The Modern Concept of Confederation Santorini, 22

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Modern Concept of Confederation Santorini, 22 Santorini 22 – 25 September 1994 CDL-STD(1994)011 Or. Engl. Science and technique of democracy No. 11 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) The modern concept of confederation Santorini, 22-25 September 1994 TABLE OF CONTENTS Opening session ..................................................Error! Bookmark not defined. Introductory statement by Mr Constantin ECONOMIDES ..................................................... 3 Historical Aspects ...........................................................................................5 Conceptual Aspects .......................................................................................39 a. The classical notions of a confederation and of a federal state - Report by Professor Giorgio MALINVERNI ................................................... 39 b. The modern concept of confederation - Report by Gérald- A. BEAUDOIN .......................................................................................................... 56 c. Towards a new concept of confederation - Report by Professor Murray FORSYTH ..................................................................................... 64 d. A new concept of confederation - Intervention by Mr Maarten Theo JANS ................................................................................................... 76 Examples of present and possible applications ................................................77 a. International and constitutional law aspects of the preliminary agreement concerning the establishment of a confederation between the Republic of Bosnia- Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia - Report by Mr Stanko NICK .............................................................................................................. 78 b. Comments on the preliminary agreement concerning the establishment of a confederation between the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia (Washington Agreements) - Report by Professor Sergio BARTOLE.................................................................................................................. 85 c. Washington agreements - Intervention by Mr Mariofil LJUBIC ...................................................................................................................... 90 d. Washington agreements - Intervention by Mr Avdo CAMPARA ................................................................................................................ 94 e. The RussianFederation and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS): legal nature, current situation and development prospects - Report by Mr Nikolai V. VITRUK ..................................................................................................................... 97 f. Some features of confederation between the Baltic States - Report by Mr Kestutis LAPINSKAS ........................................................................ 110 g. The idea of confederation in central asia: searches, problems and ways of decision-taking - Report by Professor Serikul KOSAKOV................................................................................... 115 h. The CIS and the idea of federaling Ukraine - Report by Mr Leonid YUZKOV - chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine ....................................................................................................... 119 Perspectives on the idea of confederation in Europe (here understood as based in particular on the European Union experience) .......................................................................................122 a. Contemporary concept of confederation in europe - lessons drawn from the experience of the European Union - Report by Mr Yves LEJEUNE ..................................................................... 122 b. New idea of confederation in Europe - Intervention by Mr Armando TOLEDANO LAREDO............................................................................ 142 c. New idea of confederation in Europe - Intervention by Prof. José Juan GONZALEZ ENCINAR .................................................................. 143 Conclusions and closing speech - by Mr ECONOMIDES ...............................147 List of participants ......................................................................................150 Opening statement by Mr Constantin ECONOMIDES, Professor at Pantios University, Director of the Legal Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs OPENING STATEMENT Introductory statement by Mr Constantin ECONOMIDES Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I have the honour, on behalf of the government of Greece, and more particularly the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, of welcoming you to Santorini. I hope that your stay will be pleasant and our work will be successful. Allow me to say a few words on the topic chosen for the Unidem Seminar, namely the modern concept of confederation. The topic was proposed by the President of the Venice Commission, Mr La Pergola, one of whose great talents is an ability to seize on ideas with potential. The proposal was warmly welcomed by Greece, essentially for two reasons: a. First, because the sources of the federalist principle can be traced back to ancient Greece. The leagues that linked the Greek cities of antiquity, notably the amphictyonies, constituted the first application of the federalist concept in the broad sense. This question will be developed shortly by Prof. Kitromilides. b. Second, the modern institution of confederation is of obvious relevance today. In a world profoundly shaken in the past years by radical and indeed revolutionary change, in a world undeniably in crisis and seeking to create a new order and equilibrium, the confederation as an institution has become increasingly topical and, given its flexibility, may in fact play an important regulatory role. In particular, a confederation might halt or at least attenuate the phenomenon of disintegration, by far the predominant trend in countries of Eastern and Central Europe today, most often brought about by the pursuit of fanatical, not to say mindless nationalist policies. The countries of Western Europe, on the other hand, clearly reflect the reverse tendency, i.e. integration, even at the expense of the nation State, the European Union being the best example. A confederation can also accommodate a union, association or assembly of two or more States wishing to co-operate closely without going as far as total fusion in a federal State and to retain their full sovereign national identity. Needless to say, confederations today can only be based on principles that all States accept, at least in Europe, such as pluralist democracy, the pre-eminence of the rule of law, respect for human rights and the market economy. The Washington Agreements of 18 March 1994 mark a first official rough plan for a confederation between Croatia and the new Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, uniting the Muslims and Croats of that state. Several confederate elements are also present in the Commonwealth of Independent States, and even more so in the European Union, which to a certain extent is based upon the principle of confederation. But I shall stop there, because I do not want to anticipate the papers scheduled for this seminar on the history, concept and applications of the confederation as an institution, to be presented by the outstanding specialists whom we have the good fortune to have among us. Before commencing our work we would like to welcome to the seminar Mr H. Frank, member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Mr Toledano Laredo, who represents the European Union, Mr F. Quinn of the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the CSCE, and the delegation from Bosnia-Herzegovina. FIRST WORKING SESSION Chaired by Mr Michael TRIANTAFYLLIDES Historical Aspects a. Greek precedents to the confederal organisation of states Report by Prof. Paschalis M. KITROMILIDES b. The historical development of confederations Report by Prof. Jean- François AUBERT a. Greek precedents to the confederal organisation of States - Report by Prof. Paschalis M. KITROMILIDES, University of Athens The idea of a community of states, held together by shared principles, by commonly accepted rules of conduct and by the transaction of a significant range of their affairs through common institutions is mainly associated with the historical experience of the modern world, especially with the various attempts at supranational organisation or integration in the twentieth century. Yet at the origins of the European tradition, in the ancient Greek world, we can find precedents and practices of organised inter-state links which foreshadow through the centuries these modern projects and aspirations. These communities of independent Greek states in the archaic and classical period could be considered as anticipations of modern attempts at integration and the creation of confederal institutions. In this brief presentation it is not of course possible to narrate the rather complicated history of Greek attempts at the construction of confederal structures. These attempts stretch over a period of several centuries and extend all over the wide geographical space of the Greek world in continental and insular Greece, Asia Minor and Magna Graecia in Southern Italy and Sicily. It may be more useful for our present purposes to develop a conceptualisation of the surviving evidence about Greek attempts at suprastate organisation in the hope that this will contribute to an understanding
Recommended publications
  • War and the Constitutional Text John C
    War and the Constitutional Text John C. Yoo∗ In a series of articles, I have criticized the view that the original under- standing of the Constitution requires that Congress provide its authorization before the United States can engage in military hostilities.1 This “pro- Congress” position ignores the constitutional text and structure, errs in in- terpreting the ratification history of the Constitution, and cannot account for the practice of the three branches of government. Instead of the rigid proc- ess advocated by scholars such as Louis Henkin, John Hart Ely, Louis Fisher, Michael Glennon, and Harold Koh,2 I have argued that the Constitu- tion creates a flexible system of war powers. That system provides the president with significant initiative as commander-in-chief, while reserving to Congress ample authority to check executive policy through its power of the purse. In this scheme, the Declare War Clause confers on Congress a ju- ridical power, one that both defines the state of international legal relations ∗ Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley School of Law (Boalt Hall) (on leave); Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel, United States Department of Justice. The views expressed here are those of the author alone and do not represent the views of the Department of Justice. I express my deep appreciation for the advice and assistance of James C. Ho in preparing this response. Robert Delahunty, Jack Goldsmith, and Sai Prakash provided helpful comments on the draft. 1 See John C. Yoo, Kosovo, War Powers, and the Multilateral Future, 148 U Pa L Rev 1673, 1686–1704 (2000) (discussing the original understanding of war powers in the context of the Kosovo conflict); John C.
    [Show full text]
  • Princes and Merchants: European City Growth Before the Industrial Revolution*
    Princes and Merchants: European City Growth before the Industrial Revolution* J. Bradford De Long NBER and Harvard University Andrei Shleifer Harvard University and NBER March 1992; revised December 1992 Abstract As measured by the pace of city growth in western Europe from 1000 to 1800, absolutist monarchs stunted the growth of commerce and industry. A region ruled by an absolutist prince saw its total urban population shrink by one hundred thousand people per century relative to a region without absolutist government. This might be explained by higher rates of taxation under revenue-maximizing absolutist governments than under non- absolutist governments, which care more about general economic prosperity and less about State revenue. *We thank Alberto Alesina, Marco Becht, Claudia Goldin, Carol Heim, Larry Katz, Paul Krugman, Michael Kremer, Robert Putnam, and Robert Waldmann for helpful discussions. We also wish to thank the National Bureau of Economic Research, and the National Science Foundation for support. 1. Introduction One of the oldest themes in economics is the incompatibility of despotism and development. Economies in which security of property is lacking—either because of the possibility of arrest, ruin, or execution at the command of the ruling prince, or the possibility of ruinous taxation— should, according to economists, see relative stagnation. By contrast, economies in which property is secure—either because of strong constitutional restrictions on the prince, or because the ruling élite is made up of merchants rather
    [Show full text]
  • Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873
    CCHA, Report, 28 (1961), 25-30 Prince Edward Island and Confederation 1863-1873 Francis William Pius BOLGER, Ph.D. St. Dunstan’s University, Charlottetown The idea of Confederation did not receive serious consideration in Prince Edward Island prior to the year 1863. Ten more years elapsed before the subject of union with the British North American Colonies moved into the non-academic and practical sphere. The position of the Island in the Confederation negotiations illustrated in large measure the characteristics of its politics and its attitude to distant administrations. This attitude might best be described simply as a policy of exclusiveness. The history of the Confederation negotiations in Prince Edward Island consisted of the interplay of British, Canadian, and Maritime influences upon this policy. It is the purpose of this paper to tell the story of Confederation in Prince Edward Island from 1863 to 1873. The policy of exclusiveness, which characterized Prince Erward Island’s attitude to Confederation, was clearly revealed in the political arena. The Islanders had a profound respect for local self-government. They enjoyed their political independence, particularly after the attainment of responsible government in 1851, and did not wish to see a reduction in the significance of their local institutions. They realized, moreover, that they would have an insignificant voice in a centralized legislature, and as a result they feared that their local needs would be disregarded. Finally, previous frustrating experience with the Imperial government with respect to the settlement of the land question on the Island had taught the Islanders that it was extremely hazardous to trust the management of local problems to distant and possibly unsympathetic administrations.
    [Show full text]
  • Swiss Legal History in a (Very Small) Nutshell
    Faculty of Law Swiss Legal History in a (very small) Nutshell Introduction into Swiss Law Andreas Thier 11/26/20 Page 1 Faculty of Law Introduction • Three elements in particular defining for present Swiss Legal Culture - Plurality - Cantons and cantonal legal cultures (with tendency towards more or less three regions: Western, Eastern, and Southern region) - Legal traditions and their impact (Roman and common law, Austrian, French, and German law, ecclesiastical law) - Coordination and Mediation of plurality - Swiss nation as Willensnation (“nation of consensus about being a nation even though there are different cultures existing”) - Strong presence of popular sovereignty as means to bring an end to open political conflicts - Legal rules as media and result of these coordinative and mediating efforts - Presence of international legal order (as opposition or openness) 11/26/20 Andreas Thier Page 2 Faculty of Law Introduction (2) • These elements developed in the course of Swiss confederate (legal) history and shall be discussed here • Two larger periods - Old confederacy (13th/14th century-1798) - Emergence and rise of modern constitutional statehood and, since late 19th century, modern welfare state (with strong inclination to self- regulation) • Following section along these periodization - Old confederacy with importance of covenants as means of autonomous rule making, together with customary and partially also decrees, issued in a top-down mode - Modern state with importance of constitutions, codifications and unity in the application
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Census of Governments, State Descriptions: School District Governments and Public School Systems
    NCES 2019 U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION Education Demographic and Geographic Estimates (EDGE) Program 2017 Census of Governments, State Descriptions: School District Governments and Public School Systems Education Demographic and Geographic Estimates (EDGE) Program 2017 Census of Governments, State Descriptions: School District Governments and Public School Systems JUNE 2019 Doug Geverdt National Center for Education Statistics U.S. Department of Education ii U.S. Department of Education Betsy DeVos Secretary Institute of Education Sciences Mark Schneider Director National Center for Education Statistics James L. Woodworth Commissioner Administrative Data Division Ross Santy Associate Commissioner The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) is the primary federal entity for collecting, analyzing, and reporting data related to education in the United States and other nations. It fulfills a congressional mandate to collect, collate, analyze, and report full and complete statistics on the condition of education in the United States; conduct and publish reports and specialized analyses of the meaning and significance of such statistics; assist state and local education agencies in improving their statistical systems; and review and report on education activities in foreign countries. NCES activities are designed to address high-priority education data needs; provide consistent, reliable, complete, and accurate indicators of education status and trends; and report timely, useful, and high-quality data to the U.S. Department of Education, Congress, states, other education policymakers, practitioners, data users, and the general public. Unless specifically noted, all information contained herein is in the public domain. We strive to make our products available in a variety of formats and in language that is appropriate to a variety of audiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Where Immigrants Settle in the United States
    IZA DP No. 1231 Where Immigrants Settle in the United States Barry R. Chiswick Paul W. Miller DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES DISCUSSION PAPER August 2004 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Where Immigrants Settle in the United States Barry R. Chiswick University of Illinois at Chicago and IZA Bonn Paul W. Miller University of Western Australia Discussion Paper No. 1231 August 2004 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 Email: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. 1231 August 2004 ABSTRACT ∗ Where Immigrants Settle in the United States This paper is concerned with the location of immigrants in the United States, as reported in the 1990 Census.
    [Show full text]
  • What Was the Iroquois Confederacy?
    04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 82 What was the 4 Iroquois Confederacy? Chapter Focus Questions •What was the social structure of Iroquois society? •What opportunities did people have to participate in decision making? •What were the ideas behind the government of the Iroquois Confederacy? The last chapter explored the government of ancient Athens. This chapter explores another government with deep roots in history: the Iroquois Confederacy. The Iroquois Confederacy formed hundreds of years ago in North America — long before Europeans first arrived here. The structure and principles of its government influenced the government that the United States eventually established. The Confederacy united five, and later six, separate nations. It had clear rules and procedures for making decisions through representatives and consensus. It reflected respect for diversity and a belief in the equality of people. Pause The image on the side of this page represents the Iroquois Confederacy and its five original member nations. It is a symbol as old as the Confederacy itself. Why do you think this symbol is still honoured in Iroquois society? 82 04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 83 What are we learning in this chapter? Iroquois versus Haudenosaunee This chapter explores the social structure of Iroquois There are two names for society, which showed particular respect for women and the Iroquois people today: for people of other cultures. Iroquois (ear-o-kwa) and Haudenosaunee It also explores the structure and processes of Iroquois (how-den-o-show-nee). government. Think back to Chapter 3, where you saw how Iroquois is a name that the social structure of ancient Athens determined the way dates from the fur trade people participated in its government.
    [Show full text]
  • Government in Missouri by David Stokes with Research Assistance by Justin Hauke
    policy study NUMBER 18 FEBRUARY 5, 2009 government in missouri By David Stokes With research assistance by Justin Hauke executive This study particularly focuses on the theories of public choice economics, summary a branch that studies the institutional This policy study undertakes a incentives of government and politics. broad review of Missouri’s state and The analysis considers several prevailing local governmental structure, as public choice theories and gauges their viewed from the perspective of public applicability to the specific cases present choice economics. It applies various in Missouri: whether larger legislatures economic theories, as well as insights lead to increased spending; whether at- from the broader world of political large legislative bodies spend less than science, to Missouri’s present system districted bodies; and, whether a given of government and politics. Throughout jurisdiction can have both too many and the study, the term “government” too few elected officials. refers to the exact bodies and officials The resulting data is compared that compose it, rather than to more to observed spending levels within theoretical ideas regarding the role it Missouri governments. This study’s should have in our lives. findings include proof of the economies In order to facilitate an analysis of scale that occur when measuring of Missouri government, this study spending within smaller Missouri David Stokes is a first provides a detailed outline of how counties. They also describe the lack of policy analyst for the the state’s many government units any hard proof of relative overspending Show-Me Institute. are structured, including legislative in the city of Saint Louis, despite strong Justin Hauke is a former bodies and elected officials at the theoretical indications that such proof policy analyst for the state, county, township, and municipal might be found.
    [Show full text]
  • Splitting Sovereignty: the Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States
    Splitting Sovereignty: The Legislative Power and the Constitution's Federation of Independent States JAMES T. KNIGHT II* ABSTRACT From the moment the Constitutional Convention of 1787 ended and the Framers presented their plan to ªform a more perfect Union,º people have debated what form of government that union established. Had the thirteen sepa- rate states surrendered their independence to form a new state stretching from New England to Georgia, or was their individual sovereignty preserved as in the Articles of Confederation? If the states remained sovereign in some respect, what did that mean for the new national government? I propose that the original Constitution would have been viewed as establish- ing a federation of independent, sovereign states. The new federation possessed certain limited powers delegated to it by the states, but it lacked a broad power to legislate for the general welfare and the protection of individual rights. This power, termed ªthe legislative powerº by Enlightenment thinkers, was viewed as the essential, identifying power of a sovereign state under the theoretical framework of eighteenth-century political philosophy. The state constitutions adopted prior to the national Constitutional Convention universally gave their governments this broad legislative power rather than enumerate speci®c areas where the government could legislate. Of the constitutional documents adopted prior to the federal Constitution, only the Articles of Confederation provides such an enumeration. In this note, I argue that, against the background of political theory and con- stitutional precedent, a government lacking the full legislative power would not have been viewed as sovereign in its own right.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index the WORLD's WORST
    THE WORLD'S WORST COUNTRIES FOR WORKERS The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 4 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) is a confederation of national trade union centres, each of which links trade unions of that particular country. It was established on 1 November 2006, bringing together the organisations which were formerly affiliated to the ICFTU and WCL (both now dissolved) as well as a number of national trade union centres which had no international affiliation at the time. The new Confederation has 340 affiliated organisations in 163 countries and territories on all five continents, with a membership of 181 million, 40 per cent of whom are women. It is also a partner in “Global Unions” together with the Trade Union Advisory Committee to the OECD and the Global Union Federations (GUFs) which link together national unions from a particular trade or industry at international level. The ITUC has specialised offices in a number of countries around the world, and has General Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The 2017 ITUC Global Rights Index | 6 Foreword .............................................9 ASIA .................................................. 70 Bangladesh ....................................... 71 Part I ..................................................13 Cambodia .......................................... 71 The 2017 Results ...............................14 China ................................................ 72 The ITUC Global Rights Index ...............19 Fiji
    [Show full text]
  • Southeast Asian Nations Gain Independence MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
    2 Southeast Asian Nations Gain Independence MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES ECONOMICS Former colonies The power and influence of the •Ferdinand • Aung San in Southeast Asia worked to Pacific Rim nations are likely to Marcos Suu Kyi build new governments expand during the next century. • Corazón • Sukarno and economies. Aquino • Suharto SETTING THE STAGE World War II had a significant impact on the colonized groups of Southeast Asia. During the war, the Japanese seized much of Southeast Asia from the European nations that had controlled the region for many years. The Japanese conquest helped the people of Southeast Asia see that the Europeans were far from invincible. When the war ended, and the Japanese themselves had been forced out, many Southeast Asians refused to live again under European rule. They called for and won their independence, and a series of new nations emerged. TAKING NOTES The Philippines Achieves Independence Summarizing Use a chart to summarize the major The Philippines became the first of the world’s colonies to achieve independence challenges that Southeast following World War II. The United States granted the Philippines independence Asian countries faced in 1946, on the anniversary of its own Declaration of Independence, the Fourth after independence. of July. The United States and the Philippines The Filipinos’ immediate goals were Challenges Nation Following to rebuild the economy and to restore the capital of Manila. The city had been Independence badly damaged in World War II. The United States had promised the Philippines The $620 million in war damages. However, the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Geography of Government Geography
    Research Note The Geography of Government Geography Old Dominion University Center for Real Estate and Economic Development http://www.odu.edu/creed 1 The Geography of Government Geography In glancing over articles in journals, magazines, or newspapers, the reader quite often encounters terms that make sense within the article’s context, but are seemingly hard to compare with other expressions; a few examples would include phrases such as Metropolitan Statistical Areas, Planning Districts, Labor Market Areas, and, even, Hampton Roads (what or where is that?). Definitions don’t stay static; they occasionally change. For instance, in June 2004 the United States General Accounting Office (GAO) published new standards for Metropolitan Statistical Areas (GAO report, GAO-04-758). To provide some illumination on this topic, the following examines the basic definitions and how they apply to the Hampton Roads region. Terminology, Old and New Let’s review a few basic definitions1: Metropolitan Statistical Area – To be considered a Metropolitan Statistical Area, an area must have at least one urbanized grouping of 50,000 or more people. The phrase “Metropolitan Statistical Area” has been traditionally referred to as “MSA”. The Metropolitan Statistical Area comprises the central county or counties or independent cities containing the core area, as well as adjoining counties. 1 The definitions are derived from several sources included in the “For Further Reading and Reference” section of this article. 2 Micropolitan Statistical Area – This is a relatively new term and was introduced in 2000. A Micropolitan Statistical Area is a locale with a central county or counties or independent cities with, at a minimum, an urban grouping having no less than 10,000 people, but no more than 50,000.
    [Show full text]