Information to Users
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ohio's Asian Population
Ohio Asian Americans Ohio’s Asian American community is comprised of more than 345,000 people, accounting for 3.0 percent of the state’s total population. According to the 2018 American Community Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, Ohio’s Asian population more than doubled since 2000 and is six times the 1980 count. For the United States, the Asian population is over 22.1 million, or 6.8 percent of the nation’s total population. Since 2000, the number of Asian Americans in the U.S. has increased by more than 10 million people, or 86 percent. OVERVIEW o 345,724 people – 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total population o The Asian population has more than doubled since 2000 o 196,195 were born outside the U.S. o 33 percent are of Asian Indian ancestry o Median age of 33.9 years compared to 39.5 years for all Ohioans o 39,000 enrolled in elementary and secondary schools o Median household income: $75,822 o 21,000+ businesses with $10.8 billion in receipts Note: Asian refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent. A person reporting their race as Asian alone or in combination with one or more other race is used for total population counts only. A person reporting their race as Asian alone is used for the other population characteristics. The recording of specific, multiple races was not done prior to 2000. Ohio’s The Asian American 400,000 community accounts for 350,000 Asian 3.0 percent of Ohio’s total 300,000 Population: population with 250,000 345,000 significant growth 200,000 occurring over the last 150,000 three decades. -
And “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-Li Li
College of Education v University of Hawai‘i at Mänoa 1 Between “What I Am” and “What I Am Not”: Asians and Asian Americans in Contention and Conversation by Heekyong Teresa Pyon, Yan Cao, and Huey-li Li In the age of globalization, “Asian” and “Asian American” Just the other day, my mother visited Joshua, and again she told have emerged as popular terms to refer to a diverse populace Joshua that he needs to speak Korean when he grows up. This time, originating in many different parts of the vast continent of Asia. however, Joshua gave my mother an unexpected answer. “Grandma. As recent Asian arrivals in the United States, we have gradually There is an older brother in my church. He speaks little Korean and a come to accept the terms “Asian” and “Asian American,” as our lot of English. I think I am going to be like him later, and I am going group identity in spite of our different national origins and cultural to be an American when I grow up.” Surprised, my mother told him, upbringings. However, we continue to engage in a mutual interroga- “No, Joshua, you are still a Korean even when you grow up.” “No,” tion with the dominant culture that endorses individuality as a key insisted little Joshua, “I am going to be an American!” value, yet imposes group identities on its marginal constituencies. Unlike my nephew, I was certain that I would never become While the multicultural education movement has raised awareness an American when I was new to the country. -
Confronting Sa-I-Gu: Twenty Years After the Los Angeles Riots
【특집】 Confronting Sa-i-gu: Twenty Years after the Los Angeles Riots Edward Taehan Chang (the Young Oak Kim Center for Korean American Studies) Twenty years ago on April 29, Los Angeles erupted and Koreatown cried as it burned. For six-days, the LAPD was missing in action as rioting, looting, burning, and killing devastated the city. The “not guilty” Rodney King verdict ignited anger and frustration felt by South Los Angeles residents who suffered from years of neglect, despair, hopelessness, injustice, and oppression.1) In the Korean American community, the Los Angeles riot is remembered as Sa-i-gu (April 29 in Korean). Korean Americans suffered disproportionately high economic losses as 2,280 Korean American businesses were looted or burned with $400 million in property damages.2) Without any political clout and power in the city, Koreatown was unprotected and left to burn since it was not a priority for city politicians and 1) Rodney King was found dead in his own swimming pool on June 17, 2012, shortly after publishing his autobiography The Riot Within: My Journey from Rebellion to Redemption Learning How We Can All Get Along, in April 2012. 2) Korea Daily Los Angeles, May 11, 1992. 2 Edward Taehan Chang the LAPD. For the Korean American community, Sa-i-gu is known as its most important historical event, a “turning point,” “watershed event,” or “wake-up call.” Sa-i-gu profoundly altered the Korean American discourse, igniting debates and dialogue in search of new directions.3) The riot served as a catalyst to critically examine what it meant to be Korean American in relation to multicultural politics and race, economics and ideology. -
Immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean: a Socioeconomic Profile
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 413 157 RC 021 297 AUTHOR Rumbaut, Ruben G. TITLE Immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean: A Socioeconomic Profile. PUB DATE 1996-03-00 NOTE 11p.; In: Immigration and Ethnic Communities: A Focus on Latinos; see RC 021 296. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Numerical/Quantitative Data (110) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Acculturation; Demography; Educational Attainment; Employment Level; *Geographic Distribution; Higher Education; *Hispanic Americans; *Immigrants; Income; Latin Americans; *Limited English Speaking; Population Distribution; Poverty; *Socioeconomic Status; Tables (Data) IDENTIFIERS *Caribbean Americans; Latinos ABSTRACT This paper seeks to make sense of the new diversity in the United States, with a focus on immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean. Some key facts and figures about contemporary immigrants are presented, looking at their patterns of settlement and comparing their distinctive social and economic characteristics to major U.S. racial-ethnic groups. The discussion is centered on information conveyed in four detailed tables, drawn from 1990 census data. The tables address:(1) states and counties of principal Hispanic settlement for the total Hispanic population and for Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and other subgroups;(2) population size, nativity, educational attainment, occupational level, poverty, welfare recipients, income, and percent female-headed households for Hispanic subgroups and non-Hispanic racial-ethnic groups;(3) decade of immigration, U.S. citizenship, and settlement patterns by world region and selected Latin American and Caribbean countries of birth; and (4) English proficiency, percentage of college graduates, percent in labor force, occupational level, poverty, and older adults for immigrant groups by world region and selected Latin American and Caribbean countries of birth. -
California Cadet Corps Curriculum on Citizenship
California Cadet Corps Curriculum on Citizenship “What We Stand For” C8B: Great Americans Updated 20 NOV 2020 Great Americans • B1. Native American Warriors • B2. Military Nurses • B3. Suffragettes • B4. Buffalo Soldiers • B5. 65th IN Regiment “Borinqueneers” • B6. Lafayette Flying Corps • B7. Doolittle Raiders • B8. Navajo Code Talkers • B9. Tuskegee Airmen • B10. African American Units in World War • B11. World War II Nisei Units NATIVE AMERICAN WARRIORS OBJECTIVES DESIRED OUTCOME (Followership) At the conclusion of this training, Cadets will be able to describe groups who have sacrificed for the benefit of the United States despite challenges and obstacles. Plan of Action: 1. Define the warrior tradition and how that motivates Native Americans to serve their country today. 2. Describe how Native American communities support their soldiers and veterans through culture and ceremonies. Essential Question: How have Native Americans contributed to the United States military, and how does their community support and influence their contribution? The Warrior Tradition What is the warrior tradition? Sitting Bull, of the Hunkpapa Lakota Sioux, said: “The warrior, for us, is one who sacrifices himself for the good of others. His task is to take care of the elderly, the defenseless, those who cannot provide for themselves, and above all, the children – the future of humanity.” Being a warrior is more than about fighting it is about service to the community and protection of your homeland. (WNED-TV & Florentine Films/Hott Productions, 2019) The Warrior Tradition Use this link to play The Warrior Tradition https://www.pbs.org/wned/warrior-tradition/watch/ Check on Learning 1. Name a symbol of Native American tradition that you still see used in Native American culture today. -
In 1983, the Late Fred Cordova
Larry Dulay Itliong was born in the Pangasinan province of the Philippines on October 25th, 1913. As a young teen, he immigrated to the US in search of work. Itliong soon joined laborers In 1983, the late Fred Cordova (of the Filipino American National Historical Society) wrote a working everywhere from Washington to California to Alaska, organizing unions and labor strikes book called Filipinos: Forgotten Asian Americans, a pictorial essay documenting the history of as he went. He was one of the manongs, Filipino bachelors in laborer jobs who followed the Filipinos in America from 1763 to 1963. He used the word “forgotten” to highlight that harvest. Filipino Americans were invisible in American history books during that time. Despite lacking a formal secondary education, Itliong spoke multiple languages and taught himself about law by attending trials. In 1965, he led a thousand Filipino farm workers to strike Though Filipino Americans were the first Asian Americans to arrive in the U.S. in 1587 (33 against unfair labor practices in Delano, CA. His leadership in Filipino farm worker movement years before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock in 1620), little was written about the history paved the way for others to follow. Alongside Cesar Chavez, Larry Itliong founded the United of the Philippines or of Filipino Americans in the U.S. Although the U.S. has a long history with Farm Workers Union. Together, they built an unprecedented coalition between Filipino and the Philippines (including the Philippine-American War, American colonization from 1899-1946, Mexican laborers and connected their strike to the concurrent Civil Rights Movement. -
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT of SOUTH ASIANS in the UNITED STATES April 2019
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT OF SOUTH ASIANS IN THE UNITED STATES April 2019 This factsheet, based primarily on Census 2010 and the 2017 American Community Survey, provides a national snapshot of the South Asian American community. We encourage community leaders, government entities, policymakers, and the media to use this data to better understand South Asian Americans and help inform their engagement with this community. Who are South Asians? The South Asian community in the United States includes individuals who trace their ancestry to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The community also includes members of the South Asian diaspora – past generations of South Asians who originally settled in other parts of the world, including the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, Canada and the Middle East, and other parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands. Population Numbers at a Glance Below are some key facts about the national population in the United States from Census 2010 data and the 2017 American Community Survey: ➢ Nearly 5.4 million South Asians live in the United States tracing their roots to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and the diaspora, including but not limited to Trinidad/Tobago, Guyana, Fiji, Tanzania, and Kenya.1 This is up from 3.5 million counted in Census 2010. ➢ Indians comprise the largest segment of the South Asian community, making up over 80% of the total population, followed by Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Nepali, Sri Lankans, and Bhutanese. ➢ Data is not readily available for diaspora South Asian communities specifically the Indo-Caribbean, and Indo-African communities. Population Growth The South Asian American community grew roughly 40% between 2010 and 2017. -
How Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Contribute to the U.S. Economy Power of the Purse: How Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Contribute to the U.S
OCTOBER 2017 POWER OF THE PURSE How Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Contribute to the U.S. Economy Power of the Purse: How Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Contribute to the U.S. Economy Paid for by the Partnership for a New American Economy Research Fund. CONTENTS Executive Summary 1 Introduction 4 The Earning Power of the AAPI Population 6 Tax Contributions 9 Spending Power 12 Explanations for the Large Economic Contributions of AAPI 16 Entrepreneurship 18 Filling Gaps in the Labor Force 23 Demographic Change and Implications 26 Voting Power 30 Conclusion 34 Data Appendix 35 Methodology Appendix 41 Endnotes 43 © Partnership for a New American Economy Research Fund. Power of the Purse: How Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders Contribute | Executive Summary Executive Summary hile migration from Latin America has the AAPI population, both foreign-born and U.S.-born, been at the forefront of the immigration is enriching our economy on each of these fronts. W debate for much of the past half century, Using the 2015 American Community Survey (ACS) in more recent years, immigrants from Asia and the from the U.S. Census, we examine data on the 21.3 Pacific Islands, or AAPI immigrants, have constituted an million people of Asian or Pacific Islander descent in increasing share of newcomers arriving in the United America — detailing how much they earn each year, States. In 2015, almost 40 percent of all newly arrived their spending power, and the amount they contribute immigrants, or those who came within the last five years, as taxpayers. To shed light on which communities hailed from Asia or the Pacific — a larger share than from and businesses may benefit the most from their Latin America.1 This coincided with Asian Americans contributions, we also detail who these immigrants are, more broadly becoming the fastest growing ethnic group what skills they have, their entrepreneurship patterns, in the United States, overtaking Hispanic-Americans and where they are concentrated in the country. -
The Invention of Asian Americans
The Invention of Asian Americans Robert S. Chang* Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 947 I. Race Is What Race Does ............................................................................................ 950 II. The Invention of the Asian Race ............................................................................ 952 III. The Invention of Asian Americans ....................................................................... 956 IV. Racial Triangulation, Affirmative Action, and the Political Project of Constructing Asian American Communities ............................................ 959 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 964 INTRODUCTION In Fisher v. University of Texas,1 the U.S. Supreme Court will revisit the legal status of affirmative action in higher education. Of the many amicus curiae (friend of the court) briefs filed, four might be described as “Asian American” briefs.2 * Copyright © 2013 Robert S. Chang, Professor of Law and Executive Director, Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law and Equality, Seattle University School of Law. I draw my title from THEODORE W. ALLEN, THE INVENTION OF THE WHITE RACE, VOL. 1: RACIAL OPPRESSION AND SOCIAL CONTROL (1994), and THEODORE W. ALLEN, THE INVENTION OF THE WHITE RACE, VOL. 2: THE ORIGIN OF RACIAL OPPRESSION IN ANGLO AMERICA (1997). I also note the similarity of my title to Neil Gotanda’s -
From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: a Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles
Asian and Asian American Studies Faculty Works Asian and Asian American Studies 2012 From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles Edward J.W. Park Loyola Marymount University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/aaas_fac Part of the East Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Edward J.W. Park (2012) From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on orK ean Americans in Los Angeles, Amerasia Journal, 38:1, 43-47. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Asian and Asian American Studies at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Asian and Asian American Studies Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble Transnational a to Island an Ethnic From So much more could be said in reflecting on Sa-I-Gu. My main goal in this brief essay has simply been to limn the ways in which the devastating fires of Sa-I-Gu have produced a loamy and fecund soil for personal discovery, community organizing, political mobilization, and, ultimately, a remaking of what it means to be Korean and Asian in the United States. From an Ethnic Island to a Transnational Bubble: A Reflection on Korean Americans in Los Angeles Edward J.W. Park EDWARD J.W. PARK is director and professor of Asian Pacific American Studies at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. -
Profile of New York City's Korean Americans
Profile of New York City’s Korean Americans Introduction Using data from 2006-2010 and 2011-2015 American Community Survey (ACS) Selected Population Tables and the 2010 U.S. census, this profile outlines characteristics and trends among New York City’s Korean American population.1 It presents statistics on population size and changes, immigration, citizenship status, educational attainment, English ability, income, poverty, health insurance and housing. Comparisons with New York City’s general population are provided for context. New York City’s Korean population was the third largest Asian ethnic group, behind Chinese and Indians. Relative to all residents, Koreans in New York City were more likely to be: working-age adults, Figure 1: Korean Population by Borough better educated, Population limited English proficient, From 2010 to 2015, the Korean alone or in combination living in poverty if an adult, and population in New York City decreased slightly by 0.2 renting. percent from 98,402 to 98,158 – compared to the city’s Facts on Korean Population in New York City overall 4 percent increase and the 13 percent growth of Alone or in-Combination Population 98,158 Percent Change from 2010 to 2015 -0.2% the total Asian population. The Korean alone population Immigration and Citizenship decreased by 1.5 percent from 93,131 in 2010 to 91,729 Percent of Population Foreign Born 70% in 2015. Percent of Foreign Born Who are Citizens 48% New York City was home to 67 percent of New York Educational Attainment for Adults Age 25 or Older State’s Korean residents. -
Blackface Behind Barbed Wire
Blackface Behind Barbed Wire Gender and Racial Triangulation in the Japanese American Internment Camps Emily Roxworthy THE CONFUSER: Come on, you can impersonate a Negro better than Al Jolson, just like you can impersonate a Jap better than Marlon Brando. [...] Half-Japanese and half-colored! Rare, extraordinary object! Like a Gauguin! — Velina Hasu Houston, Waiting for Tadashi ([2000] 2011:9) “Fifteen nights a year Cinderella steps into a pumpkin coach and becomes queen of Holiday Inn,” says Marjorie Reynolds as she applies burnt cork to her face [in the 1942 filmHoliday Inn]. The cinders transform her into royalty. — Michael Rogin, Blackface, White Noise (1996:183) During World War II, young Japanese American women performed in blackface behind barbed wire. The oppressive and insular conditions of incarceration and a political climate that was attacking the performers’ own racial status rendered these blackface performances somehow exceptional and even resistant. 2012 marked the 70th anniversary of the US government’s deci- sion to evacuate and intern nearly 120,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast. The mass incarceration of Issei and Nisei in 1942 was justified by a US mindset that conflated every eth- nic Japanese face, regardless of citizenship status or national allegiance, with the “face of the TDR: The Drama Review 57:2 (T218) Summer 2013. ©2013 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology 123 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/DRAM_a_00264 by guest on 01 October 2021 enemy.”1 While this racist reading of the Japanese (American) face has been widely condemned in the intervening 70 years, the precarious semiotics of Japanese ethnicity are remarkably pres- ent for contemporary observers attempting to apprehend the relationship between a Japanese (American) face and blackface.