The Irish Opposition to English Oppression Under the Protector
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War and the Constitutional Text John C
War and the Constitutional Text John C. Yoo∗ In a series of articles, I have criticized the view that the original under- standing of the Constitution requires that Congress provide its authorization before the United States can engage in military hostilities.1 This “pro- Congress” position ignores the constitutional text and structure, errs in in- terpreting the ratification history of the Constitution, and cannot account for the practice of the three branches of government. Instead of the rigid proc- ess advocated by scholars such as Louis Henkin, John Hart Ely, Louis Fisher, Michael Glennon, and Harold Koh,2 I have argued that the Constitu- tion creates a flexible system of war powers. That system provides the president with significant initiative as commander-in-chief, while reserving to Congress ample authority to check executive policy through its power of the purse. In this scheme, the Declare War Clause confers on Congress a ju- ridical power, one that both defines the state of international legal relations ∗ Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, United States Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Department of Justice. I express my deep appreciation for the advice and assistance of James C. Ho in preparing this response. Robert Delahunty, Jack Goldsmith, and Sai Prakash provided helpful comments on the draft. 1 See John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 U Pa L Rev 1673, 1686–1704 (2000) (discussing the original understanding of war powers in the context of the Kosovo conflict); John C. -
Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873
CCHA, Report, 28 (1961), 25-30 Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873 Francis William Pius BOLGER, Ph.D. St. Dunstan’s University, Charlottetown The idea of Confederation did not receive serious consideration in Prince Edward Island prior to the year 1863. Ten more years elapsed before the subject of union with the British North American Colonies moved into the non-academic and practical sphere. The position of the Island in the Confederation negotiations illustrated in large measure the characteristics of its politics and its attitude to distant administrations. This attitude might best be described simply as a policy of exclusiveness. The history of the Confederation negotiations in Prince Edward Island consisted of the interplay of British, Canadian, and Maritime influences upon this policy. It is the purpose of this paper to tell the story of Confederation in Prince Edward Island from 1863 to 1873. The policy of exclusiveness, which characterized Prince Erward Island’s attitude to Confederation, was clearly revealed in the political arena. The Islanders had a profound respect for local self-government. They enjoyed their political independence, particularly after the attainment of responsible government in 1851, and did not wish to see a reduction in the significance of their local institutions. They realized, moreover, that they would have an insignificant voice in a centralized legislature, and as a result they feared that their local needs would be disregarded. Finally, previous frustrating experience with the Imperial government with respect to the settlement of the land question on the Island had taught the Islanders that it was extremely hazardous to trust the management of local problems to distant and possibly unsympathetic administrations. -
The Papers of Dr. Henry Jones in Trinity College Dublin Archives
PERSONAL PAPERS AND THEIR RESEARCH VALUE: THE PAPERS OF DR. HENRY JONES IN TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN ARCHIVES Judith Mary Carroll A dissertation submitted to Aberystwyth University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Magister in Scientia Economica (MSc) under Alternative Regulations Department of Information Studies Aberystwyth University ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my supervisor, Jennie Hill, for her help and very practical advice. Thanks are also due to the staff of Aberystwyth University for being so friendly and helpful during this distance learning course which I really enjoyed; to Laura Magnier and Ruth Long of the Carmelite Archives, Gortmuire, Dublin 16 for their support and help during this course; to Kenneth Wiggins for providing me with invaluable information and discussing historical issues with me; to my family and work colleagues for their patience and support; to the memory also of Thomas Fitzpatrick (1845-1912) who deserves recognition for his mammoth transcriptions of Henry Jones’ papers. 2 CONTENTS Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Outline of the chapter…………………………………………………...……8 1.2. Aims and Objectives…………………………………………………….……8 1.3. Outline of methods…………..……………………………………………..…9 1.4. Definition of personal papers……………………………………………..…..9 1.5. The history of Henry Jones’s papers in TCD Archives………………………9 1.6. Background to the case study………………………………………………..11 1.7. Scope of the case study……………………………………………………....12 1.8. Scope of the dissertation…………………………………………...………...12 1.9. A historical summary of the life of Henry Jones………………………….....13 1.10. Structure………………………………………………………………….......15 Chapter 2: Methodology 2.1. Outline of the chapter…………………………………………………………..17 2.2. Literature review ………………………………………………………………17 2.3. The Case study - Content analysis……………………………………………..18 2.4. -
What Was the Iroquois Confederacy?
04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 82 What was the 4 Iroquois Confederacy? Chapter Focus Questions •What was the social structure of Iroquois society? •What opportunities did people have to participate in decision making? •What were the ideas behind the government of the Iroquois Confederacy? The last chapter explored the government of ancient Athens. This chapter explores another government with deep roots in history: the Iroquois Confederacy. The Iroquois Confederacy formed hundreds of years ago in North America — long before Europeans first arrived here. The structure and principles of its government influenced the government that the United States eventually established. The Confederacy united five, and later six, separate nations. It had clear rules and procedures for making decisions through representatives and consensus. It reflected respect for diversity and a belief in the equality of people. Pause The image on the side of this page represents the Iroquois Confederacy and its five original member nations. It is a symbol as old as the Confederacy itself. Why do you think this symbol is still honoured in Iroquois society? 82 04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 83 What are we learning in this chapter? Iroquois versus Haudenosaunee This chapter explores the social structure of Iroquois There are two names for society, which showed particular respect for women and the Iroquois people today: for people of other cultures. Iroquois (ear-o-kwa) and Haudenosaunee It also explores the structure and processes of Iroquois (how-den-o-show-nee). government. Think back to Chapter 3, where you saw how Iroquois is a name that the social structure of ancient Athens determined the way dates from the fur trade people participated in its government. -
Splitting Sovereignty: the Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States
Splitting Sovereignty: The Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States JAMES T. KNIGHT II* ABSTRACT From the moment the Constitutional Convention of 1787 ended and the Framers presented their plan to ªform a more perfect Union,º people have debated what form of government that union established. Had the thirteen sepa- rate states surrendered their independence to form a new state stretching from New England to Georgia, or was their individual sovereignty preserved as in the Articles of Confederation? If the states remained sovereign in some respect, what did that mean for the new national government? I propose that the original Constitution would have been viewed as establish- ing a federation of independent, sovereign states. The new federation possessed certain limited powers delegated to it by the states, but it lacked a broad power to legislate for the general welfare and the protection of individual rights. This power, termed ªthe legislative powerº by Enlightenment thinkers, was viewed as the essential, identifying power of a sovereign state under the theoretical framework of eighteenth-century political philosophy. The state constitutions adopted prior to the national Constitutional Convention universally gave their governments this broad legislative power rather than enumerate speci®c areas where the government could legislate. Of the constitutional documents adopted prior to the federal Constitution, only the Articles of Confederation provides such an enumeration. In this note, I argue that, against the background of political theory and con- stitutional precedent, a government lacking the full legislative power would not have been viewed as sovereign in its own right. -
The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index the WORLD's WORST
THE WORLD'S WORST COUNTRIES FOR WORKERS The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 4 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) is a confederation of national trade union centres, each of which links trade unions of that particular country. It was established on 1 November 2006, bringing together the organisations which were formerly affiliated to the ICFTU and WCL (both now dissolved) as well as a number of national trade union centres which had no international affiliation at the time. The new Confederation has 340 affiliated organisations in 163 countries and territories on all five continents, with a membership of 181 million, 40 per cent of whom are women. It is also a partner in “Global Unions” together with the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD and the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which link together national unions from a particular trade or industry at international level. The ITUC has specialised offices in a number of countries around the world, and has General Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 6 Foreword .............................................9 ASIA .................................................. 70 Bangladesh ....................................... 71 Part I ..................................................13 Cambodia .......................................... 71 The 2017 Results ...............................14 China ................................................ 72 The ITUC Global Rights Index ...............19 Fiji -
Thomas Francis Meagher Pdf Free Download
THE IRISH GENERAL : THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Paul R. Wylie | 416 pages | 16 Mar 2011 | University of Oklahoma Press | 9780806141855 | English | Oklahoma, United States The Irish General : Thomas Francis Meagher PDF Book Some people theorized that Meagher had been drinking and had accidentally fallen off the boat. When we started this project, we thought we might find up to veterans. Fort Benton, city, seat of Chouteau county, north-central Montana, U. Wealthy Democrat industrialists became rich off plantation slavery and opposed the war. After low engagement with the enemy at the battle, Meagher resigned from his position on May 16, The men of the Irish Brigade stormed across a ford in the river, routed the defenders and captured two guns within minutes. Most of the Federal troops, however, were fleeing the field in disorder, and the 69th joined the rout. There was a lot of lawlessness out there and Meagher fought the battle on the side of the angels. The bronze statue of Brigadier General Thomas F. Shortly after the battle, the Confederate impulsively swam across the river to return the flag to Meagher. Meagher, a confirmed Democrat, declared his sympathies for the South during the spring of , but he soon realized his was an unpopular position in New York. A man of character, strong beliefs in the cause, of liberty, freedom and justice. He was again arrested during the late summer of , and this time he was found guilty of sedition and treasonous activity. Account Options Anmelden. When Lincoln declared the Emancipation Proclamation freeing all Negroes from slavery, Meagher supported the president in speeches and letters. -
The Life and Achievements of the Remarkable Walter Jones Deserve A
Ambrose of Kildare and Henry of Clogher and afterwards of Meath. Two other sons, Michael and Theophilus, were to achieve high military rank and prominence on the side of the Parliamentary forces during the CivilWar of ·the 1640s. In 1647 after a three year stint in Cheshire, Colonel Michael Jones was appointed Governer of Dublin and commander of the Parliamentary forces in Leinster. Successes against the combined Royalist and Irish armies had gained him promotion to Ueutenant-General by the time Oliver Cromwell arrived at Dublin in August 1649. When Cromwell set out on -.his Irish campaign, he was accoinpanied by Jones, who Was second in command. However, Jones, having become ill with suspected cholera during the Waterford campaign, died on December 10th. in Dungarvan and was buried in St. Mary's Church, Youghal. Michael's brother, Sir Theophilus Jones, sailed to Ireland with Cromwell to take command of the Parliamentary army in Ulster. In 1659 he performed a different role by working for the restoration of Charles II. The third Jones brother to settle in Ireland, Henry, Dr. Walter A. Jones Ph.D. was a direct ancestor of Oliver Goldsmith. His The life and achievements of the remarkable Walter grandson, Rev. Theophilus Oliver Jones of Smith-Hill, Jones deserve a much more thorough study than can be EIphin, was the grandfather of the renowned poet achieved in this short article. Gaps remain to be filled through the marriage of his daughter Annie Jones to regarding events in his life, and many of his large the Rev. Charles Goldsmith. By my reckoning, Walter collection of writings have yet to be discovered. -
A History of Modern Ireland 1800-1969
ireiana Edward Norman I Edward Norman A History of Modem Ireland 1800-1969 Advisory Editor J. H. Plumb PENGUIN BOOKS 1971 Contents Preface to the Pelican Edition 7 1. Irish Questions and English Answers 9 2. The Union 29 3. O'Connell and Radicalism 53 4. Radicalism and Reform 76 5. The Genesis of Modern Irish Nationalism 108 6. Experiment and Rebellion 138 7. The Failure of the Tiberal Alliance 170 8. Parnellism 196 9. Consolidation and Dissent 221 10. The Revolution 254 11. The Divided Nation 289 Note on Further Reading 315 Index 323 Pelican Books A History of Modern Ireland 1800-1969 Edward Norman is lecturer in modern British constitutional and ecclesiastical history at the University of Cambridge, Dean of Peterhouse, Cambridge, a Church of England clergyman and an assistant chaplain to a hospital. His publications include a book on religion in America and Canada, The Conscience of the State in North America, The Early Development of Irish Society, Anti-Catholicism in 'Victorian England and The Catholic Church and Ireland. Edward Norman also contributes articles on religious topics to the Spectator. Preface to the Pelican Edition This book is intended as an introduction to the political history of Ireland in modern times. It was commissioned - and most of it was actually written - before the present disturbances fell upon the country. It was unfortunate that its publication in 1971 coincided with a moment of extreme controversy, be¬ cause it was intended to provide a cool look at the unhappy divisions of Ireland. Instead of assuming the structure of interpretation imposed by writers soaked in Irish national feeling, or dependent upon them, the book tried to consider Ireland’s political development as a part of the general evolu¬ tion of British politics in the last two hundred years. -
Young Ireland and Southern Nationalism Bryan Mcgovern Kennesaw State University, [email protected]
Irish Studies South | Issue 2 Article 5 September 2016 Young Ireland and Southern Nationalism Bryan McGovern Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/iss Part of the Celtic Studies Commons, and the Literature in English, British Isles Commons Recommended Citation McGovern, Bryan (2016) "Young Ireland and Southern Nationalism," Irish Studies South: Iss. 2, Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/iss/vol1/iss2/5 This article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Irish Studies South by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. McGovern: Young Ireland and Southern Nationalism Young Ireland and Southern Nationalism Bryan McGovern We have changed the battle-field, But the cause abandoned never— Here a sharper sword to wield, And wage the endless war for ever. Yes! the war we wage with thee— That of light with power infernal— As it hath been still shall be, Unforgiving and eternal. Let admiring nations praise The phantoms of the murdered millions. Hark! from out their shallow graves Wail our brothers o’er the billow— “We have died the death of slaves, Weeds our food, the earth our pillow.” Lo! the ghastly spectre throng, Shroudless all in awful pallor! Vengeance! who should right their wrong? We have arms, and men, and valour. Strike! the idol long adored Waits the doom just gods award her; To arms! away! with fire and sword, Our march is o’er the British border! The harlot, drunk with pride as wine, Revels in her guilty palace, Thus Belshazzar Syria’s vine Quaffed from plundered Salem’s chalice. -
The Great Irish Famine in History-Writing and Prose Fiction ”The Mutual Interplay of Two Narrative Genres”
This interdisciplinary study analyses three 20th century fictional representa- tions of the Great Irish Famine in relation to nationalist, revisionist, and post-revisionist historical interpretations of the event. It examines how writers of history and fiction respectively portray the causes and consequences of the famine, and particularly how they view the question of responsibility, which is still a matter of contention. Gunilla Bexar asks to what extent the fictional representations reflect or resist | 2016 in History-Writing Fiction Irish and Prose Great The Famine Gunilla Bexar | the interpretations of the historians, and how the two genres attempt to make the experiences of the victims visible to readers. The study provides further Gunilla Bexar historical context by incorporating contemporary eye-witness accounts, offi- cial correspondence, and newspaper reports in the analyses. Drawing on Paul Ricoeur’s theory of the interweaving of history and fiction, Bex- The Great Irish Famine in ar argues that literature plays an important part in the shaping of historical con- sciousness. History and fiction should not be seen as mutually antithetical dis- History-Writing and Prose Fiction courses in the representation of the past since fiction, through its focus on the vic- tims, who are often reduced to statistics in history-writing, can mediate a deeper “The Mutual Interplay of Two Narrative Genres” understanding of the human tragedy that epitomizes the Great Irish Famine. 9 789517 658249 ISBN 978-951-765-824-9 Gunilla Bexar has an MA degree in English literature from San Francisco State University. Recently retired, she has worked as a language teacher in adult education. -
The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions, 85 Minn
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 2000 The elegD ation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions Julian G. Ku Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Julian G. Ku, The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions, 85 Minn. L. Rev. 71 (2000) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/591 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Delegation of Federal Power to International Organizations: New Problems with Old Solutions Julian G. Kut ITihe World Trade Organization exercises a supranational authority in conflict with our forefathers' vision of an America forever sovereign and independent. -Patrick J. Buchanan' [The American people] see the UN aspiring to establish itself as the central authority of a new international order of global laws and global governance. This is an international order the American people will not countenance. 2 -Senator Jesse Helms It is tempting to brush off such concerns about the growing power of international organizations like the World Trade Organization (WTO) and United Nations (UN) as demagogic and paranoid. At the core of their concerns is a conviction that some large measure of power and authority held by the United States government has been impermissibly transferred to remote and unaccountable international organizations in violation of basic constitutional principles or American "sovereignty." Messrs.