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Portuguese Studies Review 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 V OLUME 25 OLUME PORTUGUESE $ N UMBER 2 STUDIES P REVIEW Volume 25 $ Number 2 Winter 2017 ORTUGUESE ISSN 1057-1515 S Interdisciplinary TUDIES R EVIEW W INTER 2017 9 7 7 1 0 5 7 1 5 1 0 0 7 ISSN 1057-1515 FERRAZ DE MATOS, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 Who Were the Ancestors of the Portuguese? Portuguese Debate on their National Origins Patrícia Ferraz de Matos Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa S IN OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, such as Spain, France and Germany, Aalbeit limited here to small clusters and lacking the social, economic and scientific resources available in other regions, we can find in Portugal examples of the search for elements to confirm both the country’s antiquity and its originality, not only in geological strata and stratigraphic units, but also through the knowledge produced by archaeology, history, and anthro- pology.1 However, despite having some similarities with other countries, the Portuguese case is differentiable, taking into account its history and its geo- political situation, as I will expose. The quest for the origins of the Por- tuguese, centred on the topic of the nation, caught the attention of several authors from the late nineteenth century.2 However, an interest in its roots could probably be found in Portugal since the establishment of the liberal regime (in the 1820s) and even before that. In the late nineteenth century, the ideologist Ernest Renan considered that nations do not derive from “races” (in the zoological sense), languages (countries that speak the same language do not form a nation), religious af - finities, shared interests or geography. According to Renan, a nation is a soul, a spiritual principle, comprising two elements: the past (the common legacy) and the present (the desire to live together and continue to invest in 1This work was supported by FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia) under Grant SFRH/BPD 91349/2012; and by Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa, under Grant UID/SOC/50012/2013. A previous version of this paper was initially presented at the 113th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association. I want to acknowledge the comments from the colleagues of my panel, which contributed to improve the argument. I also want to thank the comments of Richard Cleminson (University of Leeds) to a previous version of the text. 2José Manuel Sobral, “O norte, o sul, a raça, a nação: representações da identidade naci- onal portuguesa (séculos XIX-XX)”, Análise Social 39 (171) (2004): 255-284. PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW (PSR) 25 (2) 2017 (rel. 2018) BIBLID 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 ǀ ISSN 1057-1515 print – $ see back matter ONLINE: through EBSCO and Gale/Cengage JOURNAL HOMEPAGES: http://www.maproom44.com/psr and http://www.trentu.ca/admin/publications/psr © 2017-2018 Portuguese Studies Review and Baywolf Press ǀ All rights reserved 128 FERRAZ DE MATOS, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 a heritage). He believed the cult of ancestors to be the most legitimate, since they “have made us what we are” and the “social capital upon which the na- tional idea rests” is a heroic past, with great men and glory.3 Studies on the origins of peoples, characterized by consciousness of the existence of a nation and a desire to uphold nationalist feelings, left a per - manent mark on the nineteenth century. According to Anthony Smith, “na- tionalism is an ideology that places the nation at the centre of its concerns and seeks to promote its well-being”.4 In Portugal’s case, the issue was not its autonomy, but rather a diagnosis of its decadence and identity, considering the context of the country at a time when other socially and economically stronger European powers were putting the country and its colonies in an uncomfortable position. For Smith, definitions of the concept of nation “range from those that stress ‘objective’ factors, such as language, religion and customs, territory and institutions, to those that emphasize purely ‘sub- jective’ factors, such as attitudes, perceptions and sentiments”. In his opin- ion, Benedict Anderson’s definition, in the sense that a nation is “an ima- gined political community – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign”, is subjective. Smith proposes that the nation concept should be defined as “a named human community residing in a perceived homeland, and having common laws and customs”; and sometimes a mythical home- land is more important for national identity than the actual territory occu- pied by the nation.5 National identity is also built on a postulate of difference. The Por- tuguese, for instance, may define themselves as opposed to Spaniards, Ro- mans, Moors or the French at the time of the Napoleonic invasions. In Por- tugal, in the fields of both history and anthropology, we can find a number of reflections on the nation. According to José Manuel Sobral, despite differ- ent readings with regard to the country and the origin of its population, a feeling of “national identity” has been observed throughout history and, al - 3Ernest Renan, Qu’est-ce qu’une Nation? Et autres essais politiques (Paris: Presses Pocket, 1992 [1882]), 54. 4Anthony Smith, Nationalism: Key Concepts (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010 [2001]), 9. 5Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991 [1983]), 6; Smith, Nationalism: Key Concepts, 11, 13; An- thony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), 6-18. Smith also distinguishes State from nation. On the study of State in Europe, see Charles Tilly, “States and Nationalism in Europe 1492-1992”, Theory and Society 23 (1) (1994): 131-146. FERRAZ DE MATOS, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 129 though there are some rivalries, no regional identities have emerged that might be strong enough to compete with the identity of the nation; besides, the perpetuity of national identities is not based solely on the contents of a nation’s history, but also on routines and daily life.6 Inspired by George Stocking, who drew a distinction between anthropo- logies of “empire-building” and anthropologies of “nation-building”, João Leal considers that in Portugal this discipline was consolidated as an “an- thropology of nation-building” between 1870 and 1970, committed to the construction of an ethno-genealogical discourse on the country. 7 For Leal, it would be through the study of popular culture, out of its contemporaneous context, that “it was possible to base the existence of the nation on the long duration of its tradition and ethnicity”.8 However, as elsewhere in Europe, in the second half of the nineteenth century, physical anthropology and ar- chaeology, as well as folklore studies and ethology, were frequently associ - ated with a search for greater knowledge about the origins, history and spe - cific traits of nations.9 Thus, my analysis departs somewhat from Leal’s analysis which argued that the Portuguese imperial enterprise was weak. 10 Even acknowledging the preponderant existence of the empire in the Portuguese case, Leal argues about its invisibility.11 However, in the light of other studies (mainly focused on the imperial context) it becomes necessary to review the polarization proposed by Stocking and its application to the Portuguese case. Ricardo Roque, for example, argues that in Portugal the 6Sobral, “O norte, o sul”, 280; José Manuel Sobral, “Memória e identidade nacional: considerações de carácter geral e o caso português”, in Manuel Carlos Silva, ed., Nação e es- tado: entre o global e o local (Porto: Afrontamento, 2006), 44. 7George W. Jr. Stocking, “Afterword: A View from the Center”, Ethnos 47 (1982): 172-186; João Leal, Etnografias Portuguesas (1870-1970): Cultura popular e identidade nacional (Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 2000), 64. 8Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983); Leal, Etnografias Portuguesas, 64. 9George W. Jr. Stocking, Bones, Bodies, Behaviour: Essays on Biological Anthropology (Lon- don: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988); Marguerita Díaz-Andreu and Timothy Cham- pion, eds., Nationalism and Archaeology in Europe (London: UCL, 1996); Sobral, “O norte, o sul”, 277. 10Leal, Etnografias Portuguesas. 11João Leal, “The Hidden Empire: Peasants, Nation Building, and the Empire in Portu- guese Anthropology”, in Sharon Roseman and Shawn Parkhurst, eds., Recasting Culture and Space in Iberian Contexts (New York: SUNY Press, 2008), 35-53. 130 FERRAZ DE MATOS, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 25 (2) (2017) 127-153 anthropology of nation-building coexisted with the anthropologies of empire-building.12 According to the historian Alexandre Herculano (1810-1877), Portugal did not have remote origins and was a nation composed of an assortment of in - vading peoples who had gathered in the Iberian Peninsula, where the Lusit- anians were only a small group with which the current Portuguese had no genealogical relationship. Herculano acknowledged Arab influences and this would become the starting point for the theories advocated by the scholars Oliveira Martins (1845-1894), Pinheiro Chagas (1842-1895) and Adolfo Coelho (1847-1919), who “challenged the confirmation of Mozarabs as a defined and distinct ethnic group, and also as a social group”. In turn, both the writer Antero de Quental (1842-1891) and Oliveira Martins thought that “the Portuguese nation, lacking an individualized ethnic base”, was born out of “political will and of institutions, and not as a race understood as a na- tional type”.13 As we can see, the idea of “race” had an important presence in discourse on national identity.14 In addition, ethnic stereotypes may arise from racial categorizations. This process is associated not only with factors limited to a particular country, but also with aspects that belong to the dy- namics that enable ideas to be circulated and appropriated, contributing to the assertion of European race mentalities.
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