: 'He seized him', and J -^ ^~^K Lfr** 'Each one tore at the other'. 93 Dooley Playing the Hero 112. For more on the transformation achieved through warrior-initiation, the reader is advised to see: K. McCone, Pagan Past, 203-32; also K. McCone 'Werewolves, Cyclopes, Diberga and Fianna: Juvenile Dilenquency in Early Ireland,' Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 12 (1986): 1-22. 94 This Zoroastrian concept also influenced the Apocryphal tradition in Christianity, to which the Visio Pauli belongs. See P. Gignoux, ed. and tr., Le livre d'Arda-VTraz Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations 14 (Paris, 1984); J. Kellens, 'Yima et la Mort' in Languages and Cultures. Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polome (Berlin, 1988), 329-34; C. Zaehner, The Teachings of the Magi (London, 1956), 131-50. 187

Vision of St Paul, which appears to have been incorporated into the Old English

Blickling Homily XVI.95 Compare, for example, the description of Grendel's mere (lines

1357-75):

They dwell in a secret land, wolf-slopes, windy headlands, dangerous fen-tracts. Where the mountain stream goes down under the headlands' mist, the flood under the ground. It is not far from here in the tally of miles, where that mere stands, over which hang frosty groves, a wood firm-rooted overshadows the water. There one can see each a dreadful wonder, fire on the flood. No one lives so wise of the sons of men that knows the bottom ... From there the tumult of the waves rises up dark to the clouds, when the wind stirs up hateful storms, until the sky turns grim, the heavens weep. with the description of Hell from the vision of St Paul in Blickling XVI:

So Saint Paul was looking at the northern part of this world, where all the waters go down, and he saw there above the water a certain grey rock, and there had grown north of that rock very frosty woods, and there were dark mists, and under that rock was a dwelling place of water-monsters and wolves; and he saw on that cliff there hung in those icy woods many black souls, tied by their hands, and their foes, in the guise of water-monsters, were gripping them like greedy wolves, and the water was black underneath that rock, and between that cliff and the water was a drop of twelve miles, and when the branches broke, the souls who hung on those branches went down, and the sea-monsters snatched them.

By comparison, we find a similar set of themes in the vision experienced by the

Zoroastrian cleric Arda Wiraz:

(Ch.16: 2-4) I came to a place, and I saw a great river which was gloomy as dreadful hell; on which river were many souls and guardian angels; and some of them were not able to cross, and some crossed only with great difficulty, and some crossed easily. (Ch.17: 24) ... in the northern region of the demons... (Ch.18: 3-12) In that manner, I beheld cold and heat, drought and stench, (4) to such a degree as I never saw, nor heard of, in the world. I also saw the greedy jaws of hell, like the most frightful pit, descending in a very narrow and fearful place; in darkness so gloomy that it is necessary to hold by the hand; and in such stench that every one whose nose inhales that air will struggle and stagger and fall; and on account of such close confinement no one's existence is possible; and every one thinks thus: 'I am alone'; and when three days and nights have elapsed he says thus: 'The nine thousand years are completed, and they will not release me!' Everywhere, even the lesser noxious creatures [frogs, scorpions,

Orchard Pride and Prodigies, 157-58. I use Orchard's translations in the next two passages, emphasis mine. 188

and snakes] are as high as mountains, and they so tear and seize and worry the souls of the wicked, as would be unworthy of a dog. (Ch:19: 3)... and many other snakes ever seized all the limbs.96

Both Beowulf and Vision of St Paul incorporate Germanic pagan imagery into a Christian narrative, as the two texts contain references to: terror, cold, water, darkness, and creatures that tear at the damned souls. Beowulf and the Arda Wiraz Namag contain references to terror, cold, water, darkness, and noxious creatures which tear at condemned souls, as well as fire/heat mixed with cold, and profound depth. This is suggestive of Indo-European underworld imagery common to northern Iranian and

Germanic tribes (indicated by, for example, references to the cold), but also of ancient

Iranian religious traditions which were transmitted to Roman Britain, as suggested by the number of Mithraic sites found here.98 It has long been suggested that the Christian concept of Hell indicates Persian influence; these passages certainly indicate that common themes exist between the Iranian and early Christian images used in the description of the infernal regions. It is important to recognise that Ferdowsi describes the lair of the White Demon with the Persian word &$* (dozakh); this term refers specifically to the hell of the Zoroastrian faith, originating as the Avestan word: y. jeli^j. • {daozhangh) 'hell'.99 The deliberate choice of this Zoroastrian term of such can

Emphasis mine. 97 These elements are examined in detail in D. Fry, 'The Cliff of Death in Old English Poetry', in Comparative Research on Oral Traditions: a Memorial for Milman Parry, ed. J. Foley (Columbus, 1987), 213-33. Cf. Orchard Pride and Prodigies 36-47. 98 See, for example, M. Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: the God and His Mysteries (Edinburgh, 2000). 99 See P. Gignoux, 'Hell' in Encyclopedia Iranica (New York: 2003): 'Hell is very deep, darker than anywhere else, most terrifying, and the hideaway of all the demons and the druzes. It stinks and is full of dirt, pain, and unhappiness; wickedness is not mixed with goodness as in this world, and this makes it extremely awful. In hell, the soul of the damned [...] finds the demon that corresponds to its sins, as in the Arda Wiraz-Namag, which will torment it until the day of the final renovation. It has never enough of the filthy food which it is made to eat forever, and its punishment is related to its principal sin. [...] The author defines three infernal places: hamestagan (q.v.), hell {duceox) or 'worst existence,' where poison grows, 189 be read as a deliberate device of Ferdowsi's to remind the audience that the lair and its inhabitant belong to an older religious tradition and a by-gone age. In a similar fashion, the Old English description of Grendel's mere suggests that the composers were deliberately employing imagery from a Christian text, perhaps with an awareness of the pagan themes from St. Paul's Vision, and very likely with the goal of better incorporating a pagan monster into a tale intended for a Christian audience. 10° While, then, Ferdowsi does not make use of the cold, northern imagery of these three texts, his tradition does include the aspects of water, great darkness, hordes of monsters waiting to attack an intruder, and a great (unique) demon who rules the domain.

The lair of the monster, through identification with Hell, becomes a type of netherworld on earth. While they are finite (unlike the greater realm which they symbolise), this finitude also allows the heroes their intrusions: the Christian or Muslim spirit world cannot be invaded, and while (for example) the ghost of Cuchulainn can boast of fighting in Hell, the living Cuchulainn cannot. By creating (with the narrative) a physical and representation of Hell on Earth, Ferdowsi and the Beowulf poet provide their heroes with a locus that is challenging and dangerous, but vulnerable to assault.

Significantly, Dooley argues that the 'Battle with Eogan mac Durthacht' episode can be read as a 'salvific visit to the netherworld', in which the ritually dead king must be saved by the young hero's invasion of the Otherworld and subsequent struggle against the and drujaskan (Av. drueas-kana-), which is at the bottom of darkness and where the chief demon resides. These places are even geographically situated at the north, the demoniac direction, under the earth; and the gate to hell is the 'Arzur ridge' ... which is very famous for its demons and which is in the Alborz mountains (cf. Bundahishn 12.8; Vendidad 3.7)... In the Bundahishn (27.53), it is also said that in hell darkness is so thick that it can be held in one's hand, the stench is so strong that it can be cut by a knife, and loneliness is absolute. Hell is related to the seven planets, especially to Saturn (Kewan), which is very cold, and to Mars (Wahram), which is very hot. Finally, the Denkard V summarizes all these data: Hell is situated under the earth, it is dark, narrow, stinking and without bliss, and contains all wickedness.' 100 This process is demonstrated by the incorporation of the Biblical figure of Cain into Grendel's geneaology. 190 personification of terror waiting there.101 I suggest likewise that the raids on Grendel's mere and the grotto of the White Demon can be read symbolically as raids on the underworld, since they share similar motifs of the rescue of the king and a raid on the netherworld.

The underworld raid is a common theme not in Christian or Islamic texts, but rather in the Classical tradition.102 In the famous twelfth labour of Heracles, the hero is sent by King Eurystheus to the Underworld to capture Cerberus, the monster hound of

Hades.103 When Heracles asks permission of the underworld divinity to capture the hound, Hades agrees on the condition that Heracles does not employ weapons to overcome Cerberus. What follows is a fierce grapple, in which Heracles is bitten repeatedly by Cerberus, but ultimately crushes (or perhaps strangles) the dog into submission, and is able to lead the monster briefly into the land of the living.

Apollodorus' inclusion of this episode as the twelfth and final labour draws emphasis on the fact that this final labour is the greatest of all the quests which Heracles undertakes at

Eurystheus' bidding, and his greatest deed.104 Certainly, we must consider the possibility that the underworld raid (or its Celtic/Germanic/Iranian reflex) is heroic tradition which

1 Dooley states (Dooley 113): '[This] is a virtual raid on the otherworld, where not only is the king rescued but, in typically Irish archetypal story pattern, the nourishment of the other world, fire, flood, and cauldron, are carried off as well.' 102 An exception from Christian tradition is, of course, the Harrowing of Hell, in which Christ descends from the cross to Hell to free the souls of the righteous. For a primary source containing this tradition, see: H.C. Kim, ed., The Gospel of Nicodemus, TMLT 2 (Toronto, 1973). Examples of underworld journeys in Classical tradition are found in the adventures of Hercules, Odysseus, and Aeneid, although significantly, Hercules alone engages in combat (wrestling, to be specific) while in the underworld. 103 Apollodorus 2.5.12: 'When Hercules asked Pluto for Cerberus, Pluto ordered him to take the animal provided he mastered him without the use of the weapons which he carried. Hercules found him at the gates of Acheron, and, cased in his cuirass and covered by the lion's skin, he flung his arms round the head of the brute, and though the dragon in its tail bit him, he never relaxed his grip and pressure till it yielded. So he carried it off and ascended through Troezen. But ... Hercules, after showing Cerberus to Eurystheus, carried him back to Hades.' 104 Indeed, according to Apollodorus' account of Heracles' biography (Apollodorus 2.1.1 - 2.7.8), this is the hero's last heroic deed before death. 191 dates to the early classical period and was consciously incorporated as a borrowing into the medieval epic cycles; certainly the 'Seven Labours of Rostam' are generally agreed to have been influenced by Heraclean tradition, though the same cannot necessarily be said for Beowulf or the Tain. If, however, this reflex is not a conscious borrowing from the classical tradition, then it strongly suggests that the underworld raid is a popular Indo-

European motif which has been transmitted into the Greek, Celtic, Germanic, and Iranian traditions.

Yet more importantly, whether or not a parallel with the ultimate Herculean labour was intended or understood by the composers of the Tain, Beowulf and the

Shahnameh, the relative rarity of this sort of heroic underworld adventure draws into relief the fact that a hero who can invade Hell/the underworld/the Otherworld is truly exceptional, even among other heroes from his respective tradition, for whom such an otherworld adventure would prove impossible. In other words, the purpose of the otherworldly combat motif is to establish the primacy of a hero within his tradition, placing him above other lesser heroes who, however capable, lack the gifts necessary to enter the chthonic realm, wrestle its denizens, and return again to the land of the living.

Finally, these tales serve to emphasis the Otherworld mediator aspect of the hero, by showing the young hero's exposure to monstrous or otherworldly forces, and the subsequent incorporation of those alien elements into the essence of the hero. Yet despite the hero's ability to mediate and transgress the barrier separating the realm of the living and the realm of the dead, we will see in the next chapter that his escape from the netherworld is temporary, and that he must eventually return and join the shades of the slain as one of their own number. Chapter Six: Mortality and Immortal Fame

A champion's desire for glory and reputation is one of the most common themes

in medieval heroic literature, and in the early Indo-European sources which influenced

the medieval tradition.1 Homer, for example, speaking through the character of Glaucus,

says that the heroic code is: 'always to be brave and surpass all others and not to disgrace

the ancestors.'2 Beowulf, centuries later, states that the best a warrior can hope for is a

good reputation that will endure long after death.3 Cuchulainn, when he is a boy,

overhears the druid Cathbad instructing some students, saying that whoever takes up

arms that day would gain everlasting fame. Cuchulainn then approaches the Ulster king

and insists on taking up arms. When the druid later informs the king and Cuchulainn that

the fame will only be bought at the price of a short life, Cuchulainn answers that the

everlasting fame is worth the price.4 This choice of fame at the cost of death is not

unique: Rostam undertakes the fight against Prince Isfandiyar knowing that the price of

defeating the nigh-invulnerable prince is death, caused by fate.5 Rostam's reputation is

more important to him than his own life, so he chooses to fight and kill Isfandiyar, rather

than accept shame and defeat. The heroic code places the honor and fame of the heroes as

the highest reward they can hope for. The prominence of undying fame and reputation is

1 The hero's hunger for fame is discussed in K. Jackson, The Oldest Irish Tradition: a Window on the Iron Age (London, 1967), 11-13. Cf. Davidson 1994, 140-41. Davison and Jackson make similar comparisons between the declarations that 'death with feme is better than life' of Achilles, Cuchulainn, Beowulf and Rostam. Cf. Miller 2000, 128-32; J. de Vries Heroic Song and Legend (London, 1963), 180. 2 Iliad'VI: 207-09. 3 This idea is echoed by Beowulf (Beowulf 1387-89) who states: Wyrce sepe mote domes cer deap; pcet bid driht-guman unlifgendum cefter selest. 'He who can, should win fame before death; that is the best thing to an unliving warrior.' 4 TBC 640-41: 'Amra brigi son!', ol Cu Chulaind. 'Acht ropa airderc-sa, maith Urn cenco beindacht denld for domun.' "This is splendid!' said Cuchulainn, 'it's fine with me, if I only live for one day in the world, as long as I am famous.'

The Simorgh's warning is dire (Shahnameh V.402.1278):jl?j3j tjSL^ 'Whoever draws the lifeblood of Isfandiyar / Will be hunted by fate'.

192 193 not simply a Celtic heroic motif, but one common to Indo-European heroic literature. It

is almost certainly an early motif, since it occurs in Indian and Iranian literature as well

as European: this suggests a common Indo-European inheritance.6 Most likely, it

originated at a point in time at which there was no concrete idea of the afterlife as any

type of reward or punishment; therefore the reputation of the hero would be the ultimate

reward, and the only real type of immortality conceivable.7

Yet the insistence on reputation and fame is as much a weakness as it is a virtue,

since the sense of nobility and honor is sometimes twisted to a point where the heroic

code fails. For example, in the Aided Oenfir Aife, Cuchulainn is made aware of his son's

identity by his wife before he kills the boy.8 Yet since the boy will not back down,

Cuchulainn believes he must fight him - and when he cannot win 'fairly', he cheats and uses the gae bolga spear (which cannot miss a throw) to kill the lad. This episode will be

discussed in detail further below, but the essential point is that Cuchulainn is willing to kill his own son for the sake of his honor. In the Tain, as I discussed in Chapter Four, Fer

Diad is forced to fight Cuchulainn, his own foster-brother, because Medb sends satirists

and poets to slander him for cowardice.9 Faced with fighting his best friend or being

called a coward, Fer Diad accepts the duel - despite the fact that this is a taboo breaking

act.10 Hiltebeitel points out the similar theme of honor and reputation in the Indian

chariot duel between Arjuna and Kama, cousins and yet bitter rivals who engage in a duel

6 This theme is discussed in Watkins 2000, 277-97; 471-518. 7 For example, the Greek Hades, which is a drab and grey existence for most souls - Tarterus and the Elysian fields were by no means comparable to Heaven and Hell, as they were for souls only of exceptional mortals. See R. Beekes 'Hades and Elysion' in Mir Curad: Studies in Honor of Calvert Watkins, eds. J. Jasanoffef a/. (Innsbruck, 1998), 17-28 8 Aided denfir Aife section 8: 'Nd teig sis!' ol si. 'Mac duitfil tis' 'Don't go down there!' she said, (to Cuchulainn) 'It's your son down there.' 9 7BC 2617-35. 10 There is a certain irony in that Cuchulainn rebukes Fer Diad for accepting the fight, yet he kills his own son out of the same sense of maintaining a reputation. 194 that ends in kin-slaying.11 For the sake of his slighted honour at Agammemnon's hands,

Achilles refuses to fight for the Achaeans against the Trojans and sits in his tent while his countrymen die for lack of his aid; when he does return to fight, it is to avenge the death of his kinsman Patrocles - which is a slight on his family's honour. As I mention above, when Rostam is rebuked by the Shah for his drunkenness and slowness to attend the court when summoned, Rostam becomes angry and verbally abusive to his liege - because his honor and reputation have been called into question. We might compare Achilles and

Rostam to Hercules, who when performing the twelve labours, becomes impatient at the request of the King Eurystheus to see Cerberos.12 Hercules deliberately allows the monstrous hound to frighten the King as punishment for commanding the hero to do great deeds as though they were menial labour - or in other words, for pushing the hero past his limits. Hercules' act, like Rostam or Achilles, reminds the monarch that the hero can only be pushed so far heedlessly. As I have said above, the relationship between king and champion hinges on the king's continued support of the champion's honor; any failure on the part of the monarch to build or maintain a champion's sense of honor and fame usually has swift and negative consequences for the relationship between monarch and champion - and then when it proves convenient for the champion, and to the distress of the monarch.13 There is certainly an element in both Cuchulainn and Rostam of a monster on a leash, of something inhuman and destructive; these heroes are never

11 For a study of the analogue between the epic Irish and Indian chariot duels featuring Cuchulainn and Arjuna, see: A. Hiltebeitel, 'Brothers, Friends, and Charioteers: Parallel Episodes in Irish and Indian Epics' in Homage to Georges Dumezil, Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph 3 (Washington, 1982). 12 For Heracles' Twelfth Labour, see Apollodorus 2.5.12; cf. Horn. Iliad 8.366.; Horn. Od. 11.623. An image of Heracles allowing the hound to frighten Eurystheus is found on the Greek krater, Louvre E 701 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0043&query=Louvre%20E%20701). 13 This is common sense, as no champion would ever choose to rebel in a time of peace, since there would be no real impact on the throne, and there would offer no possibility of leverage over a monarch (as there would be in wartime). 195 completely mastered by their kings, but rather placated in times of peace, and unleashed in times of war. The pride or sense of importance of the hero is one of the few chains that seem to be effective in keeping the hero loyal to the monarch. In truth, confidence, pride and reputation are not without value; in many warrior cultures, the champion's practice of bragging or boasting before a battle is common. By proclaiming one's ancestry and past victories, a warrior would attempt to deprive an opponent of courage.

Likewise, in many Indo-European societies, a class of professional poets made or broke a man's reputation based on his prowess on the battlefield; a skilled warrior could expect to have songs or poems of his deeds sung across his province or territory.14 Clearly, in combat it is essential for a warrior to believe in himself and his abilities, so to instil fear or doubt in an enemy would have given a combatant an advantage. Yet in addition, to face a famous champion would have been a source of real fear on the battlefield, especially if that hero had a reputation of being undefeated - so to face such a man may have been tantamount to suicide. Beyond the simple social advantages of fame, it would have had a very real impact on battlefield. A great reputation would also affect the military unit attached to the hero, enhancing their confidence in his leadership; examples of great heroes who lead by example are the warriors are Finn mac Cumail or (more recently) the Afghani hero Ismail Khan - these men are great warriors who leaders of warbands, rather than men who fight independently as other great champions.15 The

See P. Ford, 'The Idea of Everlasting Fame in the Tain', in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ulster Cycle of Tales, eds. J. Mallory & G. Stockman (Belfast, 1994), 255-61; see also T. O Cathasaigh, 'Cii Culainn, the Poets and Giolla Brighde Mac Con Midhe' in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Ulster Cycle of Tales (Belfast, 1994), 291-302. 15 Ismail Khan, otherwise known as Shir-i-Herat 'the Lion of Herat', is a legendary warlord (and political leader) from the Afghan province of Herat. He reportedly killed one hundred Soviet troops during the Red Army's campaign in Afghanistan, and was most recently installed as Herat's governor in 2001. 196

soldiers that follow these men draw great pride and inspiration from being associated

with their chieftains.

The hero's pride becomes dangerous when the hero believes himself to be

superior to any situation he faces. Part of cultivating a reputation for being a dangerous warrior is a reluctance to refuse a challenge. This reluctance leads to several problems in

the Irish and Iranian epics: Cuchulainn's pride forces him into several situations where he

faces odds that are near-suicidal. In the episode where he contends with Conall and

Leogaire, he offers his head to Cu Roi as part of a payment of debt; he refuses to accept

truce and terms from Medb and Ailill in the Tain, choosing instead to hold off an entire

army single-handed. He dies at thirty-two, fighting overwhelming odds, rather than retreating to safety. This is not to say that a death in battle is uncommon for a warrior, but we are speaking here of a death by impossible odds. Beowulf s battle against the

dragon is difficult not simply by virtue of the fact that it is a monster he struggles with -

after all, he fights and slays Grendel and Grendel's Mother - but rather that fact that he battles the dragon when he is seventy-two years of age.17 Rostam accepts Isfandiyar's

challenge, despite the fact that Isfandiyar is a much younger warrior in the prime of his

life and strength, whereas Rostam is an old man, in fact hundreds of years old; Isfandiyar

is also reputed to be impervious to harm, and seems undamaged by even Rostam's ancestral mace. Rostam's family begs him not to fight the duel with Isfandiyar, but he is too proud and stubborn to surrender. His choice to fight and maintain his honor is ultimately what dooms him, since a prophecy foretold the death of Isfandiyar's killer.18

16 FledBricrend pp. 126-28 sections 100-102; Tain 1548-64. 17 See above Chapter Five; the fight with Grendel is found in Beowulf 110-851; the fight with the dragon at 2538-723. 18 See above Note 5. 197

In short, the epic champion desires fame and glory at whatever cost, even if that

cost is death. The champion's sense of self-worth and reputation for himself and his

people is clearly of such important that the threat of losing his fame is enough to push the

hero to undertake acts which would be impossible for a normal mortal; and though

possible for the hero, are still suicidal in nature. It is worth noting that to the best of the

author's knowledge, no hero regrets the choices that lead to his death - though may regret

that they couldn't take more foes to the grave with them.

In the end, then, one thing is common to most heroes: mortality. The nature of

the heroes death-dealing 'work' is a double-edged sword, and as the saying goes: he who

lives by the sword, dies by the sword.19 That said, it is apparent that few epics'

protagonists die on the battlefield by swords (or those who wield them), but more often

by treachery, supernatural opposition, or the hand of Fate: Rostam and Cuchulainn are

killed by cunning and treachery; Beowulf dies slaying a dragon; Achilles is killed by an

arrow shot through his heel (Apollodorus E.5.3; Pausanias 1.13.9); Haddingus hangs

himself in front of his own subjects (Gesta Danorum 1); Heracles is poisoned by centaur-

blood (Ovid's Metamorphoses Book 9); Grettir is weakened with sorcery, then overcome

by his enemies (Grettis Saga 81-82). Even their antagonists (Fer Diad, Isfandiyar,

Grendel, etc.), who are capable fighters in their own right, are not slain in mass battle, but

19 Watkins (1995, 325-26) demonstrates that the theme of the slayer slain is a common Indo-European formula, citing such examples as: Old Irish gonas gonatar 'He who kills while be killed', Early Welsh ef wanei wanwyrd 'He who would slay was slain', Homeric Greek tpvoc, 'EvvaXioc, Km xe KXCCVEOVxa KOCXEKXOC 'Alike to all is the War God, and him who would kill he kills', and Vedic yo ... jighamsati... hdnmana hantana 'who seeks to slay, slay with a slayer (i.e. weapon)'. Cf. Miller 2000, 343: 'He holds and wields the sharp instruments of bloodletting: he is himself an animate weapon, 'smithed' into the form of the perfect killing tool: so he knows that swords can be broken in the end, that every human dies, and that he ought to prepare for, indeed to search out, that 'good' battle death. How he dies is of great importance, for although he hopes to trade his self-sacrifice for eternal fame, for his name to be celebrated no matter what might happen to his body, he must also hope to avoid the carrion feeders and receive a proper sepulture. But there can be no guarantees, and violent death is and always should be the hero's fitting end.' 198 rather in single combat, since they possess a certain resilience to conventional weaponry.

Very rarely, heroes die peacefully (Aeneas or Zal) or go into occultation (Arjuna or King

Arthur), but these are the exception rather than the rule. These tales also incorporate strong pre-Christian/pre-Islamic themes of retaliation and vengeance; the blood-feud is a significant part of the heroes' death-tales.

Irish heroic literature includes a genre known as the aided 'death-tale'; an example of such a tale was features in Chapter Four (the Aided Oenfir Aife). Other death-tales belonging to the Ulster Cycle include: Aided Ailella 7 Conaill Chernaig,

Aided Aided Cheit maic Mdgach, Cheltchair maic Uthechair, Aided Conroi maic Ddiri,

Aided Fergusa maic Roich, Aided Loegairi Buadaig, and Aided Meidbe. Most importantly for this disseratation is the story known as: Aided Conculaind ('The Death- tale of Ciichulainn').21 This tale is found in two variants: A and B; version^ is the older of the two texts, it is written in Old Irish and is found in the Book of Leinster (folios

119a-123b), and is considered a fragmented text; version B exists in a more complete format in Early Modern Irish, and is found in several manuscripts, the oldest of which is dated to the sixteenth century (Nat. Lib. Of Scotland, Gaelic Ms. nr. XLV).22 While it is difficult to determine the extact date of composition, the core of the tale is thought by

Pokorny to have been composed in the 8th century.23 A summary of the plot is as follows:

20 See: Kuno Meyer, ed., The Death-Tales of the Ulster Heroes (Dublin, 1906). 21 van Hamel (1978, 69) that the Aided Conculaind is alternately known as the Brislech Mor Maige Muirthemne ('Great Slaughter of the Plain of Muirthemne') and Derg-Ruathar Conaill Chernaig ('Red Courses of Connell Cernach'). 22 Ibid, pp.69-70. I use the Version A from the LL. See: R.I. Best and M. O'Brien, The Book of Leinster, vol. 2 (Dublin, 1956), 442-57. Cf. Whitley Stokes, trans., 'Cuchulainn's Death, abridged from the Book of Leinster', in Revue Celtique 3 (1876-8): 175-85. 23 J. Pokorny, Z.C.P. 13, 123. 199

The enemies of Cuchulainn (these are Medb, the Children of Calatin, Lugaid son of Cu Roi, and Ere son of Cairbre) form a coalition and decide to work together to kill

Cuchulainn. The Children of Calatin (who are skilled in druid magic) and their allies begin to raid Ulster, drawing the hero out and wearing down his strength; next, they launch a raid on Emain Macha, in order to draw Cuchulainn away from his fortress; then they raid his own territory and set it to burning (LL 13763-76). Initially, Cuchulainn's friends do not know that hostile forces are arrayed against him, and so they plead with him to go and protect Emain Macha (LL 13777-98). When his own territory is attacked, however, his friends try to restrain him and keep him at Emain; even the Grey of Macha

(one of his horses) tries to persuade him not to leave Emain and engage the enemy, but he insists on going to fight (LL 13799-806; 13825-36). He orders Laeg to prepare his chariot and horses, but the Grey resists all attempts to be harnessed (LL 13807-13).

Further, the text states that the Morrigan had broken his chariot the night before, in hopes of hindering his death (LL 13814-15). Cuchulainn rebukes the horse (which begins to weep blood), harnesses the chariot, and heads south (LL 13817-25). En route, he encounters a rude campsite with three crones cooking a dog on a spit at a hearth; the crones invite him to join them and offer him some of the dog meat (LL 13881-86). It is a geis (taboo) for Cuchulainn to refuse hospitality, and also for him to eat dog meat, and to eat at a hearth - this places him in a terrible position. He reluctantly accepts the food, but tries to hide it under his thigh; both his hand and leg lose strength when they come in contact with the dog flesh (LL 13889-94). He leaves to engage his enemies, who wait to ambush him. As he attacks his foes, Cuchulainn is approached by three satirists, who ask him for his weapons; three times Cuchulainn throws his spear (blunt-end first) to the 200 soliciting satirist, but with such force that each satirist is killed (LL 13960-70; 13984-95;

14012-20). Lugaid and Ere, however, are quick to take advantage of the situation: they seize the spears and throw them back, wounding the charioteer Laeg (LL 13971-78), the

Grey of Macha (LL 13996-14007), and finally wound Ciichulainn lethally in the stomach

(LL 14022-28). Ciichulainn withdraws to a nearby loch to obtain a drink before the final confrontation, and to bathe his wound. He is badly weakened from the spear-blow, and so he lashes himself to a nearby pillar so that he may face his enemies standing (LL

14043-50). His enemies surround him, but are reluctant to approach Ciichulainn while he still draws breath. The Grey of Macha flies into a rage and attacks the coalition of

Ciichulainn's enemies: it slays one hundred and fifty men (LL 14051-56). A murder of crows appears and settles on the pillar (LL 14056-57). When Ciichulainn finally stops breathing, Lugaid approaches the corpse, arranges the dead man's hair for a beheading stroke, and severs the head; yet the arm of the corpse spasms and strikes off Lugaid's hand (LL 14057-61). The coalition return to their respective territories, leaving the corpse lashed to the standing stone. The Grey of Macha finds Conall Cernach, and leads him to Ciichulainn's corpse (LL 14104-17). Conall pursues and overtakes Lugaid, fights, and kills him (LL 14131-65).

The death-tale of Rostam features similar themes of trickery and deception. The older hero Zal impregnates one of the slaves in his fortress, who gives birth to a baby boy named Shaghad; the boy's horoscope informs the family that the young boy is fated to bring down the entire house of Nariman (V.441.30-48). Years later, Rostam's half- brother Shaghad marries the daughter of the Shah of Kabul, and takes up residence there

(V.442.50-55). Envious of his older sibling's prestigious career, he enters into a pact 201 with the monarch to lure Rostam to Kabol, where they will prepare a trap: they arrange to have a vast tract of hunting land dig with pits; the pits are lined with spears and spikes, and the covered over with thatch and grass (V.442.56-91). As agreed, Shaghad returns to

Zabolestan, where he complains to Rostam that his father-in-law has mocked Shaghad and denied that he has any kinship to Zal and Rostam (V.446.92-106). Predictably,

Rostam flies into a rage, and prepares a small host to march on Kabul and raze the city to the ground (V.447.108-11). When the half-brothers are nearly at the city, the duplicitious Shah rides out to meet Rostam and Shaghad and pleads forgiveness for his

(feigned) bad behavior (V.449.127-36). Magnanimously, Rostam grants him pardon, and enters the city with peaceful (instead of warlike) intent. After they have feasted and been entertained, the Shah suggests they go hunting in his nearby game preserve; Rostam is delighted and agrees (V.450.140—47). Shaghad leads his half-brother to an area which is filled with pits, and urges his brother to proceed. The horse Rakhsh, however, senses that something is not correct and is hesitant to advance, instead pawing the ground anxiously (V.451.159). Rostam ill-temperedly berates the horse and lashes him, causing

Rakhsh to leap ahead and into one of the pits (V.452.160-64). The horse and hero are impaled and wounded mortally; Rostam manages to drag himself to the edge of the pit, where he sees his malicious half-brother leering at him (V.452.166-67). Rostam requests that his enemies leave him a bow and two arrows so that he can defend himself from the wild predators in the game park, and these are given to him (V.454.188-94). Rostam notches an arrow, and Shaghad (sensing that he has made a mistake by arming the dying warrior) has the presence of mind to hide himself behind a tree so that Rostam cannot shoot him (V.455.195-98). Rostam, however, spends his last strength and shoots the 202

arrow through the tree and into the traitor, nailing Shaghad to the tree, where he dies

(V.455.199-201). Rostam exalts that he has had this last victory, then dies with the rest

of his retinue. However, one of Rosam's entourage escapes back to Zabolestan and

reports the murder to Zal and his family (V.456.208-11). Zal sends Faramarz (Rostam's

son) with a large army to raze Kabul and punish Rostam's killers. Faramarz first finds

the place where Rostam has died, and has the body of the dead warrior and his steed

prepared for burial with the appropriate customs (V.457.223-69). Afterwards, Faramarz

is able to capture the Shah of Kabul, and hang him while the Shah's family is burned to

death (V.457.223-302).

By contrast, the death of Beowulf is not arranged by human malice or guile, but

rather, the hero dies fighting a dragon. The story is as follows: after his adventures in

Denmark, Beowulf returns to Geatland. Following the death of his uncle Hygelac,

Beowulf rules as a king in Geatland for fifty years (Beowulf lines 2200-10). As fate has

it, one of the inhabitants from the kingdom finds a horde of treasure, and takes a golden

cup from it (lines 2210-41). By misfortune, the horde belongs to a dragon, which

(discovering the missing cup) begins to attack and burn settlements in retribution for the

slight (lines 2287-323). Beowulf is now an old man, but he is still physically powerful,

and makes for the horde of the dragon with a crew of twelve retainers and the thief (lines

2324-565). When the dragon attacks, all of the warriors abandon Beowulf for fear of the

dragon (though one returns), and so he confronts the beast with only the aid of his

kinsman and retainer Wiglaf (lines 2296-99). The struggle is in three parts; it is fierce

and long, and ends when Beowulf slays the beast - but he himself dies shortly after from the monster's venom (lines 2550-2820). Wiglaf assumes the Geatish kingship, and with 203 the proper ceremony Beowulf is buried with the dragon's treasure (lines 3138-82). In contrast to the Irish and Persian model of a trap set for the hero, I will examine the death of Beowulf as the result of a failure of the Indo-European kingly/warrior function.

However, as in previous chapters, I will arrange events sequentially in a chart below; then I will discuss the parallels and differences between Irish and Iranian models.

Cuchulainn Rostam 1. Ciichulainn's enemies plot to trap and 1. Rostam's enemies plot to trap and kill kill him (LI 13763-76). him(V.442.56-91).

2. The hero is lured away from his home 2. The hero is lured away from his home so he can be isolated (LL 13799-806). so he can be isolated (V.446.92-111).

3. A semi-divine character (the Morrigan), 3. A semi-divine bird (the Simorgh) who manifests as a bird, foresees the foresees the hero's death (V.402.1278). hero's death (LL 13814-15).

4. The hero's horse perceives the trap (an 4. The hero's horse perceives the trap (a ambush) and tries to warn the hero (LL series of spiked pits) and tries to warn 13807-13; 13817-25). the hero (V.451.159).

5. The hero falls into the trap, and is 5. The hero falls into the trap, and is mortally wounded (LL 13881-14028). mortally wounded (V.452.160-64).

6. The horse and hero are mortally 6. The horse and hero are mortally wounded (LL 14022-28). wounded V.452.164-65).

7. The hero, dying, asks a favor (a drink) 7. The hero, dying, asks a favour (a bow from his enemies (LL 14028^42). and arrow) from his enemies (V.454.188-94).

8. The hero is able to get in a final blow, 8. The hero is able to get in a final blow, which maims a chief enemy (LL 14057- which kills a chief enemy (V.455.199- 61). 201).

9. The body of the hero is recovered by his 9. The body of the hero is recovered by his allies (LL 14104-17). allies (V.457.223-69).

10. The hero is avenged by his foster- 10. The hero is avenged by his son brother (LL 14131-65). (V.457.223-302).

11. The hero's kinswomen receive a vision 11. The hero's mother fasts in hopes of of the slain hero's spirit (LL 14179- communicating with the slain hero's 215). spirit (V.464.302-26). 204

ANTIHEROES AND 'ANTI-HEROES'

As with previous episodes, it is clear that although the two traditions are not identical, significant parallels exist. The first part of the two tales is a discussion between the enemies of the hero, who seek to find a way to overcome him without the peril of engaging him in fair battle. On the surface of the tale, the beginnings of the two stories seem relatively similar: the enemies plan to lure the hero into an area where they can destroy him alone, without the danger of engaging him on the battlefield. Despite this, the traps themselves vary as to how the hero is to be killed: Shaghad and the Shah of Kabul use cowardly means, since luring Rostam into a hidden pit gives him no real opportunity for retaliation, whereas Ere and Lugaid organize an ambush in which Cuchulainn has a sort of 'fighting chance' to overcome all his enemies or even to escape.24 This variant makes a certain amount of sense, given that Cuchulainn's enemies are professional warriors, and Rostam's enemies are not warriors per se, and exhibit an abject cowardice by hiding as the Persian hero dies. By contrast, the Irish antagonists are heroes in their own right: Ere is a warrior the son of a king, Lugaid is the son of the formidable Cii Roi, and each demonstrates considerable skill with spears. The children of Calatin do not appear to fight, but their three-fold predictions about Lugaid's spear-throwing appear to go beyond fortune-telling: they may be understood to be shaping Fate with their malicious predictions.25 While the sympathies of an Ulster audience would be with

Cuchulainn, it is important to note that these figures (Ere, Lugaid, the Children of

Calatin) have good reasons to hate him, since he has slain their fathers. Further, in the

24 S. V.442.56-91; LL 13763-76, 13881-14028 251 refer here to the fact that Lugaid and Ere ask first for their predictions (Cid bias din gaiseol 'Who will die by this spear?') before making the spear casts, as though seeking a guarantee that they will hit the mark. See, for the following incidents: Wounding of Laeg, LL 13971-78; Wounding of the Grey of Macha, LL 13996-14007; Wounding of Cuchulainn, LL 14022-28. 205 case of Lugaid's father Cu Roi, Cuchulainn himself uses trickery and ambush to kill the

Munster hero.26 In this sense, they each fit into an antiheroic model, in that they are heroic figures themselves, but are willing to use despicable tactics when conventional methods seem insufficient to get the job done. Further, it seems only fair to add that if the enemies of Cuchulainn use unconventional or even unheroic tactics to kill him, their tactics are no less 'shady' than those which Cuchulainn has used when needed, although in Cuchulainn's case we can suggest that many of his unconventional deeds are the result of adolescence, as opposed to his enemies who have full adult warrior status.

If we cannot condone the Munster and Connacht allies who scheme to kill the

Ulster hero, we can at least appreciate their reasons for wanting him dead, and their courage for doing the work face-to-face. It is hard to be sympathetic or understanding of

Shaghad and his father-in-law, the Shah of Kabul. No real justification exists to explain why Shaghad hates his half-brother; it seems that jealousy of Rostam's accomplishments is his only real motive. It is true that his horoscope at birth foretells that he will bring ruin to the house of Nariman, but Ferdowsi says nothing else to make excuses for

Shaghad's despicable acts (as, indeed, he makes few excuses for Rostam's baser deeds, whether or not they are influenced by Fate). As I have discussed above, the filicide episodes are emotionally provocative because they deal with the cultural taboo of kin- slaying, but those episodes also mask the issue by the confusion of identity. By contrast,

26 E. Gray has recently re-examined the Dum^ziliean motif of the 'sins of the warrior', Cu Roi, and his murder by Cuchulainn. Gray finds parallels between Cu Roi, Indra, and Starctherus (sic), in that they suffer on account of three-fold 'sins' that they have committed against the social order in their respective climes. See E. Gray, 'The Warrior, the Poet, and the King: "The Three Sins of the Warrior' and the Death of Cu Roi' in Heroic Poets and Poetic Heroes in Celtic Tradition: a Festschrift for Patrick K. Ford (Dublin, 2005), 74-90. 27 We might note, for example, Cuchulainn's reliance on night raids and guerilla warfare in the Tain; also, Cuchulainn's sense of the heroic code seems somewhat mercurial - he claims to be above attacking women and unarmed figures (LL TBC 1727-30; S TBC 1770-73), but then later in the Aided Con Roi, he conspires with Cii Roi's wife Blaithine to catch the Munster hero at home and unarmed. Cf. Gray 2005,74-75. 206

Shaghad is well aware that he plans to murder his own half-brother, and this fact makes it difficult (if not impossible) for him to strike any sympathy from an audience. There is no evidence that Rostam mistreats him, and in fact his scheme (to go to Rostam and complain that Shaghad has been slandered) depends on Rostam's sense of protectiveness towards Shaghad - or at least an acknowledgement of the fact that they are related, and so an insult to one is an insult to the clan.28 The Shah of Kabul appears to have no real motive other than to be released of his annual tribute to Rostam's family (who are his feudal overlords).29 This entrapment, which is not a simple ambush, does not in any way endanger their own persons, at least as far as they can foresee. Instead of charging

Shaghad with being an antihero (which would at least imply that he has heroic qualities), it seems that Shaghad is more of an 'anti-hero': that is to say that he resents his brother for being a hero (which Shaghad himself is clearly not), and so rather than take pride in his brother's career, he would rather kill Rostam in order to bolster his sense of esteem.30

TRAPPING A HERO

From the two narratives discussed above, it is clear that although traps are used methods are used to as a method to weaken and kill the two heroes, they employ very different modes. In the case of the Irish tale, the trap seems to have two distinct parts: the initial stage of the trap is a strange scene in which Cuchulainn, en route to confront his

8 Indeed, the Shah of Kabul insults Shaghad by claiming that he is not, in truth, a member of the clan of Nariman, and that Zal has never claimed him for a son (Shanameh V.446.89): !^_ *; fitj fL. ^ *»» •) y 'You're not sprung from the root of Sam, the son of Nariman!' 29 Shahnameh V.442.56-91 30 Here, a parallel can be drawn to the character of Evnissyen from the Welsh tale 'Branwen Daughter of Lyr'. Evnissyen harbors deep resentment towards his brother Nissyen, and commits wicked deeds culminating in the deaths of several relatives. See: Derick S. Thomson, ed., Branwen Uerch Lyr, Medieval and Modern Welsh Series vol 2 (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1976). 207 enemies, encounters three crones cooking a dog over a spit.31 The Ulster Cycle tells us that it is a taboo igeis) for him to eat at a hearth, and also taboo for him to eat dog meat.32

Cuchulainn is reluctant to stop and accept their hospitality, but the crones shame him by implying that he is too proud to accept their humble meal, which is unbecoming of a noble. By accepting the dog meat and violating his taboo, Cuchulainn invites disaster upon himself and suffers an immediate loss of strength. Cuchulainn's sense of shame

(or his sense of honor) is a repeated theme throughout his life: it forces him to kill his son

(Connla) and his best friend (Fer Diad). The next stage of the ambush involves a mock- skirmish, staged by troops under Lugaid's and Erc's command, which Cuchulainn is obliged to help stop; he is assailed on all sides once he tries to intervene. As planned, satirists approach him during the fight, and ask him for his weapons. Cuchulainn is reluctant to give him up, as he needs them in battle, but the poets threaten his honor and the honor of his nation and race, if he does not comply. Again, with his sense of honor in question, Cuchulainn has no choice but to surrender his spear three times - and this results in the mortal wounding of his friend Laeg, his horse (the Grey of Macha), and his own death. It is important to recall that Cuchulainn could at any point flee (he is riding the fastest chariot in Ireland), but he chooses to stay. In short, Cuchulainn's enemies are aware that his pride is his greatest weakness, and they carefully arrange to exploit this

31 LL 13881-86. The hags appear to be supernatural figures, especially since the text describes them as 'tuathchaecha', which literally means 'blind in the left eye', but figuratively 'unlucky' or 'malevolent'. 32 This is clearly a common totemic reflex, where the hero foreswears eating the flesh of an animal with which the hero is identified. For Cuchulainn (the Hound of Culann), this implies that to eat dog meat is a dangerous act. LL 13891—93: Ind lam rod gab 7 in tsliasaitfo tarat ro gabtha o chund co fond conna rabi a nnert cetna indib. 'The hand that took [the meat] and the leg were seized from top to bottom, so that no strength was in them.' 208 weakness (successfully), which results in his being mortally wounded with his own weapon.34

In Rostam's case, two things are used to bring the hero to his death: his temper, and his love of the hunt. Shaghad knows his brother well enough to predict his moods and reactions to situations, and so he tells the Shah how they can best manipulate him.

Shaghad leaves Kabul and returns to Zabolestan, where he complains to his half-brother that he has been offended by his father-in-law, who (allegedly) claims that Shaghad is not Zal's son. Rostam's reaction is easily predicted: with his family's honor wounded

(and/or his pride on behalf of his brother's honor), he flies into a rage. This is no great surprise to the audience of the Shahnameh, as this behavior is in keeping with his character on previous occasions when he has been (or felt) slighted by friend and enemy alike. When Rostam arrives in Kabul, the monarch makes his apologies, and Rostam is forgiving.35 After entertaining Rostam with feasting and banqueting, the Shah suggests that Rostam take advantage of his private game park, where there is great hunting to be had. A great enthusiast, Rostam agrees and sets out to hunt in the park, which the poem tells us has been riddled with (well concealed) spike-filled pits. When Rakhsh tries to warn the hero, Rostam gets angry and lashes the poor stallion - this is especially unmerited behavior, as in previous occasions on the way to Mazandaran, Rakhsh has warned Rostam about dangers to which the hero is oblivious.36 The plan to trap Rostam depends entirely on his half-brother's understanding of Rostam's weaknesses: Shaghad

34 It is worth noting the motif of the supernatural hero who can only be wounded by his own weapon - Ciichulainn's death tale seems to make use of this motif, as Lugaid tries three times with Cuchulainn's spears (not his own) to kill Cuchulainn. 35 Specifically, he claims {Shahnameh V.449.134): u^ .vi c~~* J 'maybe I was drunk...' - an excuse which Rostam should well appreciate, and which (of course) he does. 36 For example, during the night Rakhsh warns Rostam of danger in the Seven Labours section of the Shahnameh, when being approached by a lion (11.22.288-99) and later a dragon (11.26.338-88). 209 knows that his brother habitually reacts with anger to any perceived insults, and he equally knows that Rostam loves to hunt.37 By deliberately aggravating his brother's temper, then providing him with an opportunity to engage in his favorite hobbies

(feasting and hunting), he is guaranteed that Rostam will come to Kabul and fall into the lethal pits that await him. Bearing in mind that Rostam and Cuchulainn seem to be invincible on the battlefield, both the Irish and Iranian antagonists make use of the character flaws of the hero in an effort to bring them into specific situations where the heroes can be manipulated, weakened and finally killed.

ANIMAL ALLIES AND SUPERNATURAL PROTECTORS

Despite the cleverly planned and well-executed murders of the heroes, it cannot be said that they are entirely without warning. Each of the tales provides two specific instances where the hero receives some sign that ill-fate awaits them. Curiously, in both

Irish and Persian traditions, the characters who warn the heroes are a horse and a powerful supernatural bird-like creature. When Cuchulainn orders Laeg to harness prepare the chariot, Laeg informs him that one of the horses (The Grey of Macha) refuses to be harnessed. When Cuchulainn reprimands the stallion, we are told that it begins to weep tears of blood - this is a clear omen of misfortune.38 Nevertheless, the horse allows itself to be harnessed by its master, and it does not abandon Cuchulainn even as his enemies close in for the kill. In the Persian epic, when Rostam approaches the hunting

37 Indeed, we may well assume that Shaghad has heard tales from his big brother, in which Rostam has gotten into mischief when his hunting trips have gone awray, i.e. Sohrab episode. 8 La sodain dodechaid in Liath Macha co tarlaic [7\ bolgdera morafolafora dib traigthib "Then the Grey of Macha came around and wept great drops of blood on his feet'. Note the parallel here (drops of blood) with the Gospel of Luke account of Christ's passion in the Garden of Gasthemene (Luke 22:44): '[Christ] was in such agony and he prayer so fervently that his sweat became like drops of blood falling on the ground.' 210 preserve with the lethal pits, Rakhsh somehow senses the pits, even though his human master does not perceive them.39 The stallion refuses to advance any further into the deadly park, but Rostam lashes him and Rakhsh bounds forward and plunges to his death.

Although the Persian steed does not demonstrate the same type of prophetic danger-sense that its Irish counterpart seems to possess, Rakhsh's only real role in this tale is to warn

Rostam against the danger. In both traditions, the warnings of the horses are ignored, to the peril and tragedy of the champions.

Even more curious than the behavior of the horses is the warnings that the champions receive from a powerful supernatural bird. In the case of the Irish tale, the

Morrigan (the Irish war-goddess) appears the night before Cuchulainn departs, and sabotages his chariot, since she 'knows he will not return to Emain'.40 Later, as he leans against the great stone pillar and is dying, a murder of crows comes and settles above him on the stone; this is significant, since the crow and raven are signifiers of the war- goddess, as it feasts on the corpses of the dead after battle.41 This passage is reminiscent of another episode in the Tain (954-56), where the Morrigan manifests as a raven and settles on a pillar for a meeting with the Donn Cuailnge 'Dark [Bull] of Cooley'.42 In an earlier episode known as the Tain Bo Regamna, Cuchulainn encounters the Morrigan while she is driving a cow south through the Ulster district of Culgaire towards

39 ShahnamehV. 451.159 40 The complex figure of the Morrigan (and her involvement in Cuchulainn's life) is discussed in Miles 2005, 156-65; cf. N. Allen 2000, 57-64; 41 Miller states (2000, 342): 'So runs a master motif in any number of heroic epics, from the Iliad with its unforgettable first image of those loathsome scavengers who feed on the dead, kunessin oionoisi te past, onward. The Irish Celtic Tain allows the fallen to be a fit prey for ravens; the Chanson de Roland wants the heroic Frankish dead to be given proper Christian burial, lest they should be 'eaten by wolk, pig, or dog' or by 'lions and wild beasts'. The Old Russian Slovo says that 'eagles' shriek calls the beasts to feed on the bones,' 'the beasts have licked up the blood,' and 'often the ravens croaked, sating themselves on the dead'. The animal as the dark guest at the feast of the 'sacrificed' human dead is a nearly universal motif in the heroic-epic sources.' 42 See Miles 2005, 156-57. 211

Connacht. At first the Morrigan appears as a red-clothed and red-haired woman (TBR

17-19), but she shape-shifts into the form of a raven for the latter half of her conversation with the hero (TBR 20-95). Though their conversation is a series of threats and counter- threats foreshadowing her interference (and his retaliation) in his duels in the upcoming

Tain Bo Cuailnge, she tells him cryptically (TBR 63-64): Is oc do ditin do bdis-siu atdu- so ocus bia 1 guard your life, and I will guard it'.44 The Morrigan has a complex role in

Cuchulainn's biography, sometimes beneficial, othertimes malicious; for example, in the

Tain she approaches Cuchulainn and offers help in exchange for sexual favors. Yet when refused by Cuchulainn, she threatens to hurt and hinder him in battle. However, in this final tale, her involvement is entirely beneficial - she tries to keep him alive, and when that proves to be impossible, her agents (the crows) stand watch over him as he dies.45

The Simorgh has already been discussed above: it is the great semi-divine bird of

Zoroastrian myth.46 As the foster-parent of Zal, the Simorgh is also the patron of

Rostam; she attends his birth, and she heals him during the duel with Isfandiyar, and then arms him with the only weapon that can kill the invulnerable Persian prince. Her influence on the hero, unlike that of the Irish war-goddess, is entirely benign. However, during the 'Trial of Champions' where Rostam duels Isfandiyar, the Simorgh gives the

W. Stokes & E. Windisch, eds. Tain Bo Regamna in Irische Texte, Zweite Serie, 2 (Leipzig, 1887), 241- 47. 44 But see R. Baumgarten for his emendment on this passage in R. Baumgarten, 'Varia III. A Note on 7am Bo Regamna', Eriu 34 (1983): 189-92. 45 The tale also makes very clear that these are not simple carrion birds waiting for a feast - if so, they would likely be to on the field of battle eating the slain, not awaiting the death of one man, surrounded by enemies. 46 See above p.46; Schmidt (2003) also reports that the Simorgh is generally agreed to be a raptor, specifically an egale or falcon, but sometimes griffin or raven: 'In an illustration in the Gerona manuscript of Beatus's commentary on the Book of Revelation, the picture of the Senmurw [simorgh] opposite that of an eagle is found with the subscript coreus (read corvus) et aquila in venatione 'raven and eagle on the hunt' (Grabar, pi. XXVIII fig. 2). This evidence shows that the Senmurw took different shapes in different cultures and that the same name was used for real birds and fabulous composites as well as for benevolent and malevolent beasts.' 212 hero a choice: to submit to Isfandiyar and live, or else to accept the weapon which will kill Isfandiyar - but then to die soon afterwards. Rostam takes the weapon and kills the prince. Immediately following the 'Trial of Champions' duel, the next episode in the

Shahnameh is Rostam's own death-tale. It is important to note that the Simorgh is gifted with the knowledge of the future - this is how she is able to warn Rostam about the consequences of killing Isfandiyar. It follows reason that if she is aware of future, then she knows the consequences of Rostam's trip to Kabul - yet like the Morrigan, she takes no direct action to stop him. I would argue that in either case, the divine beings have one opportunity to prevent the hero from undertaking a course of action that will lead to their ambush or entrapment; yet once the hero chooses his fate, the divine beings either cannot

(or will not) contravene him.

AT DEATH'S DOOR

The moment comes for the hero, who like Achilles, has 'sent so many souls to

Hades, and gave so many corpses to dogs and vultures' to himself face death.47 No stranger to death, the heroes each act with remarkable self-control: they are in great physical pain (one is impaled on multiple spears, the other has been gored in the stomach), yet they do not ask for mercy. Rostam, having dragged himself to the mouth of the pit, asks for a bow and two arrows to fend off any lions; Cuchulainn asks for the opportunity to get a drink of water from a nearby lake (and presumably, to clean himself before he is slain). We must assume that they appear so deeply wounded that their enemies grant the heroes theirs requests with a sense of certainty that it will not affect any outcomes. The requests here are very different: Rostam lacks the means to inflict harm

47 IliadBodkl. 213 on his traitorous brother, so he asks for a weapon; Cuchulainn is armed already, but does not want to die lying down, so he withdraws, cleans his wound, and ties himself upright against a stone pillar, so that he can face his enemies standing. Yet the result is the same: the heroes, who have been manipulated by the guile of their enemies, use trickery themselves one final time to put themselves in a position in which - if we cannot call it defensible - they will be able to take one final strike at their opponents. Rostam's last attack is aggressive: he shoots his half-brother through a tree (twice). Cuchulainn's last sword-blow is reactive: when Lugaid takes Cuchulainn's head, Cuchulainn's arm spasms

(or strikes out) severing Lugaid's hand. While the heroes die very different deaths, the tales imply that that one cannot kill a champion with impunity.

While an audience would expect no less, it is also important to note that in keeping with the heroic code, neither hero asks for mercy, nor does he give it. While in reality the heroes could not expect any real mercy from their murderers, Cuchulainn is given the opportunity to withdraw and refresh himself, as long as he gives his word to return to finish the fight, or to let his enemies come for him if he is unable. Though he does take the opportunity to withdraw, he does not consider escape a valid option.

Likewise, the heroes do nothing to expedite their own suffering - Rostam does not ask for a knife to cut his own throat, and Cuchulainn does not ask to be put out of his misery.

Their last acts as living warriors are to put themselves into positions where they can maim or kill with their last breath. The dying Rostam goes so far as to gloat over his brother whom he has shot to death. Their deaths are different in the means in which the heroes get their death wounds, but they are similar in terms of length of suffering, and similar by virtue of the defiance that the heroes show in the face of their enemies. 214

Rostam's corpse is left intact in the pit, and when his lone retainer escapes back to

Zabolestan and leads Rostam's son Faramarz to the site of the murder, the corpse has not been maimed in any way. By contrast, Cuchulainn's head is taken by Lugaid, in revenge for the taking of the head of Lugaid's father. This variance in the two tales makes sense, given that head-taking was a part of normal warrior behavior in the Ulster cycle and

Lugaid and Ere are warriors. While head-taking is a practice (though still not as prevalent) in the warrior culture of the Shahnameh, Shaghad and the Shah of Kabul are clearly not warriors but rather cowards who are trying to bring down a greater man. The finding of the corpse in each tradition is followed by immediate burial rites - revenge appears to be a secondary issue to the proper treatment of the dead hero. The

Shahnameh makes this an elaborate process, and Rostam's coffin is brought back to

Zabolestan with much ceremony and public mourning. Cuchulainn's burial is a simpler matter, as Conall finds the corpse with the help of the Grey of Macha (who seems to have endured what is supposed to be a mortal wound), and buries his foster-brother on-site, rather than bringing the body back to Emain. It is also noteworthy that Rakhsh is buried with Rostam, and that the Grey of Macha is present at the burial of Cuchulainn.48

The horse is central to Scythian burial practices as recorded by Herodotus {Histories 4.71), who states that a Scythian king is buried in a mound with some of his favorite horses, as well as with his favorite concubine (perhaps wife?). Herodotus further reports {Histories 4.72): 'When a year is gone by, further ceremonies take place. Fifty of the best of the late king's attendants are taken, all native Scythians- for, as bought slaves are unknown in the country, the Scythian kings choose any of their subjects that they like, to wait on them- fifty of these are taken and strangled, with fifty of the most beautiful horses.' [I use the edition and translation of: G. Rawlinson, ed. The Histories of Herodotus (London: Dent, 1964).] While these accounts may be exaggerated, it is clear that the horse plays a central role in the Scythian burial rituals. Cf. P. Bahn, 'Scythian Burial', Archaeology 47.5 (1994): 27; H. Kovpanenko & S. Skoryy, 'On the Study of the Scythian Burial Rite in the Ros Basin', Soviet Archaeology vol 2 (1988):73-83. For the importance of the horse (and horse burials) in early Indo-European tribes, see: H. Haarmann, 'Aspects of Early Indo-European Contacts with Neighboring Cultures', Indogermanischen Forschungen 101 (1996): 1- 14. The darker, chthonic side of horses in myth is examined in: G. Devereux, 'Les Chevaux Anthropophages dans les Mythes Grecs', Revue des Etudes Grecques 88 (1975), 203-205. Cf. D. Endsjo, 'To Control Death: Sacrifice and Space in Classical Greece', Religion 33.4 (2003): 323^10 215

In a heroic society, the murder or violent death of one's kin demands retribution.

Conall buries his dead foster-brother, then tracks down the fleeing Lugaid. Lugaid is maimed from his attempts to take Cuchulainn's head and reluctant to engage in a duel with Conall, and so demands that Conall fight him with one hand bound.49 Conall

accepts the request out of a sense of fair play (or more literally 'truth'), and then defeats

Lugaid after a difficult duel. This honorable fight stands in apposition to the underhanded means by which Lugaid killed Cuchulainn; it is as though Conall is shaming

Lugaid by showing him how a champion fights, as opposed to a lesser warrior who relies

on superior numbers and tricks. By contrast to this show of fair play, Faramarz's retaliates by apprehending the Shah, hanging him upside down in a pit, and burning forty members of the Shah's family in a pyre. While the execution of the Shah is understandable, the act of burning the man's family seems excessively cruel. Yet I

suggest that given a culture with retaliation and blood-feud ingrained as social norms,

Faramarz is both satisfying what he believes to be the debt owed his family, and also

ensuring that the Shah has no kin left who will trouble the clan of Nariman any further - a kind of solution finale to any blood-feud that could potentially follow.50

Lugaid does, in fact, sever Cuchulainn's head. He travels next to Tara, where the Cuchulainn's head, hand, and shield remain; Tara is thus called the 'sickbed' of Cuchulainn's head (LL 14062-64). 50 While this sort of excessive retaliation is rare in heroic tales, it is not unique to Persian literature. The Ulster tale 'Exile of the Sons of Uisliu' (which prefaces the Tain) tells that in retaliation for the betrayal and killing of his son (Longes mac n-Uislenn 71-90), Fergus burns Emain MaCha while his ally Dubthach kills the women of the settlement (ibid. 91-95). Another parallel is Cuchulainn's killing of 150 noblewomen of Ulster, in revenge for the maiming of Derbforgaill, wife of Lugaid Red-Stripes; this tale is found in C. Marstrander, ed. 'The Deaths of Lugaid and Derbforgaill', Eriu 5 (1911): 201-218. It is noteworthy that, as with the burning of the family of the Shah of Kabul, these (Irish) acts of excessive retribution are brought about by the betrayals by supposed allies. These tales, then, may be read as a sort of caution to the audience, warning against betrayals of friends and family, for fear of abnormally grevious retribution. 216

VISIONS OF THE DEAD

In the case of both the Aided Conculaind and the Shahnameh, a strange tale follows the death of each hero, in which a female member (or members) of the hero's clan experiences a strange spiritual or psychic phenomenon, in which she perceives the presence of the dead warrior's soul. In the case of Rostam's death, his mother Rudabe begins to fast (presumably as part of the grieving process), and relates that she is trying to commune with the soul of her departed son. This fasting is taken to an extreme, provoking some concern for her well being from her household. Eventually driven into a delirium by hunger, she enters a sort of delirium, wanders her garden by night, and attempts to eat a dead snake found in a pool of water; fortunately, a servant prevents this, and the grieving mother is brought back to bed. Her delirium clears, and she reports that she has come to terms with the loss of her heroic son. More extreme is the experience had by Ciichulainn's kinswomen and members of the Ulster court: fifty of these noblewomen experience a spiritual vision of the dead hero, at Emain Macha, in which

Cuchulainn prophesizes concerning Christ and the coming of Christianity into pagan

Ireland. This is not to imply that these scenes are mourning are identical since Rudabe's grief is condemned as excessive and religiously improper by Zal, where the experience of the Ulster women contains a foreshadowing of the new religion, and gives a certain validity to the experience from a Christian audience's point of view.51 Clearly, the motif of the hero's death being mourned by female kin is not uncommon in heroic literature, but I suggest that subsequent communication with the soul of the dead hero occurs much less frequently,an d rarely in the Ulster Cycle or Shahnameh.

51 Zal's condemnation of the grieving process stems from the Zoroastrian belief that tears shed by the bereaved become a torrential river which the soul of the departed must cross in the netherworld; this view is even articulated by Isfandiyar during his death scene. 217

DEATH AND THE HEROIC CODE

Considered along with the deaths of Rostam and Cuchulainn, we find that

Beowulf s death is not the result of scheming enemies, or brought about by confusion and trickery.52 Rather, he is faced with a crisis (a dragon) that will slaughter his people and raze his territory if he is unable to overcome it. In some ways, Beowulf is an ideal king: unlike Hrothgar who depends on other heroes to do his fighting for him, Beowulf still acts as the leader of his warriors. The deaths of Rostam and Cuchulainn do not benefit their people: their deaths are tragic, meaningless. Beowulf, however, dies slaying a dragon - indeed, one of the greatest monstrous threats conceivable in medieval literature.53 While he is killed like the Iranian and Persian champions, his death is a sacrifice that buys safety and security to his people, who otherwise have no recourse from the monster. If Ferdowsi where to interpret the Anglo-Saxon tale for a struggling audience (which he does elsewhere), he would perhaps say that the dragon represents human or natural forces hostile to the nation, for which a king should be willing to risk his life by single-handedly fighting off the monster. This is not to say, however, that

Beowulf is a better or more effective hero than his counterparts in Irish or Persian epic.

Arguably, while the desire to confront Grendel and Grendel's Mother were appropriate challenges for a young warrior, the old warrior's desire to face the dragon in single

It is, however, noteworthy that the dragon is aggravated by actions of the foolish thief; so while no human malice is behind Beowulf s death, human action is ultimately at the root of the dragon's attack and Beowulf s death. 53 For further readings on the fight with the dragon, see: B. Mitchell, 'Until the Dragon Comes ... Some Thoughts on Beowulf, Neophilologus 47 (1963): 126-38; W. Lawrence 'The Dragon and his Lair in Beowulf, Publications of the Modern Language Association 33 (1918): 547-83; K. Sissam, 'Beowulf s fight with the Dragon', Review of English Studies .9 (1958): 129-40; cf. Rauer, 2000. 218 combat may be read as hubristic. Yet more significantly, Beowulf is not only a veteran warrior; he is a king. So, the act of engaging the dragon in single combat is not only hubristic, but constitutes an error in kingly judgment. The act of a king's wrong- judgment, which has been identified as a motif in Celtic and Hindu heroic literature, has greater (cosmic) implications beyond the immediate consequences of the act itself. 55

Beowulf, for example, not only dies facing the dragon, but leaves his people leaderless and defenseless against future threats.56

We see here a refrain from earlier in the heroic biography: the heroic code is flawed. Each of these three men is driven by a code of behavior which advocates action in the face of certain circumstances. Rostam is driven by that code to kill other noble heroes, like his son Sohrab and the Iranian crown prince Isfandiyar, and to rescue the inept Shah Kavus when the monarch foolishly endangers himself in Mazandaran.

Cuchulainn likewise is driven by the heroic code to kill his own son Connala and his best friend Fer Diad, and to single-handedly fight off Medb and Ailill's massed forces. These are all grim tasks, but the heroes are required to undertake them because the heroic code forces them to defend their lands from harm. Further, they long for fame and glory, and conversely cannot suffer any insult to their personal honor: this is why they can be provoked and drawn into situations where they are forced to undertake extreme risks.

The 'sins of the warrior' as a motif is one of the primary themes of Dumezil's Stakes of the Warrior and The Destiny of the Warrior, which deals with the warriors sins against the three Indo-European functions (priestly class, warrior class, agricultural class). The warrior can sin against his own function in two ways: a lack of function (cowardice) or an excess of function (hubris, over-competitiveness), and each leads to disaster for the warrior and his society (Dumezil 1983, 106-107). See also G. Dumezil, Destiny of the Warrior, trans. A. Hiltebeitel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); cf. E. Gray, 2005, 74-90. 55 For more on the theme of the 'prince's truth / act of truth' in Indo-European literature, see: 6 Cathasaigh 1977, 62-68; and Binchy 1970, 9-10; cf. M. Dillon "The Hindu Act of Truth in Celtic Tradition', Modern Philology 44 (1947): 137-40. 56 See: K. Wanner, 'Warriors, Wyrms, and Wyrd: the Paradoxical Fate of the Germanic Hero/King in Beowulf, Essays in Medieval Studies 16 (1999): 1-15. 219

For similar reasons, Beowulf undertakes the journey to Heorot to rid the Danes of

Grendel: the Danes need the help, but Beowulf is also young and eager for challenges and a chance to win glory for himself. Likewise, Beowulf will not suffer any insult to his reputation, as we see in his flyting (or verbal sparring) match with Unferd - his reputation from past exploits is very dear to him.

It is clear that these three heroes die in different circumstances, yet we may ask: is there a common theme in their death tales? In each case, the hero is compelled by the heroic code to respond to a situation, which drives him to defend his territory or kin against a threat (regardless of whether it is real or staged). Cuchulainn goes to his death believing that his enemies are targeting Ulster; Rostam believes that his brother has been abused by the Shah of Kabul and that his family's honor has been insulted; and Beowulf believes that (with or without other warriors) he must kill the dragon or watch his people be destroyed. While the code is ultimately used as a weapon against Cuchulainn and

Rostam, their death tales (like Beowulf s) make it very clear that duty and honor are integral to the heroic identity, and that they are not values that can be set aside when no longer convenient - even at the final cost of the hero's life. It is ironic, perhaps, that the

Irish and Persian heroes achieve fame and glory, but at a cost of a tragic and miserable death. Conclusion

This thesis has considered a number of pivotal episodes from the literary lives of the heroes Cuchulainn and Rostam, along with two of the major episodes from the

Beowulf poem. This has included a discussion on the generation of the hero, early deeds, filicide episodes, a duel with a heroic rival, struggles with otherworld powers, and the hero's death. I have shown that the Irish and Iranian, and Anglo-Saxon heroic traditions demonstrate definite parallels, and further that these analogous episodes are featured most commonly in the lives of the two champions Cuchulainn and Rostam. The preceding analysis of these parallels raises the question: how or why do these analogues occur in such geographically separate locations as Ireland, and Iran? As I will discuss below, the occurrence of analogous tales in literary texts may be explained by four methods of narrative transmission:

1. Common human experience (where, for example, myths are rooted in cultural similarities, or in common experiences of birth, death, and hunger).

2. Direct transmission (where, for example, a tale might go from Latin into Irish literature).1

3. Indirect transmission (where, for example, a tale might go from Greek, then into Latin, then into Irish; or from Greek, into Syriac, then into Arabic literature).

4. Common origin (where, for example, Italian, French, and Spanish legends can be traced back to an older Latin source).

Given the number and complexity of parallels in the 'Trial of Champions', it is impractical to suggest the independent development of the analogues based on a common human experience, as if we were dealing with the sort of primitive myths of

1 For 2,3,41 understand oral as well as literary modes of transmission for all the above language groups.

220 221 struggle between (social) order and (natural) chaos discussed by Joseph Campbell.2 While this mode of transmission is useful for a commonly found tale such as a creation myth, it is increasingly unlikely when it is a group of tales (with multiple parallels) in question.

The possibility of direct transmission between these Eastern and Western medieval traditions is extremely unlikely as to be impossible, since there is no evidence of direct literary contact between Iran and Ireland (or England) at the time of the epics' composition, nor to the best of my knowledge have any studies to-date suggested transmission in the field of epic or heroic literature. This is not to suggest that medieval

Eastern and Western transmission did not take place, since there are many examples of

Arabic to Latin transmission in the fields of philosophy and science. However, unless further textual evidence comes to light, the transmission of these tales through direct borrowing is difficult to defend.

There remain two methods: indirect transmission, and common origin, which I will show are both credible. If we were to suggest indirect transmission through written sources contemporary with the authors/compilers, we should expect to see that transmission in Arabic, Greek, or Latin sources, but there are no such texts predating the earliest versions of both the Anglo-Saxon, Irish and Iranian epics.3 Secondly, if indirect borrowing between traditions is indeed a possibility, there is some question as to whether the nationalist spirit of the Irish and Persian epics would have discouraged the authors from deliberately using any (contemporary) foreign elements. One might ask whether Irish

2 See, for example: J Campbell, Renewal Myths and Rites of the Primitive Hunters and Planters (Dallas: Spring Publications, 1960; reprinted 1989); and J. Campbell, Occidental Mythology (New York: Viking, 1964). 3 That is to say that the Tarn is extant in Irish, but not in Greek or Latin translations; likewise, there are no reported Latin translations of the Shahnameh. By contrast, the Arabic Picatrix has been shown to have been written in Arabic, brought to Andalusia, translated into Catalan, and then Catalan into Latin, in which language it enjoys reative manuscript popularity. See, for example: D. Pingree, Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Ghayat al-ha\dm: Text, Introduction, Appendices, Indices (London: The Warburg Institute, 1986). 222 literature was such a closed tradition, and the answer is two-fold: as I have noted in the

Introduction, Classical learning was highly prized in Ireland. Yet Irish tradition demonstrates a strong tendency to absorb foreign narratives and re-cast them in an Irish model, so as to seem (sometimes) native to Ireland. Hanaway argues that one of the main purposes of the Shahnameh is to celebrate the Iranian national heritage, as opposed that of the neighbouring Turks or Arabs, as is evidenced by the deliberate avoidance of

Arabic loan words.4 It seems questionable to me that the Irish monastics would have been comfortable using a text from a known Muslim region.5 That said, this does not rule out indirect transmission, but only suggests that if it took place, the transmission occurred well before the time the epics were written down. The first to suggest such a theory, in

1994 Scott Littleton and Linda Malcor published From Scythia to Camelot: a Radical

Reassessment of the Legends of King Arthur, the Knights of the Round Table, and the

Holy Grail, followed by their 1997 article 'Did the Alans Reach Ireland? A Reassessment of the 'Scythian' References in the Lebor Gabdla Erenn\ In these two studies, they consider the evidence for prehistoric and early medieval points of contact between Celts and Scythians which might provide a possible link between eastern and western heroic traditions.6 The Scythians were a group of related semi-nomadic Iranian tribes, inhabiting the Pontic steppe and much of eastern and central Europe between 600 BCE to 300 CE, and who eventually migrated into the area of Iran known as Sistan (>sakistan 'Saka/Scythian

4 See Hanaway 1978: 88-89. On medieval Irish monasticism and literature, see: W. Follett, Celt De in Ireland: Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2006). 6 On the evidence for Scythian and Celtic contact in Europe (especially Ireland), see Littleton and Malcor, 1994 and 1997. For an examination of the historical and linguistic evidence for earlier Celtic and Indo-Iranian contact in eastern Europe and Asia, the reader may consult J. Pstrusinska, Old Celtic Cultures from the Hindukush Perspective (Cracow: Universitas, 1999). 223 territory'), with which territory Rostam and the clan of Nariman are identified.7 Herodotus

{Histories Book IV) and Pausanius {Description of Greece 1.21.5-6) discusses Scythian culture in terms which are reminiscent of Celtic and Germanic tribes. These were observed in Europe and documented by such Classical Greek authors as Diodorus Siculus,

Poseidonios, Strabo, Tacitus, and the great Roman general Julius Caesar. In the late classical period, the Roman military deployed companies of Scythian cavalry on campaigns in

Pannonia, Gaul and Britain in 50 CE, then again in 85-88 CE.8 The Roman historian Dio

Cassius reports that after a period of hostility with Rome in 175 CE, the Scythians were obliged to contribute 8,000 cataphracti to Rome, of which 5,500 were sent to Britain.9

Further, several thousands of the Scythians may have settled permanently in western Europe instead of returning; according to Littleton and Malcor, 'few of the [Scythian] auxiliaries ever managed to get back to their homeland in the steppes, and in accordance with Roman policy in these matters a colony of Sarmatian veterans was established at Bremetennacum

Veteranorum, a major cavalry outpost near the modern Lancashire town of Ribchester.'

Littleton and Malcor go on to argue that the Scythian settlement and subsequent cultural mixing between Scythians and the Celtic inhabitants of Britain produced the Arthurian tradition, which (they suggest) is based on earlier Scythian tales that survive today only among the Ossetian people of Georgia.

While Littleton and Malcor may argue that a veterans' colony was established and that it had Sauromatian characteristics, it is problematic to suggest that this implies that the

7 For a comprehensive study of the Scythians, see: I. Lebedynsky, Les Scythes: la Civilisation Nomade des Steppes Vile - /// siecle av. J.-C. (Paris, 2001). See also: T. Sulimirski, "The Scyths', in Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 2. Ed. W. Fisher (Cambridge, 1968-91), 149-99; V. Kouznetsov and I. Lebedynsky, Les Alains: Cavaliers des Steppes, Seigneurs du Caucase, (Paris, 1997); R. Rolle, The World of the Scythians, trans. E. Wells (Berkley, 1989). 8 Specifically, these mercenaries were from the Sauromatian branch of Scythian tribes, known as the Iazyges. See Littleton and Malcor 1994,17-18. 9 Dio 72.22.16; Littleton and Malcor 1994, 18. 224 entire force remained. On the one hand, standard Roman military practice in provinces was to grant lands to veterans as a reward for service; this served to "latinize" the Empire; yet this does not imply that the Sauromatian veterans would have been prevented from returning to the mainland once their terms of service were over.10 Further, their argument does not take into account that a strong Scythian presence remained on the European mainland: for

example, Sauromatian hostilities with Rome continued on the continent until the 4 century

CE. Ammianus Marcellianus (29.6.13-14) reports that Roman forces stationed in the province of Valeria (Pannonia) suffered a serious defeat at the hands of Sauromatian raiders.

If indeed the number of Scythians employed by the Roman military in Britain was over five thousand, and a portion of them returned to rejoin their tribes on the mainland after their term of service, it is equally possible that some of the tales from the Shahnameh which show similarities with Celtic literature might be the result of Celtic tales being absorbed by the Scythian storytellers.

More importantly, the Littleton-Malcor hypothesis does not take into account the fact that the Scythian intrusion into Britain took place at end of a much lengthier period of Celtic and Scythian contact. It is generally accepted by archaeologists that the Celtic

Hallstatt (1200 - 500 BCE) and La Tene (6th century- 100 BCE) cultures occupied much of Western and Central Europe, ranging as far east as the modern Czech Republic and

Hungary. For much of the same period (600 BCE to 300 CE), the Scythian tribes occupied the Pontic steppe and Eastern Europe (ranging as far west as Romania), making

10 For example, many Gallo-Roman troops who were posted to the Eastern provinces, for example, chose to return to home to Italy and Gaul rather than remain in the East. Evidence of this is the popularity of Mithraic shrines found in the West (including England), which was initially an Eastern religious movement brought back into the West by the legionaries. On this see V. Walters, The Cult of Mithras in the Roman Provinces of Gaul (Leiden, 1974). 225 the Scythians and Celts neighbours.11 Indeed, parallels have been noted between Celtic and Scythian material culture (similar themes in decoration relying on animal motifs), as well as their similar use of the kurgan or barrow tombs.12 This period of cultural proximity, lasting at least five centuries, provides a very feasible point of origin for common motifs in Iranian and Celtic literature; indeed, if the Arthurian tradition (to say nothing of the Ulster Cycle) has any Iranian motifs, this period of widespread and large- scale contact is much more likely to have produced such exchange than the few Scythian companies stationed in Britain.

In 1997 Littleton and Malcor's article 'Did the Alans Reach Ireland? A

Reassessment of the "Scythian" References in the Lebor Gabdla Erenn' examined the

Lebor's author's (or authors') claims that the Scotti (Olr. 'Irish, Gaels') and EKOGOCI (Gr.

'Scythians') were in fact the same people, based on similar nomenclature.13 While the viability of this medieval theory is improbable on linguistic grounds (meaning that Scots and Scythians belong to two separate branches of the Indo-European family), Littleton and Malcor argue that this confusion of names suggests that the Irish may have had contact with the Scythian/Alanic warriors either in Spain or in Britain, which resulted in the belief that they were distantly related. However, it is not credible that the 'Scythians'

11 It is noteworthy that the Thracians were likewise settled in Central and Eastern Europe, and served as a buffer in some areas between Celts and Scythians. On this, see: J. Bouzek & L. Domaradzka, eds., The Culture of Thracians and their Neighbours: Proceedings of the International Symposium in Memory of Prof. Mieczyslaw Domaradzki (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2005). 12 On contact between Iron Age Celtic and Scythian tribes, see P. Wells, Beyond Celts, Germans and Scythians: Archaeology and Identity in Iron Age Europe (London: Duckworth, 2001); also A. Pydyn, Exchange and Cultural Interactions: a Study of Long-Distance Trade and Cross-Cultural Contacts in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age in Central and Eastern Europe (Oxford, 1999); and above p. 225 note [475]. Cf. P. Bichler, ed. Hallstatt Textiles: Technical Analysis, Scientific Investigation and Experiment on Iron Age Textiles (Oxford, 2005); H. Potrebica, Some Remarks on the Contacts Between the Greek and the Hallstatt Culture Considering the Area of the Northern Croatia in the Early Iron Age (Oxford, 1998). 13 The Irish text in question (with Scythian references) can be found primarily in vols. 35 & 39 of: R. Macalister & E. Mac Neill, eds. Lebor Gabdla Erenn, Irish Texts Society 34-5, 39, 41, 44 (Dublin, 1938- 54). 226 whom the Irish encountered were those settled in Spain (as Littleton and Malcor believe), since any Iranic tribes whom they encountered in Britain or Spain would have had to self-identify as Scythians, whereas the evidence suggests that to the contrary, the

Scythian Iazyges in Britain identified themselves as Sauromati or Alani, as did those attested tribes on the continent in Spain and Gaul. As there is no material evidence in support of this theory, I suggest that the analogous episodes in the Ulster Cycle and

Shahnameh better supports the idea that the Irish sense of common origin with the

Scythians is much likelier the result of the centuries of contact and exchange that the

Celts experienced prior to their emigration to Ireland. In addition, the fact that the Irish believe themselves to be 'Greeks of Scythia' which implies an astern European site of origin, rather than Spain.14 If anything, Littleton and Malcor's evidence suggests strong

Celtic and Scythian relations, prior to the Celtic migration to Ireland.

Significantly, much evidence points to Rostam being a Scythian hero: he does not appear in the Avestan texts (in which we do find many other of the Shahnameh heroes and villains), so his popularity indicates a late intrusion into Iranian popular culture.15 Further, the fact that Ferdowsi makes Rostam the lord of Sistan is strong evidence that Rostam belongs to the heroic traditions of the Scythian branch of the Iranian family. Rostam's red hair and beard, and his fondness of drinking in the Shahnameh are very similar to the description of the inhabitants of a Scythian settlement (Gelonus) observed by Herodotus

14 The Lebor Gabdla states {LGE 34:153): "The Gaedil (are) called the Greeks of Scythia ... They are of the people of Scythia, for they are the seed of Feinuis Farrsaid, who has the princedom of Scythia. However, he had not the kingdom of Scythia, but its princedom: and as they are not the progeny of Gomer, the Gaedil are called Greeks.' Cf. Cf. M. Mode, ed. Arms and Armour as Indicators of Cultural Transfer: the Steppes and the Ancient World from Hellenistic Times to the Early Middle Ages (Weisbaden, 2006). 15 S. Shabazi, Ferdowsi: a Critical Biography (Costa Mesa, 1991), 63-75; Shahbazi undertakes a thorough examination of the dating of the Shahnameh based on Ferdowsi's life and the political events he describes during its composition; he also points out that some of the episodes featuring Rostam also occur in Sogdian and Armenian epic cycles which dates centuries earlier than Fedowsi's lifetime (vid.p.65). 227

(Histories 4.108): 'The Budini are a large and powerful nation: they have all deep blue

eyes, and bright red hair ... There is even a festival, held every third year in honor of

Bacchus, at which the natives fall into the Bacchic fury.' Rostam's exact origins are

difficult to determine, due to a general lack of extant literary sources predating the

Shahnameh; unlike other characters in the epic, he does not occur as a named character in

the extant Middle Persian or Avestan corpus. Davidson convincingly argues that although the

earliest texts containing Rostam's name in a recognizable form are of Sogdian (an eastern

Iranian tribe) origin, and that we should accept him as a hero whose role as guardian

of sovereignty and farr 'royal glory' is attested in Avestan sources, this aspect of his role

would place him in the very earliest Iranian literature.16

As evidence of Rostam's Scythian roots, consider the brief tale narrated by

Herodotus (Histories Book IV.8-10): Hercules is driving the cattle of Geryon across

territory of the Scythians, and fatigued, he wraps himself in his lion skin and goes to

sleep. While he is asleep, his horses wander away. He awakes and goes to find them, and

finds a cave, in which he encounters a strange woman who is serpentine from the waist

down. She tells him that she is the queen of that land, and claims to have his horses; she

also offers to restore them if he has intercourse with her. He does so, and she reports that

she will bear him three sons. She asks whether she should keep them in her country, or

send them to him when they are grown. He gives her a bow and a girdle, and tells her

that whichever son can bend the bow and tie the girdle may remain there as king, but that

the other sons should be sent away. Only the youngest son was able to do this, who was named Scythes, from whom the Scythian kings trace their lineage.

16 Davidson 1994: 110-27. 228

This tale is reminiscent of the beginning of the Sohrab and Rostam episode

(discussed above in Chapter Three). The lion skin of Hercules becomes the tiger skin of

Rostam; the loss of the horses remains unchanged; the offer of the women (a princess or

queen) to exchange sex for the horses; and the birth of a child who inherits the

supernatural strength of the father. The curious detail of the ophidian woman is

reminiscent of Rostam's own dragon ancestry, and Ferdowsi himself refers to Sohrab and

Rostam as dragon-blooded heroes. Absent from the Scythian tale is the combat of father

and son, but such a duel would make it impossible for the Herculean son to sire the

chieftains of the Scythian race. I mention this tale as evidence that Scythian oral

traditions were incorporated into the Shahnameh, and further to strengthen the case for

Rostam's Scythian origins. Also, if this tale was known to Herodotus from his Scythian

contacts, it is likely that the Celtic neighbours of those Scythian tribes (who had such a

tradition amongst them) would likely have known a variant of the same legend. The

Scythian legend certainly has motifs reminiscent of the Celtic filicide episode: the hero's journey abroad; intercourse with a supernatural woman of noble birth; the foretelling of a

son's birth; and the gifts left by the father with instructions for the child's fate. Earlier in

Chapter Two, I noted that some events from the boyhood education and early animal-

slayings of Hercules show marked similarities to the early deeds of Cuchulainn and

Rostam; further in Chapter Five, I discussed the motif of the Otherworld raid in Greek,

Old English and Persian literature, with parallels to Hercules' journey to the

Underworld.17 Given the widespread and extreme popularity of Hercules throughout the

17 See above pp.32, 58, 79, 91, and 191. On the cult of Hercules in the West, see: G. Moitrieux, Hercules in Gallia: Recherches sur la Personnalite et le Culte d'un Dieu Romain en Gaule (Paris: De Boccard, 2002); cf. H. Bowden, Herakles and Hercules: Exploring a Graeco-Roman Divinity (Swansea: The 229

Roman empire, it seems very likely that his adventures may have been transmitted by oral as well as literary modes of transmission, and influenced Celtic, Germanic, and

Iranian heroic traditions.18

There is another striking parallel between Scythian and Celtic legend: the motif of four fantastic treasures present at the inception of the nation. Herodotus records that the

Scythians there fell from the heavens four divine treasures, which were taken up by one of the first rulers of the Scythian people: a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a drinking- cup.19 This presents an interesting parallel to the brief fragment called the 'Four Jewels of the Tuatha De Danann' from the Yellow Book of Lecan.20 This text relates how the

Tuatha De Danann, the divine race who inhabited Ireland previous to the coming of the

Celts, brought with them to Ireland four magical treasures: a cup, a sword, a spear, and a stone. The Scythian tale, as told by Herodotus, relates that only the warrior capable of seizing the weapons (despite a fiery aura) was worthy to become king; on a similar note, the purpose of the magical Irish stone (the Lia Fail) was to indicate a king by crying out when the potential king would stand atop the stone. The central theme of each tradition

Classical Press of Wales, 2005); Padilla, M. The Myths ofHerakles in Ancient Greece: Survey and Profile (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1998). 18 Communication from Professor Dooley, 16 August 2007. As I note above in Chapter Five, it is generally accepted by Iranian scholars that the 'Seven Labours of Rostam' are derived in part from the Twelve Labours of Hercules. 19 Herodotus Book 4.5: 'According to the account which the Scythians themselves give, they are the youngest of all nations. Their tradition is as follows. A certain Targitaus was the first man who ever lived in their country, which before his time was a desert without inhabitants. He was a child -1 do not believe the tale, but it is told nevertheless - of Jove and a daughter of the Borysthenes. Targitaus, thus descended, begat three sons, Leipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais, who was the youngest born of the three. While they still ruled the land, there fell from the sky four implements, all of gold - a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, and a drinking-cup. The eldest of the brothers perceived them first, and approached to pick them up ... as he came near, the gold took fire, and blazed. He therefore went his way, and the second coming forward made the attempt, but the same thing happened again. The gold rejected both the eldest and the second brother. Last of all the youngest brother approached, and immediately the flames were extinguished; so he picked up the gold, and carried it to his home. Then the two elder agreed together, and made the whole kingdom over to the youngest born [italics mine].' 20 See: V. Hull, 'The Four Jewels of the Tuatha De Danann', Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie 18 (1930): 73-89. 230 is the guarantee of legitimate sovereignty; that is to say that the items reveal the legitimate ruler of the (mythical) fledgling Irish and Scythian kingdoms. Finally, the parallel traditions of four supernatural treasures at the founding of the respective Celtic &

Scythian kingdoms (and the common occurrence of both a cup and a weapon), and the aforementioned references to 'Scythians' in the Lebor Gabala Err en, suggest cultural contact and the exchange of oral traditions or oral epics between Scythian and Celtic tribes. Likewise, it is important to note that since Herodotus records these Scythian parallels, we should consider that possibility that Hellenism and the cult of Hercules

(popular amongst the Roman military) might also have served to transmit these heroic traditions, as it (Hellenism) had significant influence in both eastern and western heroic tradition, as is evidenced by the widespread Alexander romance.

The fourth mode of transmission, common origin, also provides a possible

explanation for the Irish/Persian, and Persian/Anglo-Saxon analogues. Given the common Indo-European linguistic origins of the Celtic, Germanic, and Indo-Iranian peoples, it is reasonable to expect that some myths and oral formulae were held in common, and that given the similarities between their cultures (such as dominance of the warrior-aristocracy), these stories would have been better preserved by these cultures, where the other Indo-European tribes (for example, Greeks, Hittites, or Latins) might not have retained them. Alfred Hiltebeitel, in his paper 'Friends, Brothers, and Charioteers' examines two heroic traditions from India and Ireland featuring Cuchulainn and Arjuna, with striking parallels.21 His exhaustive study concludes that the only possible explanation for the analogues is the common Indo-European roots of the Irish and Indian people, as well as the common cultural details (such as the use of chariots and

21 Hiltebeitel 1982,85-111. 231 charioteers). Calvert Watkins has shown a considerable number of wide-ranging Indo-

European mythical parallels, using oral formula as a means to identify them.22 A later medieval example of this is the wide-spread tradition of the Alexander romance, which developed in various European and Near Eastern vernaculars, yet all stem from a single

Hellenistic tradition.23 We must also consider that a combination of common origin and indirect transmission might have taken place. In other words, if the episodes discussed in this thesis stem from a common Indo-European tradition, they may still have been reinforced or transmitted back and forth between the Celts and Scythians, and then later recorded in the manuscripts of the medieval period. As there is no way to determine whether the Celts or Iranians (or if either one) were responsible for the origin of the tales in question, we can only say that the adventures of Cuchulainn and Rostam may well be traced back to an original Indo-European tradition, and whatever their specific origins, at some point the traditions became known to both cultures, and were transmitted to Ireland and Iran, and then naturalized.

One of the more difficult problems facing scholars of such Indo-European epics as the Tain, Shahnameh, and Beowulf is the question of the (alleged) antiquity of the traditions, as established from the evidence of the compilers of the manuscripts.24 Aside from determining the dates of the earliest manuscripts, if we assume that a given Indo-

European tale was composed orally, it is difficult to know when such a tradition was developed, or even to determine a rough period of possible composition. This thesis has

22 Watkins, 1995. 23 This is, granted, an example of literary rather than oral transmission; but with popular traditions such as Alexander or Hercules, it is likely that the narrative travels by both oral and literary modes, rather than one or the other. Cf. Omidsalar 2001, 272-80. 24 In other words, the authors/compilers of the Tain and Shahnameh claim that their tradition is very old, and that they are not the authors of the traditions, but rather their custodians or documentors. 232 discussed two potential sites of origin with prolonged Celtic/Iranian and

Germanic/Iranian intercultural contact (Great Britain and Central Europe). This provides us with a cultural exchange end date of 300 C.E., which I suggest may be used to establish a terminus-ante-quem of several of the episodes in the Ulster Cycle and

•ye Shahnameh.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

This thesis has examined the lives of the great champions Cuchulainn and

Rostam, with significant parallels from Beowulf. It has considered six pivotal tales from their biographies, and discussed the common heroic characteristics and themes which define them as characters; moreover, it has shown the way the heroic code is enacted in

Irish, Persian, and Anglo-Saxon epic. It has also considered the potential methods of narrative transmission which have produced this analogue, taking account of recent scholarship dealing with similar subject matter. Finally, it has suggested a region and a broad time period in which the analogues are likely to have originated. Yet in a broader sense, this thesis has demonstrated that despite a difference of continent, religion, and language, the cultures of medieval Ireland/England and Iran demonstrate similar heroic codes and values. The heroes we have examined are more than just capable soldiers: they are the embodiment of both the bright dream of the aristocracy, and brutal fact of a war- maker with a gift for death-dealing. These heroes are charged with the protection of their state or people, yet they show themselves (as children, as adults) to be almost as

25 This would, then, support the theory of Professor Jackson, that the Tain preserves details of the Iron-Age Celtic culture, especially the heroic traditions of that period. See K. Jackson, The Oldest Irish Tradition: A Window on the Iron Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967). 233 dangerous to their people as the forces from which they protect them. Clearly, this troublesome theme captured the imagination of both the Iranian poet Ferdowsi, and the unidentified Irish authors of the Ulster Cycle.

The final question of this thesis must be one of new directions: given the evident similar themes in Eastern and Western heroic traditions, what avenues does this open for future studies? First, as I note above, the heroic biography of Hercules demonstrates significant parallels with the lives of Cuchulainn and Rostam. This suggests that a thorough re-examination of the Herculean tradition could contribute significantly towards a better understanding of the medieval European and Iranian heroic models. Second, I believe that until recently, while many Celtic and Anglo-Saxon specialists have been able to work with both Celtic and Germanic texts, Eastern literatures have been inaccessible due to a lack of available translations. The recent translation of the Shahnameh by Dick

Davis now makes Persian literature available to Western specialists, which will enable further comparative studies in heroic literature. In much the same way that this thesis has dealt with the heroic biographies of similar heroes by organizing them into sequential episodes, it would prove stimulating to turn to a figure like Alexander the Great, who enjoyed popularity in several heroic traditions, to see how he is treated in medieval

Persian, Anglo-Saxon, and Celtic literature. While indeed Alexander has attracted significant attention by both medievalists and orientalists, such a comparative study would provide a new approach by examining how all three cultures deal with a

Hellenistic tradition, and how a hero-sovereign figure like Alexander is interpreted by their respective cultures. One advantage such a study would have is a known source text, whereas this thesis has had the additional task of trying to assess origins of the heroic 234 traditions in question. Such a study would focus on themes of sovereignty, the biography of the hero, the character and function of the philosopher-king as opposed to the warrior, contacts with the supernatural, and early modes of diplomacy and intercultural dialogue. 235

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