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From Mitterand to Macron: Tracing the Evolution of French-Polish Relations’, Relations’, French-Polish of the Evolution Tracing to Macron: Mitterand ‘From A Vol. 15, Issue 2 Vol. Yearbook Yearbook of the Institute of the Institute Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe of East-Central Europe of East-Central Europe (Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej) Volume 15 (2017) Volume 15 (2017) Issue 2 Issue 2 of East-Central Europe Europe of East-Central the Institute of Yearbook “Given the mounting challenges the EU is facing, neither Germany nor East-Central Europe (ECE) can risk putting their traditionally close partnership in jeopardy at a time when cooperation is most needed. To what extent the Publication details, including instructions for authors: ECE region can be brought back into the EU’s core will depend as much on the actions of their governments as on Germany’s and France’s willingness to off er a more inclusive policy agenda given the conditions of an impending http://www.iesw.lublin.pl/rocznik/index.php Brexit. The success or failure of bringing the ECEs back into the heart of Europe will ultimately not just determine the future of the ECE but also the EU.” Ch. Schweiger, ‘East-Central Europe between German Semi-Hegemony and Brexit’, ISSN 1732-1395 Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2017, p. 30. 2 Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej Rok 15 (2017), Zeszyt 2 “The potential for an ideological clash is signifi cant in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) space. This clash is an integral dimension of the struggle the EU faces to identify a 21st century narrative that captures the imagination of East-Central Europe: re-focusing the debate re-focusing Europe: East-Central citizens across the continent. This is especially true of those in the younger generations without the experience or recollection of the post-World War II era. (...) Global leadership, in this context, is an ethical imperative, which calls East-Central Europe: for the articulation of interests anchored in a vision of the future as much as an understanding of human needs. The imperative is a return to the “good society” realism of Brzezinski and Kennan.” re-focusing the debate C. Mazzucelli, P.C. Saunders, Z. Ma, ‘Central and Eastern Europe on the Eurasian Chessboard in the Global Century’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2017, p. 52. “Simply put, if no eff ective armed drone use regime is put in place, the scenarios related to armed drone use can become ever more dramatic. (...) Both the US and the EU stand to benefi t from recognizing this dangerous trend and promoting the need to build consensus over the need to develop a comprehensive international armed drone use regime. (...) The eff orts to control drone usage could be challenging in the face of China’s relative promiscuity when East-Central Europe between From Mitterand to Macron: it comes to selling drones. Therefore, (...) the US and possibly the EU, in the near term may be best suited to include German Semi-Hegemony and Brexit Chinese leaders in determining such policy.” Central and Eastern Europe Tracing the Evolution of French-Polish E.G. Boussios, A. Visvizi, ‘Drones in War: The Controversies Surrounding the United on the Eurasian Chessboard in the Global Century States’ Expanded Use of Drones and the European Union’s Disengagement’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2017, pp. 140, 142. Frozen and Freezing Confl icts in Eastern Europe Relations and South Caucasus: Implications for Regional Security NATO-Russia Balance of Deterrence a in East-Central Europe Agata Stolarz a Institute of East-Central Europe (IESW) INSTYTUT EUROPY INSTYTUT EUROPY S´RODKOWO-WSCHODNIEJ S´RODKOWO-WSCHODNIEJ INSTITUTE INSTITUTE OF EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE OF EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE Published online: 22 Nov 2017 To cite this article: A. Stolarz, ‘From Mitterand to Macron: Tracing the Evolution of French-Polish Relations’, Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2017, pp. 167-185. Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe (Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej) is a quarterly, published in Polish and in English, listed in the European Reference Index for the Humanities (ERIH), Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) and IC Journal Master List (Index Copernicus International). In the most recent Ministry of Science and Higher Education ranking of journals published on the Polish market the Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe received one of the highest scores, i.e. 14 points. Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe, 2017, Vol. 15, No. 2 Agata Stolarz From Mitterand to Macron: Tracing the Evolution of French-Polish Relations Abstract: The first months of Emmanuel Macron’s presidency have shown that one of his goals is to rebuild France’s position on the international stage. Macron also seeks to promote several reforms at the EU level geared towards deepening European integration. Presumably, Macron’s policy objectives will impact Central Europe, including Poland. This paper provides a general over- view of the Franco-Polish relationship over the period 1989-2017. Against this background, the paper will discuss the main challenges in the Franco-Polish cooperation since the fall of the Berlin Wall through the first three months of Macron’s presidency (2017). Keywords: Franco-Polish relationship, French Foreign Policy, Macron, social dumping Introduction Contemporary Europe, struggling with problems such as the mass- migration crisis and rising unemployment among young people in Western Europe, is looking for new leaders to replace the old politi- cal elites. Many people from both the general public and the politi- cal establishment see hope for “rebuilding Europe” in the president of France. In May 2017, Macron won the French presidential election, although at the beginning of his campaign, many observers did not anticipate his success. The critics were particularly concerned with his inexperience in international politics. The first weeks of Macron’s presidency showed that one of his main goals was not only to “improve France” but also to regain the country’s former leading role in the in- ternational arena. Keeping in mind the French president’s speeches on the occasion of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Versailles 168 Agata Stolarz and US President Donald Trump’s to Paris, Macron aims not only to strengthen the French position in the spheres of the economy and de- fense but also to reclaim the French role as a world leader in soft pow- er, which would help him introduce European Union (EU) reforms. The purpose of this paper is to examine the political relationship between France and Poland since the fall of the Berlin Wall through the first three months of Macron’s presidency. Tracking the evolution of the political relationship between France and Poland aims to in- dicate and discuss the main challenges in their mutual cooperation. The perspective used in the paper is a historical one. The analysis is carried out with the following research questions: How has France’s foreign policy towards Poland changed in the past 25 years? What is Macron’s policy toward Poland? What would be the consequences of this policy? What position will France play in the international arena? This paper attempts to address these questions and provides an over- view of the development of the Franco-Polish relationship in the past two and a half decades. This paper is not aimed at discussing these problems entirely, but tries to outline France’s foreign policy in terms of Poland with some references to other EU countries in Central Europe—Slovakia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. It begins with an overview of Poland’s place in the French political discourse in the 1990s, then in the first half of the 2000s, and then after Poland and other Central European countries’ accession to the EU. A section on the main prob- lems of Macron’s policy towards Poland is next, followed by a discus- sion on the various directions of this policy as pursued in practice. From Investment Risk to Strategic Partnership 1. Franco-Polish relations even before the fall of the Berlin Wall were rather positive, especially considering the political situation of the time. It is worth recalling the visit of Charles De Gaulle to Po- land in 1967. The president of France came to Poland to “give proof of friendship,” and to support Poland’s claims on its western border with Germany. After the end of World War II until the 1990s, some of the German political environment had questioned the border between Poland and Germany. A position on it was adopted, for example, by the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (German: Christlich Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej • Yearbook of the Institute of East-Central Europe • 15(2), 2017 From Mitterand to Macron: Tracing the Evolution of French-Polish Relations 169 Demokratische Union Deutschlands, CDU), which had stressed that real recognition of the border could only be made by a united Ger- many. In 1967, De Gaulle was the first leader of a Western country to make a statement about the “Polishness” of the western lands of con- temporary Poland and of Pomerania. After the departure of the French president, communist propaganda presented his visit as a great suc- cess of diplomacy of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL).1 After the fall of the Berlin Wall, France maintained proper cultural and diplomatic relations with Poland as well as with other countries of Central Europe. The political changes in the region were appreciated. Francois Mitterrand in September 1990, in front of the Czechoslovak government, declared: “A new era began in 1989 for our continent: the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe have achieved a great popular revolution that had been known since the French Revolution of 1789.”2 In the early 1990s, the cultural relationship was developed.
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