Masculinities and College Men's Depression: Recursive Relationships

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Masculinities and college men’s depression: Recursive relationships

JOHN L OLIFFE School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

MARY T KELLY School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

JOY L JOHNSON School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

JOAN L BOTTORFF Faculty of Health and Social Development, University of British Columbia, Okanagan, BC, Canada

ROSS E GRAY Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada

JOHN S OGRODNICZUK Department of Psychiatry, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

PAUL M GALDAS School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

ABSTRACT Depression is a signifi cant problem among college men. This qualitative study examines the interplay between masculinities and depression among Canadian-based college men who self-identifi ed or were formally diagnosed with depression. The resulting three themes – mind matters, stalled intimacy and lethargic discontent – reveal the recursive relationships between masculinities and depression whereby depression quashed men’s aspirations for embodying masculine ideals, with depression potentially trig- gered by self-doubt and concerns about harbouring a faulty masculinity. Key fi ndings include participants’ juxtaposing their private negative self-talk with attempts to pass as self-assured in public; anxieties about neediness and vulnerability negating their efforts to initiate or maintain an intimate relationship; and ruptured ideologies about a mind–body dualism whereby severe depression negatively impacted physical wellbeing.

KEYWORDS: masculinities; college men; depression; sociology

INTRODUCTION College Health Association [ACHA] 2007). epression ranks among the top ﬁ ve health Many factors are cited as potential causes and/or Dconcerns that impede college students’ triggers for college men’s depression, including academic performance and, in North America, stresses around body image and identity (O’Dea depression among college men increased from and Abraham 2002), pressures to fulﬁ l academic 6.2% in 2000 to 10.9% in 2007 (American and career aspirations (Robotham 2008), and

Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 HS 465 R HS John L Oliffe et al. R fi nancial strain (Hudd et al. 2000). College men constructed masculine ideals and men’s diverse are also known to engage in risky behaviours alignments to them infl uence their depression- (i.e., unprotected sex, drug use, weapon use related experiences. Specifi cally addressed in the and fi ghting, risk-taking when playing sports current study is the research question, ‘What are or driving) (Courtenay 2004), and these prac- the connections between masculinities and col- tices can be taken up as self-management strate- lege men’s depression?’ gies for depression (Blazina and Watkins 1996; Kilmartin 2005; Voelker 2004) and potentially Masculinities and men’s depression lead to violence and self-harm (Langhinrichsen- Courtenay (1998, 2004) suggests that college Rohling et al. 2004). The reported rates of male men’s aggression, stoicism and self-reliance, depression likely under-represent the actual along with their lack of interest in self-care, are incidence, for which men’s estrangement from informed by alignments to masculine ideals. professional medical services may be a contrib- Embedded here are gendered expectations that uting factor. For example, the US 2008 National the male body should be robust, competitive College Health Assessment study indicated that and deliver the promise of physical and sexual 53.2% of male college students reported feeling prowess (Potts 2000; Sabo 2005). Similarly, the very sad in the past year, 25% felt so depressed rational, decisive masculine mind is celebrated they found it diffi cult to function, with 6.1% and privileged as strategically focusing men’s indicating they had seriously considered suicide, efforts and energy (Kilmartin 2007). When signs yet only 6.3% of men surveyed reported being of illness or disability emerge men typically self- formally diagnosed or treated for depression manage and/or medicate rather than consult a (ACHA 2008). Generic depression screening health care professional to avoid being seen as tools have also been implicated in missed diag- weak (Galdas et al. 2005). noses and the underreporting of college men’s Such assertions are empirically supported by depression (Addis 2008). Downstream indica- studies linking masculinities to men’s depres- tors including men’s high rates of violence, sion-related practices. For example, Addis substance overuse and suicide support asser- (2008) found that conformity to Western mas- tions that men’s depression is under-diagnosed culine norms in and of itself is a risk factor for (Beautrais 2002; McQueen and Henwood 2002; developing depression. A study of 14 US-based Statistics Canada 2007; White 2003). Most men, diagnosed and treated for major depres- prominent in terms of cause–effect relationships sion, indicated that expectations related to per- is depression-suicide, and clinicians, researchers formance, lack of connectedness with others, and policymakers agree that suicide is a pre- feeling out of control, elaborate secret-keeping ventable outcome of severe depression for many for fear of being seen as weak, and self-blame young men (Beaudet 1999; Beautrais 2002; for not being able to ‘overpower’ depression Government of Canada 2006; Health Canada were strongly represented (Heifner 1997). A 1994; Moller-Leimkuhler 2002). secondary analysis of 16 UK men’s interviews Connections between men’s depression derived from a study that focused on depres- and masculinities described in commentaries, sion-related issues indicated that longstanding reviews and empirical work reveal Connell and feelings of isolation and difference – in addition Messerschmidt’s (2005) gender framework as an to sadness, guilt, detachment, anger and fear – important and effective analytic lens. Courtenay’s were central to participants’ accounts of their (2000) commentary about masculinities and men’s depression (Emslie et al. 2006). An Australian health, which drew on Connell’s (1995) earlier grounded theory study of a non-clinical sample work, guides the current study whereby socially described how men reacted to emotional stress

466 HS Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 R Recursive relationships in masculinities and college men’s depression HS R and being ‘down in the dumps’ was connected on campus detailing our masculinity and depres- to traditional masculinity. Specifi cally, the avoid- sion study and inviting men to contact the project ance of problems and numbing with drugs and director. We described the study to prospective alcohol (‘acting in’) could lead to a build-up participants as being focused on their experi- of negative emotions and risk-taking (‘acting ences with depression, and including questions out’), culminating in self-harm and suicidal- about how being a man infl uenced their cop- ity (‘stepping over the line’) (Brownhill et al. ing and self-management strategies. Eligibility 2005). A grounded theory study of US men criteria included English-speaking men, 18 years who had received pharmacological or psy- and older who self-identifi ed or were formally chological therapy for depression confi rmed diagnosed with depression. Twenty-six men par- Brownhill et al. (2005) predictions. Specifi cally, ticipated in individual interviews and received the cyclic pattern of depression was detailed in a nominal honorarium (CAD$30) to acknowl- processes connecting triggers, early symptoms, edge the time spent and their contributions to external overfl ow and maladaptive coping to the study. Recruiting men to qualitative studies masculinity (Chuick et al. 2009). Galasin´ski can be challenging but, as Oliffe (2010) sug- (2008) employed a linguistic discourse analysis gests, some remuneration in the form of an to investigate men’s depression, and concluded honorarium can bolster the project feasibility by that men used distancing strategies to construct engaging men in an atypical dialogue without a self that was separate and outside of their infl uencing their talk and/or the study fi ndings. depression. Prior to being interviewed, participants com- Overall, consensus prevails that men’s depres- pleted a demographic questionnaire and the sion signals vulnerability, attracts signifi cant Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-II) (Beck et al. stigma, and threatens the strength and power 1996) (see Table 1 for participant characteris- synonymous with idealised masculinity (Link tics). The BDI details were collected to detail the et al. 1997; Real 1997). Moreover, in many range of severity of the men’s depression. Western countries depression is positioned as Participants were offered the choice of a male a feminine disorder requiring antidepressant or female interviewer; however, they indicated medications (Riska 2009). Experiencing, as well no preference. Interviewers followed a semi- as being treated for depression, are decidedly structured guide and used probe questions to unmasculine (Branney and White 2008; Oliffe solicit further details when needed (Oliffe and and Phillips 2008). This article focuses on college Mroz 2005). Specifi c questions included: How men to describe their experiences of depression, does depression impact your studies? How has and explore the connections between masculini- depression affected your relationships with part- ties and depression. ners and friends? What do you do to cope/ deal with your depression? Follow-up prompts MATERIALS AND METHODS included: How did you react at the time? How did Procedure that inform your current practices? Interviewers An underutilised approach to understanding also encouraged participants to talk about the men’s health practices is to talk directly with aspects of their depression-related experiences them about their experiences (Fletcher et al. that were most important to them. 2002). With this in mind, a qualitative inter- We anticipated that the interviewees could view study was conducted to build contextual discuss sensitive issues that might cause them knowledge about college men’s experiences of distress, and a printed list of professional men- depression. Following university ethics approval, tal health care services was provided to all participants were recruited through fl yers posted participants. In addition, trained interviewers

Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 HS 467 R HS John L Oliffe et al. R TABLE 1: CHARACTERISTICS OF MALE UNIVERSITY (women and men) followed specifi c guidelines STUDENTS EXPERIENCING DEPRESSION for ceasing interviews and referring men to Characteristics (N = 26) acute care services if they observed participant distress. Specifi cally, if signs of distress includ- Age (years) Mean = 23.2 (range 19–28) ing irritability, aggression, or crying had been observed during the interview, the interviewer Ethnicity would have stopped the interview and formally Anglo-Canadian 11 asked if the participant wished to continue, South Asian 8 withdraw from the study, or reschedule. If any Chinese 5 participants had disclosed suicidal ideation, the interview would have been stopped, and the Latino 1 interviewer would have continued to listen Middle Eastern 1 and talk with the participant with the intent Sexual orientation of directing him to professional mental health Straight 23 services. We were sensitive to the participants’ Gay 2 vulnerabilities and were careful to ensure confi dentiality and anonymity while explicitly Questioning 1 positioning the interview as an opportunity for Area of study others to better understand depression among Arts 7 college men. Engineering 4 Sciences 8 Data analysis Participant interviews were transcribed verbatim Technology 2 and then carefully read while keeping in mind Commerce 1 the research question, ‘What are the connections Nursing 1 between masculinities and college men’s depres- International relations 1 sion?’ All the data relevant to men’s embodied Undeclared/unknown 2 experiences of depression were highlighted on hard copies of the participants’ interview tran- Years in university scripts and later electronically inputted and Undergraduate programmes uploaded to a code labelled ‘experiences’ using First year 3 the NVivo 8TM qualitative software program. The Second year 5 code yielded 359 pages of data that were read Third year 5 by the fi rst author to inductively derive prelimi- nary ideas about categorising men’s experiences Fourth year 6 and developing a coding schedule. Initially, we Graduate programmes 7 derived six sub-codes and data were allocated Formal diagnosis of 15 to at least one of the following codes: physical, and treatment for depression sexual, mental and cognitive, expression, behav- Beck depression inventory scores ioural/action and managing depression. The Minimal 7 men’s talk during the interview was taken as Mild 8 refl ective of their actual experiences and the authors independently reviewed the data from Moderate 5 one or two codes to advance the analyses. The Severe 6 authors provided a written summary of their

468 HS Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 R Recursive relationships in masculinities and college men’s depression HS R interpretations along with illustrative participant of failing threatened many participants’ futures. quotes to support their analyses, and the lead A 22-year-old undergraduate science student author integrated the summaries to distil three described the connections between his poor aca- themes within which the fi ndings were detailed demic performance and career prospects: (Spradley 1980). The themes were inductively With those marks, I would not get any job. … derived paying particular attention to how mas- Like I would not get any decent job even culinities were embedded in recurring, converg- though I paid so much in [college tuition], ing, and/or contradictory patterns of the men’s because I always think okay, if I spent a hun- depression experiences. These themes were dred thousand for studying, I will need to get labelled, and descriptive notes were written to a job for more than one hundred thousand. … defi ne each of the emergent fi ndings so that And I’m beginning to think okay, this is not relationships between them and linkages to the- going to get me a hundred thousand in this ory could be developed (Morse and Field 1995). market. A series of author meetings followed to reach consensus and theorise the fi ndings, develop the This participant went on to detail the tripar- discussion and fi nalise the manuscript for formal tite cause of his depression as academic under- peer review. Purposive sampling, the collection performance, emergent debt and poor career of rich data, and analyses engaging all the partici- prospects. Amid escalating anxiety, he referred pant data were key components to legitimately to squandered opportunities and, rather than claiming saturation in our study fi ndings (Morse an investment, staying at college had become a 1995). gamble in which he was likely throwing good money after bad. Pessimism and uncertainty FINDINGS dominated his thinking, truncating the dreams Three interconnected themes – mind mat- with which he had begun his studies. Many men ters, stalled intimacy, and lethargic discontent – acknowledged that such negative thoughts were were derived from the analyses, and while these counterproductive and took them further away themes coexisted in participants’ lives, they are from their studies; however, arresting that think- abstracted and described to refl ect the recursive ing and redirecting their efforts was diffi cult. A relationships between masculinities and men’s 28-year-old graduate’s rehabilitation sciences cognitive, emotional and physical experiences of studies were thwarted by having to sort out his depression. depression as well as his frustrations with the ineffectiveness of those efforts: Mind matters Like fi nding a career and stuff like that because Attending college provided opportunities for when you’re agitated and angry and trying to participants to mobilise their intellectual capacity fi gure out all those emotions … higher learn- to achieve academic goals that were fundamental ing isn’t your number one priority and I mean to securing a good job and building a reward- I did spend a lot of time thinking about it and ing career. Ideally, college was an investment of trying to wade through them and trying to men’s time and money and a means to laying the fi nd a resolution. foundations for a bright future. Key to success- fully transitioning from college to career was a While men often singled out depression strong work ethic and being strategically focused as the lynchpin for invoking a troubled and on studies to attain good grades. However, when ineffective mind, the ever-increasing distance academic goals were not achieved, panic set in and from being rational, decisive and intellectu- the implications of poor marks and/or possibility ally competitive surfaced as signifi cant sites of

Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 HS 469 R HS John L Oliffe et al. R discontent and unhappiness. In response, many One of my biggest worries that made me men attempted to pass as untroubled and self- depressed, was like I’m losing my mind right? assured in public, especially in the company of What’s happening … why can’t I stop this? male peers who were the reference point(s) for determining one’s success or failure. A 21-year- Ineffective, risky strategies for self-treating old commerce student who, despite passing his depression through substances including alco- recent exams, revealed how his private fears and hol, tobacco, and marijuana were common- self-doubts about being unable to perform aca- place among the participants. Consuming demically were increasingly visible to himself alcohol and drugs may have afforded partici- and others: pants a means to embody the normative and idealised performances of ‘young’ men as pre- You don’t feel your life is worth living. … It viously described by Kimmel (2008). Yet, most was not that bad [his exam mark], but you participants positioned alcohol and other drug always compare with your peers. use as self-medicating to gain some relief from over-thinking, unhealthy introspection and/or Participants also measured their performances to counter negative thoughts. Self-management globally against the achievements of men to also drew upon masculine ideals of self-reliance whom they aspired. These comparisons tended and problem-solving yet the potential for risky to focus on the material ends for signifying suc- remedies was ever-present. A 23-year-old gradu- cessful masculinity. In various ways depression ate science student detailed his failed attempts was positioned as the major barrier to accumu- for gaining respite from the negative thoughts lating the material possessions expected of prof- depression evoked: itable men, as an engineering graduate student detailed: I do try alcohol sometimes … when I’m depressed. But, it doesn’t help me. If I drink I went through all these emotions and I’ve alcohol, I might be out of my mind for that come out at 28 years old and I don’t have a car night. But it doesn’t happen that the next and I don’t have a house yet and you miss kind morning I’m out of my depression. It even of those normal progressions if you go through makes me more depressed. a serious depression. Amid formulating masculine identities, men’s This participant’s dissatisfaction with not racing thoughts burdened them with what they reaching particular milestones rendered visible had not achieved, or seemed unlikely to garner in his somewhat modest masculine ideals, as well the future, amplifying the discordance between as his inadequacies for attaining them. Again, a their current outcomes and the ideals to which recursive relationship ensued whereby the par- they aspired. ticipant’s depressed mental state blocked the ways and means to purchase the material signi- Stalled intimacy fi ers of masculinity that he desired, while at the Depression negatively impacted many men’s same time, focusing on these defi cits (unrealised ability to initiate or sustain intimate relation- signifi ers of masculinity) also drew him deeper ships. Establishing meaningful connections was into depression. Participants longed to break complicated by participants’ reluctance to dis- this cycle and regain control of their thoughts. close details about their depression to potential However, as the aforementioned 28-year-old partners. Some men withdrew, suggesting an engineering graduate suggested, that was easier intimate relationship was simply not feasible. A said than done: 24-year-old graduate student purposely avoided

470 HS Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 R Recursive relationships in masculinities and college men’s depression HS R intimate relationships ‘trying to keep away from to feel for others were described by many men. distractions’ so he could stay well, and remain A 23-year-old arts student explained that ‘one focused on his studies. A 25-year-old science of the reasons that we ultimately broke up was student indicated that the possibility of fi nd- that I wasn’t feeling anything for her … But it ing a long-term partner who was able to cope was more – I felt nothing towards anyone’. As is with his depression was, at best, remote ‘because commonly the case, according to Lee and Owens it can’t be easy living with … basically with (2002), a few men were prompted to seek profes- somebody who’s mad. It is madness I’m going sional help by their partner. Most men also drew through’. Procreative imperatives around father- on their partner’s support to better cope with hood and taking up provider and protector roles their depression as Robertson (2007) previously were also positioned as untenable in the presence reported. The limits of this arrangement, however, of a depression, as detailed by a 22-year-old sci- ultimately resulted in the partner’s fatigue and/ ence student: or diminished capacity to provide such assistance. For example, a 24-year-old engineering student In the family thing I will think okay, if this suggested his insecurities eventually defeated the is going to stay like this I will not, I will not couple’s best efforts to save their relationship: have any family … because me as a dad, right? How can I teach my daughter and son if I am I felt even more alone [while in the relationship] like this?’ and I didn’t have confi dence in myself so I was In all these scenarios, the men expressed more worried about her leaving me for some- uncertainties about being able to maintain long- one else. So I became a lot more dependent, … term, meaningful relationships, for fear of having whereas I am very independent by nature to self-disclose about having depression, burden- it put more pressure on her and all that stuff ing partners with their illness and/or failing to and it just ended up where she couldn’t help cope with the demands of a committed relation- me anymore, or whatever she tried to do, it just ship, romantic partnership or parenting of chil- had to end because it wasn’t doing any good for dren. Various characteristics, including strength both of us. No matter how much I cared for her … and selfl essness, typically expected of men in or how much I still care for her it just wasn’t an intimate relationship were unobtainable by going to work in my mental state so it just kind virtue of the day-to-day challenges invoked of ended and as much as I tried to fi x it or tried … by depression. Although often positioned as a to salvage it it just wasn’t going to happen. resolve to protect self and others, the decision to Depression also affected men’s sexual desire to be single and emotionally unattached also served varying degrees, ranging from complete absence to socially isolate some men from the intimate to having relatively less interest in sex than before connections for which ‘young’ men are expected the onset of depression. A 23-year-old arts stu- to be highly invested. dent was confused about why he did not have The men who were in, or had recently the same sex drive as other young men: ended an intimate relationship suggested they were unable to fully connect with their partner. I think I’ve been depressed for some time and A 24-year-old engineering student explained I’d almost say that since I came into puberty, how ‘it [the depression] defi nitely was a major around 14 or 15. … I don’t understand the level contributing factor to ending that really strong of drive the people like my brother or everyone relationship I had … I mean I was at the point else has. … So it’s defi nitely lower. That might where I was giving up on life and all that stuff’. A just be me because that’s how it is. Or it might numbing loss of interest in partners and inability be related to depression. I can’t tell.

Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 HS 471 R HS John L Oliffe et al. R The participant self-identifi ed as being discon- participants in our study, however, afforded nected from the idealised versions of young important insights to how depression can derail men’s sexual stamina and performance. Although the separateness of mind and body and the uncertain about exactly what levels of sexual compartmentalising of thoughts and actions. drive he should have, the man was certain that For example, participants’ lethargy and fatigue he fell short of the ideal, and this discrepancy emerged as a mind–body nexus (rather than confi rmed another site of underperformance. a dualism) in which depression slowed men A 25-year-old arts student described trying to down both mentally and physically. Although ‘fi ght against’ such losses, and a 20-year-old sci- the mechanisms by which this occurred were ence student still had sexual ‘vibes’ but depres- unknown, disabling mind and body typically sion rendered him ‘too lazy’ to do anything emerged as a by-product of severe depression. with them, quipping, ‘you know, I’m just like A 23-year-old engineering student recounted ah fuck, I don’t really care’. Longstanding evi- how depression took hold to erode obligatory dence has linked depression to questioning and/ as well as pleasure-based activities: ‘I think what or confl icted sexual identities, and a 20-year-old happens to me in depression is I don’t do any- science student’s uncertainty about his sexual thing. I won’t go to school. I won’t go to my orientation was positioned as the likely cause of playing [music] … I won’t cook’. his depression: Key to many men’s masculinity is physical presence, performance and the promise of We can just be standing there with our arms power (Kimmel 2008). Yet, lost to most partici- crossed and whether it’s a guy and I or a girl pants in severe depression were familiar activities and I randomly out of nowhere I’ll have like and places that they had comfortably inhab- that inner voice like the voice in my head that ited. A 22-year-old undergraduate science stu- will just blurt out like ‘I’m gay’ … It’s like right dent implied that his poor work ethic, at least now I don’t know where I stand. in part, underpinned his emergent sedentary The participants revealed varying degrees lifestyle and eventual seclusion, ‘I’m too lazy to of intimate and social isolation and across their do anything … I just want to stay in my bed accounts anxieties about being an attractive or and keep sleeping, just shut myself off from the worthwhile partner emerged. Doubts about world’. Physical exercise and being active are also embodying idealised masculine performances espoused as the health promotion focus of men (i.e., insatiable libido) and/or preferences (i.e., (Lee and Owens 2002; Watson 2000). Indeed, as heterosexual desires) were ever-present barriers Drummond (2002) suggests, sports engage many to initiating and/or sustaining an intimate rela- men as players and/or spectators to celebrate tionship. Such doubts could also trigger depres- the strength and physical prowess synonymous sion and, for the most part, self-isolating along with idealised masculinity. Exercise is also rou- with some elaborate secret-keeping were key tinely ascribed as a positive way to ensure one’s strategies for minimising the visibility of such mental health, and a key strategy for overcoming insecurities. depression. Many participants positioned physical activity as a remedy for depression whereby Lethargic discontent a disciplined and robust body could aid their ail- The mind–body dualism in performing mas- ing mind. However, these ideals did not always culinity as a rational achievement of mind over play out and, as a result, failure to be active in body, be it through self-restraint and discipline self-managing depression with exercise surfaced or power and strength, is a highly infl uential to signal men’s ineffi ciency. Instead, pain and ideology (Edwards 2006; Watson 2000). The suffering took participants further away from

472 HS Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 R Recursive relationships in masculinities and college men’s depression HS R the normative performances expected of, and Unhappiness is you go to work and complain typically associated with ‘young’ college men. A all day but you still go … depression is you lay 23-year-old arts student described a top-down in your bed and you just can’t eat, sleep, cry … relationship in which depression impeded his you’re just empty … it just eats you alive, it’s desire and physical drive, eventually rendering like I was scared to step out of my room because him housebound with little focus or motivation: I thought people could tell I was depressed and it was just horrible, the worst feeling I’ve ever I’m a cyclist so I cycle here when it’s not rain- been through in my life … and like they say ing … there was less of that … just sort of you don’t think about suicide, I thought about no enjoyment for cycling anymore … and I’m suicide every second but I’m like, no that’s not someone who cycled since before high school right, that’s not fair right? sort of every day. It was just sort of what’s the point as I’m riding up a hill, which is a Noteworthy in this man’s candid testimo- question other people ask themselves but I’ve nial is how profoundly empty he is, but perhaps never questioned that before and there’s defi - most importantly, his fear that others would be nitely a decrease in wanting to do anything able to tell he was depressed distanced him … just hanging out at home and presumably further from potential supports. The fi ndings doing work but actually not getting anything around men’s lethargic discontent confi rm the done. recursive relationships between masculinity Despite having no physical injury to and depression, whereby a concurrent mind– account for his inactivity, this man’s purchase body disablement signalled severe depression, on cycling, a longstanding source of enjoyment and the inability to engage in physical activi- and identity, was lost. In addition, depression ties also derailed men’s purchase on ‘doing’ eroded his steely resolve and discipline for get- masculinity. ting ‘things’ done, leaving him stranded and powerless without control, pleasure or release. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION Similarly, a 25-year-old engineering doctoral The fi ndings drawn from this study reveal the student revealed the taunting nature of that varied ways in which depression and mascu- predicament: linity connect to impact college men’s mental, emotional, and physical health. Supported are It’s worse than not having motivation because many of the results drawn from previous stud- if you don’t have motivation you can at least ies by Brownhill et al. (2005), Chuick et al. force yourself to do it. This goes beyond it; I (2009), Emslie et al. (2006) and Heifner (1997) actually start disliking those things. It becomes in which masculinities mediate men’s experi- more … they become repellent. Especially ences and expressions of depression. However, because at some point in time, logically I know also afforded by our study are two important I should be enjoying these things, and I’m not additional insights. enjoying them, and it becomes very … it’s First, the recursive relationships between almost as if … I’m being mocked by the very depression and masculinities were ever-present things I like. whereby various products of, and triggers for At the extreme, profound incapacity and men’s depression eroded their masculine iden- hopelessness left men bedridden, cut off and sus- tities, roles and relations. Figure 1 lists depres- ceptible to self-harm, as a 22-year-old science sion-induced characteristics including cognitive student who had used medication and counsel- wandering, dysfunctional relationships, and leth- ling for depression recalled: argy as invoking a subordinate masculine status.

Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 HS 473 R HS John L Oliffe et al. R

Depression Cognive wandering, negave thoughts and self-talk, indecisive, unfocused, failed and/or dysfunconal relaonships, low libido, social isolaon, lethargic, sedentary Depression Failure to embody invoking masculine ideals subordinate triggering or masculine causing status depressive Masculine ideals symptoms Raonal, decisive, compeve, opportunisc, adaptable, self-reliant problem-solver, aracve to partners, popular, virile, wiy, sexual prowess, emoonally strong, muscular, physical toughness

FIGURE 1: RECURSIVE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN DEPRESSION AND MASCULINE IDEALS

Yet failing to embody masculine ideals such as We were also reminded that institutionalised being rational, virile, and physically tough could gender fl ows from college structures whereby also trigger and/or exacerbate an existing depres- masculine ideals are rooted in and expressed sion. The dynamic interplay between depression through these large social systems (Johnson and masculinity suggests that rather than a unidi- et al. 2007). As such, college can exert signifi - rectional cause–effect relationship there is great cant infl uence in prescribing and privileging potential for a vicious cycle to emerge. specifi c productions of masculinity, as well as Second, while the once all-encompassing evaluating men’s performances and potential to hegemonic masculinity has rightly given way embody those ideals. to a plurality of masculine ideals to more Important to both structure and agency accurately account for men of diverse age, in this context is the reminder that the psy- history, culture and social class (Connell and chological development of participants likely Messerschmidt 2005), we were struck by how straddled adolescent and adult roles amid consistently participants chronicled their defi - youth-centric freedoms to explore and exper- cits in relation to longstanding Western mascu- iment with the ‘things’ young men typically line ideals. Within a diversity of performances, do. Kimmel (2008) suggests popular culture it was clear that masculine norms were nar- equates young men’s masculinity with hedo- rowly defi ned in the lives of these men. This nism, and college men seem especially sus- fi nding may be explained, at least in part, by ceptible to buying into the hypermasculine Kenway and Bullen (2002) who assert that performances, such as binge drinking, central rather than opening up limitless possibilities to that enterprise. Also evident was the ‘mar- for self-creation, the globalised world can pro- ketplace man’ identity, reliant on fi nancial suc- vide little space for the negotiation of identity. cesses in capitalist enterprise (Kimmel 2001),

474 HS Volume 19, Issue 4, December 2010 R Recursive relationships in masculinities and college men’s depression HS R which underpinned many men’s aspirations ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS and efforts, but also fuelled the hopelessness This research was made possible by the British that depression could invoke. Although the Columbia Mental Health and Addictions data informing the fi ndings presented here Research Network and the Canadian Institutes were collected in 2007, just prior to naming of Health Research (Institute of Gender and the current economic recession, history sug- Health) (Grant No. 11R92369). Career support gests that collapsing fi nancial structures syn- for the fi rst author is provided by a Canadian onymous with masculine power (Diekstra Institutes of Health Research new investigator 1989; Jahoda 1988) negatively impact many and a Michael Smith Foundation for Health college men. Said another way, when entre- Research scholar award. Special thanks to Anna preneurial opportunities and career prospects Chan, Christina Han, Melanie Phillips, Val dwindle, hypercompetitive markets emerge, Nehdu and Tina Thornton for their assistance and a downward economy can impale college with this article. men (especially those who experience depression) by disrupting current and future careers References or salaryman identities. Emergent here also are Addis, M. (2008) ‘Gender and depression in performances synonymous with what college men’ Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice men prescribe and celebrate as a ‘work hard, 15(3):153–168. play hard’ ethic; however, the diffi culty remains American College Health Association. (2007) in prying apart specifi c actions indicative of an American College Health Association-National underlying depression from the practices typi- College Health Assessment (ACHA-NCHA) web cal of young men, in accurately distilling what summary. Available at: http://www.acha.org constitutes benign ‘growing pains’ versus men- (Date of accessed 14 December 2010). American College Health Association. (2008) tal and emotional distress. National college health assessment: Reference In conclusion, while depression in college group executive summary. Available at: http:// men has been attributed to factors including www.acha-ncha.org/docs/ACHA-NCHA_ decreased social support networks in leaving Reference_Group_ExecutiveSummary_ home, fi nancial strain due to education costs, Fa112008.pdf (Accessed 30 April 2009). and the pressure to attain adequate grades Beaudet, M. (1999) ‘Psychological health: (Tremblay et al. 2007), these challenges were Depression’ Health Reports (Statistics Canada, intertwined with men’s masculinities at a time Catalogue 82-003-XIE) 11(3):63–75. when their gender identities, roles, and relations Beautrais, A. L. (2002) ‘Gender issues in youth were tentative and somewhat fragile. The link- suicidal behaviour’ Emergency Medicine ages between masculinities and college men’s 14:35–42. depression, while revealing recursive relation- Beck, A. T.; Steer, R. A.; and Brown, G. K. (1996) Manual for the Beck depression inventory II ships that might result in a vicious down- Psychological Corporation: San Antonio, TX. ward spiral, also beckon ‘us’ to mobilise what Blazina, C.; and Watkins, C. E. (1996) ‘Masculine we know about those relationships and men’s gender role confl ict: Effects on college men’s health. The imminent challenge for research- psychological well-being, chemical substance ers is to determine whether enough evidence usage, and attitudes toward help-seeking’ exists to guide the development of programmes Journal of Counselling Psychology 43(4):461–465. to effectively message college men with a plu- Branney, P.; and White, A. (2008) ‘Big boys don’t rality of masculine scripts from which they can cry: Depression and men’ Advances in Psychiatric safely choose. Treatment 14(4):256–262.

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