Third International Conference on Iranian Linguistics 11th-13th September 2009, Paris, Sorbonne Nouvelle

Arseniy Vydrin Institute of Linguistic Studies St.Petersburg, [email protected]

Counterfactual mood in Iron Ossetic

Ossetic1 (Northeastern Iranian): Iron, Digor dialects. Spoken mostly in The Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, about 500000 native speakers.

1. Counterfactual meaning Counterfactual meaning can be defined as the meaning which is contrary to the actual state of affairs. Conditional constructions with irreal condition are the easiest way to express the counterfactual meaning. For example, Persian:

(1) Agar tabar-rā az dast-aš na-geferte1 bud2-and if axe-OBL PREP hand-ENCL.3SG NEG-take.PLUPERF1,2-3PL hame-ye mā-rā tekke pāre karde1 bud2-and all-EZF we-OBL piece piece do.PLUPERF1,2-3PL ‘If they hadn’t taken the axe from him we would have been hacked to pieces’ (S. Hedāyat. Katja). Couterfactual is considered to be the core meaning of the semantic domain of irrealis [Plungian 2005]. However, as shown in [Lazard 1998; Van Linden and Verstraete 2008], very few languages have a narrow dedicated marker for expressing only counterfactuality. In most languages, counterfactual meaning is a part of the semantic repertoire of some other “broad” markers, primarily associated with the domain of possibility / probability or past (including, according to Lazard, such values as prospective, desiderative, debitive, inceptive, evidentiality, habitual, subjunctive and optative). Most of the : past habitual, or markers. Among languages which possess a dedicated counterfactual marker Lazard cites Turkana (Nilotic), Ewondo (Bantu), Yoruba and classic Nahuatl. Van Linden and Verstraete add Chukchi (Chukotko-Kamchatkan), Hua (Trans–New Guinea), Ika (Chibchan-Paezan), Kolyma Yukaghir, Martuthunira (Pama-Nyungan) and Somali (Cushitic). In the paper I will show that some of the Iranian languages possess a narrow dedicated marker for expressing counterfactivity only.

2. Ossetic data 5 moods: indicative, conjunctive, optative, imperative, counterfactual2.

Present indicative of the verb kænən ‘to do’ Imperative of the verb kænən ‘to do’ SG PL SG PL 1 kæn-ən kæn-æm 1 2 kæn-əš kæn-ut 2 kæn-ø kæn-ut 3 kæn-ə kæn-ənc 3 kæn-æd kæn-ænt

1 I base my analysis on data collected during my fieldwork in North Ossetia in 2007 and 2008 and examples found in modern Ossetic texts. 2 There is no standardized terminology for the Ossetic moods either in the grammars or in the special researches. The labels used in the paper are mine and are chosen according to the main function of the moods. 1

Conjunctive of the verb kænən ‘to do’ Optative of the verb kænən ‘to do’ SG PL SG PL 1 kæn-on kæn-æm 1 kæn-in kæn-ikkam 2 kæn-aj kæn-at 2 kæn-iš kæn-ikkat 3 kæn-a kæn-oj 3 kæn-id kæn-ikkoj

Counterfactual of the verb kænən ‘to do’ Counterfactual of the verb carən ‘to live’ SG PL SG PL 1 kod-t-ain kod-t-aikkam 1 card-ain card-aikkam 2 kod-t-aiš kod-t-aikkat 2 card-aiš card-aikkat 3 kod-t-aid kod-t-aikkoj 3 card-aid card-aikkoj

Reference grammars treat counterfactual mood as “old optative” [Abaev 1959], “optative- conditional” [Ahvlediani 1963] or “optative of the past” [Bagaev 1965], “preterit optative” [Thordarson 1986, 476]. However, a detailed analysis3 of how this mood is used in the modern language shows that its core meaning is just counterfactual.

Counterfactual mood in Ossetic can be used in various types of complex sentences as well as independently. This mood is widely used in conditional, concessive and purposive constructions. In conditional constructions it is used only in the case of a counterfactual condition, both in protasis and apodosis, as in (2), exemplifying a counterfactual condition in the past (the clauses with a counterfactual condition in present (3) and future (4) are also possible). (2) žnon æž ænæmæng-æj а-səd-ain cemæ Wællag yesterday I obligatory-ABL PREF-go.PST-CNTRF.1SG 3PL.ENCL.ALL Verhniy Kurtatkom-mæ waždžə-tæ mæm kwə næ ærba-səd-aikkoy wæd Kurtatkom-ALL guest-PL.NOM 1SG.ENCL.ALL if NEG PREF-go.PST-CNTRF.3PL then ‘I would have come to them to Verhniy Kurtatkom yesterday if the guests hadn’t visited me’.

(3) Xetægkatə K’osta ma ægaš kʷə wəd-aid Xetagurov Kosta EMPH alive if be.PST-CNTRF.3SG wæd əl nər səd-aid šædæ fænzaj až-ə then 3SG.ENCL.SUPER now go.PST-CNTRF.3SG 100 50 year-GEN ‘If Kosta Xetagurov had been alive now, he would have been 150 years old’.

(4) waždžə-tæ næm abon næ, fælæ rajšom kʷə guest-PL.NOM 1PL.ENCL.ALL today NEG but tomorrow if ‘rba-səd-aikkoj wæd sən fər argævš-t-aikkam PREF-go.PST-CNTRF.3PL тогда 3 PL.ENCL.DAT sheep slaughter.PST-TR-CNTRF.1PL ‘If the guests had come to us not today but tomorrow we would have had time to slaughter the sheep’. In concessive constructions (5), as well as in purposive constructions (6), the counterfactual mood is used only in subordinate clauses; the event described by the main clause is in the past.

3 The first attempt of such analysis was made by Lazard [Lazard 1998]. 2 (5) kæmdærriddar ba-mbæxš-t-aid wæd-dær-iu æy wherever PREF-hide.PST-TR-CNTRF.2SG then-FOC-ITER 3SG.ENCL.GEN alə xatt dær šš-ard-t-am every time FOC PREF-find.PST-TR-PST.1PL ‘Wherever he would hide, we always found him’. (6) faron až a-səd-tæn Afrika-mæ sæmæy last.year year PREF-go.PST-PST.1SG Africa-ALL in.order.that ba-kaš-t-ain pəl-t-æm PREF-look.at.PST-TR-CNTRF.1SG elephant-PL-ALL ‘Last year I went to Africa to look at the elephants’ (however I didn’t manage to see them / *and I managed to see them). When used in the purposive clauses, the counterfactual means that the situation didn’t take place. For example, (6) means that when I had come to Africa, I didn’t manage to see an elephant. In concessives the counterfactual is used only as reference to the past and only in conditional- concessive constructions [Xrakovskij 2004; Xrakovskij to appear]. Roughly speaking, the meaning of concessive-conditional constructions in the past (like (5)) can be explained in the following way: ‘he used to hide in A, B and C and we always found him but even if he had hidden in D, E or F we would definitely have found him’ where one can see a counterfactual meaning.

Thus, the primary function of “counterfactual mood” in complex sentences is the expression of “counterfactual meaning”.

When used independently, Ossetic counterfactual mood can express an irreal desire (7), a hypothetical internal possibility in the past (8) and an assumption about situation in the past (9). (7) mænæn kwə wədaid bažər-tæ I.DAT if be.CNTRF.3SG wing-PL.NOM ‘If only I have had wings!’. (8) də šiš-t-aiš sædæ kilæ-jə you.SG lift.PST-TR-CNTRF.2SG 100 kilogram-GEN ‘Could you lift 100 kilo [that time]?’. (9) čəžg-əl səd-aid avd až-ə, girl-SUPER go.PST-CNTRF.3SG 7 year-GEN læppu-yəl ta farašt, ye dæš až-ə boy-SUPER CONTR 9 or 10 year-GEN ‘The girl was approximately 7 years old and the boy was 9 or 10 years old’ [Ahvlediani 1963, 253]. An irreal desire and hypothetical possibility are closely related to counterfactual semantics. An assumption about the situation in the past is close to irrealis domain, however, has nothing common with counterfactual. Examples of the counterfactual mood used for expression of an assumption about the situation in the past can be found in the modern Iron texts. However some of the modern native speakers never use this mood for expression an assumption and without a special context consider examples like (9) ungrammatical. Obligation in the past (10) Æz qwamæ а-səd-ain æmbərd-mæ I must PREF-go.PST-CNTRF.1SG meeting-ALL ‘I had to go to the meeting’ (and I went there/but I didn’t go there).

3 The Ossetic grammars ([Abaev 1959; Axvlediani 1963] among others) and some special researches on Ossetic modality [Kozyreva 1956; Texov 1970; Takazov 1992] mention a habitual function of the counterfactual mood. For example,

(11) iw qælæš fe-šqiwd-t-aid čər-ə æxšæn-æj, one PREF-jump.PST-TR-CNTRF.3SG heap-GEN middle-ABL nədz-dzənæžt-aid, jæ fæd-əl jæ æmzəx-æj PREF-cry.PST-CNTRF.3SG POSS.3SG trail-SUPER POSS.3SG agreement-ABL iw-wəl-dær a-jšt-aikkoj one-SUPER-FOC PREF-take.PST-CNTRF.3PL ‘One voice used to raise from a group of people and started to cry, others used to start to cry after it’. According to our corpus of Iron literature, this meaning used to be expressed by counterfactual mood in the 19th (and probably before) and in the beginning of the 20th century. In modern spoken Iron Ossetic counterfactual mood is never used for the habitual in the past, moreover, my informants consider sentences like (10) to be non-grammatical.

Conclusion about counterfactual mood in Ossetic The counterfactual mood in modern Ossetic is used for expressing a counterfactual condition and consequence, a concession in the past (in conditional-concession constructions only), a purpose in the past which has not been accomplished, an irreal desire, a hypothetical internal possibility in the past, an assumption about the situation in the past and obligation in the past. The only meanings which prevents us from considering the mood a narrow dedicated marker for expressing counterfactivity only are an assumption about the situation in the past and obligation in the past. As for the assumption about the situation in the past, there is a tendency in Ossetic for expressing this meaning by other means. I conclude that Ossetic can not be considered a language with a narrow dedicated marker for counterfactuality only, however, is very close to the languages with such marker.

3. Counterfactivity in Caucasian languages close to Ossetic

Agyghe Counterfactual condition is expressed by a combination of the pluperfect (-Ra-Re) and conditional (-me) markers ([Rogava, Keraševa 1966] among others). The predicate in the counterfactual consequence is marked by the past and can have some modal markers (e.g. potential marker -n) [Kuznetsova 2009]. For example,

Нанэ бэрэскэшхом къэкIожьгъагъэмэ дэгъугъэ. (12) nane bereskeSxWe-m qe-KWe-Z’-Ra-Re-me deRWE-Re] mother Friday-ERG DIR-go-RE-PST-PST-COND good-PST It would have been great if the mother had come on Friday [Kuznetsova 2009]. The complex form (-Ra-Re-me) can express a real condition

Aзэмат къэкIогъагъэмэ сэ ащ сыфытеощт (13) azemat qe-KWe-Ra-Re-me se a-S’ sE-fE-tje.we-S’t Azamat DIR-go-PST-PST-COND I that-ERG 1 SG.ABS-BEN-call-FUT ‘Since Azamat came [and went away] I will call him’.

Counterfactual desire is expressed by a combination of the desiderative and pluperfect markers. For example,

4 Янэ къэкIогъэгъагъот. (14) jane qe-KWe-Re-Ra-RWet mother DIR-go-PST-PST-DSD ‘I wish the mother should have come’ (it is known that the mother didn’t come).

Georgian Counterfactual condition is expressed by subjunctive I or II or the pluperfect

Chechen/Ingush [Maciev 1961, 608]: irreal condition is expressed by the suffix -ēh-ārа: -ēh — is real condition marker; -ārа — unknown, probably from the pluperfect marker -ra or –jēra.

Ахь бер лийчадахьāра, цō наб дика йийр яра ‘If you had bathed the child he would have slept well’

However, it seems that the irreal conditional expresses not only irreal conditions. For example, (15) Ch’aara iecnihwaara, dika xir du fish buy:CVant:CVirr:WP good be:FUT D:be:PRS ‘If you buy a fish, it would be good.’ [Good, Jeff. Clause combining in Chechen // Studies in Language 27:1 (2003), 113-170 ]

Turkic (Oghuz branch) Past conditional (-se/-sa + past ydi)

Turkish Counterfactual condition (16) Pervin kol-um-a gir-me-se-ydi düş-ecek-ti-m Pervin hand-1SG-DAT take.PST-NEG-COND-PST fall.down. ‘If Pervin hadn’t taken my hand, I would have fallen down’ [Kononov 1956, 530] Counterfactual condition in future (17) Vakt-im ol-sa-ydi ben de yarin siz-ler-e katil-ir-di-m time-1SG.POSS be-COND-P.COP I also tomorrow you-PL-DAT join-AOR-P.COP-1SG ‘If I had time I would have joined you tomorrow’ (But I don’t, and therefor I won’t) [Göksel, Kerslake 2005, 496] Irreal desire (18) Ah, bir imtihan-lar-ın-ı kazan-sa-ydı! Gece yatı-sı Ah one exam-PL-3SG.POSS-ACC win-COND-PST night capability-3SG.POSS lise-ye meccanı yaz-ıl-a-bil-se-ydi! lyceum free.of.charge write-PASS-CONV-know-COND-PST ‘Ah, I wish he had passed his exames! If only he could enter the lyceum free of charge!’ [Kononov 1956, 533].

Azeri (19) İmkan ol-sa idi, Firidun özü onu oxu-d-ar, opportunity be-COND P.COP Firidun RFL-3SG 3SG.ACC read-CAUS-FUT2 Təbriz-ə köndəh-ər-di Tebriz-DAT send-FUT2-PST If it had been possible, Firidun would have taught her himself and sent her to Tebriz [Azeri 1971, 400].

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4. Counterfactivity in other Iranian Most of the Iranian languages use past habitual markers for expressing counterfactual meaning. For example, Yaghnobi

(20) agár divári anī́žimišt aláks, γarm1 avī́rimišt2 if outside go.out.PST.HAB.1SG walk get.warm1,2.PST.HAB.1SG ‘If I had gone out and walked I would have get warm’ [Xromov 1972, 32]. Persian (Imperfect) (21) šâyad, agar sabr mikard-am, Sofi bâ ’ajz o tazarro’ be should if patient do.IMPF-1SG Sofi with supplication and humble PREP pâ-ye man mioftâd, vali man digar tâqat na-dâšt-am leg-EZF I fall.down.IMPF.3SG but I more endurance NEG-have.PST-1SG ‘Probably, if I had been patient, Sofi would have prostrated herself before me with supplication and humble, but I couldn’t endure it any more’ [Lazard 1957 , 244].

Among the modern and extinct Iranian languages I have found something similar to the Ossetic counterfactual mood in Sogdian, , Tat, Talysh and Munjani:

Sogdian (Northeast Iranian) Among the dead languages Sogdian probably had a special counterfactual marker (so called irrealis 2) [Gershevitch 1954, § 822; Yoshida (forthcoming)]. The irrealis 2 was formed only from the verb wm’t- ‘to be’ and only in 1SG and 3SG.

(22) ’rty ’yw w’tδ’r w’n’kw L’ βyrt β’-y ZKZY γnδ’nym and one breathing such NEG found.PST.POT быть.PRS-PRS.3SG which another m’twh ’WZY ’BY L’ wm’t-’y mother or father NEG be.-IRR.2.3SG ‘and such beings are not to be found, who were not mothers or fathers (etc.) to someone else’ P2, 147 sqq.’ (23) ’XRZY prtr ’WZY ’kwty ’PZY ’WZY k’sy wδwh wm’t-’w and better either dog and either pig wife be-IRR2.1SG ’YKZY tw’xky then yours ‘them I would rather be a dog’s or a pig’s wife than yours’ Anc.Lett. iii 23 sq. (reading and translation by Henning). Unfortunately there is only 2 examples attested in the Sogdian corpus.

Pashto (Northeast Iranian) “Conditional-optative mood”. Imperfect of conditional-optative mood is formed from the potential ; is formed from the past participle and potential participle of the verb ‘to be’ (wāy). In contrast to other moods conditional-optative doesn’t have person/number forms. According to grammars and special researches (among others [Kalinina 1954, 1961, 1966; Grunberg 1987]) this mood can express only counterfactual meanings. For example

6 Irreal desire (24) kā́ški zoy me Akram-xā́n ham stā́si sara wāy aw də if.only son POSS.1SG Akram-khan too you.PL.OBL POST be.POT and PREP • watán də xidmát də1 pāra2 ye mlā taŗə́le wāy! motherland PREP service for1,2 3SG.OBL loins bind.PART.PST.F be.OPT ‘If only my son Akram-khan had been with you and wanted to serve his motherland! [Grunberg 1987, 174]. Counterfactual condition and counterfactual consequence (25) ka Qutb-khā́n wāy no xāmaxā́ bə kor ta rā-tlā́y 4 if Qutb-khan be.OPT then will-nilly bə house POST PREF-go.OPT ‘If it had been Kutb-khan he would have definitely come in the house’ [Kalinina 1976, 73].

However conditional-optative can be used with potential forms which consist of a main verb in potential participle form and an auxiliary kedəl / šwəl ‘to become’. The auxiliary can have different person, number and time, mode forms. For example, taŗəl ‘to bind’ — potential form of 1SG present taŗə́lāy šəm ‘I can bind’. Used in condition-optative, the potential forms mean either “non-realized potentiality of potentiality” [Grunberg 1987, 179] (which is a part of counterfactual meaning, (12)) or impossibility of the situation to be accomplished in present or past (in the latter the negative particle na is obligatory used) (13).

(26) ka 1 číri2 m ā lāmbú wahə́́lāy šwə́la no də sind háγe γāre ta if I.OBL swimming bit.POT become.PST.F then PREP river that shore.OBL POST bə me tir šə́way wāy bə ENCL.OBL past become.POT be.OPT ‘If I knew how to swim, I could swim to the other side of the river’ [Grunberg 1987, 179]

zə xo na-šə́wāy təllā́y, stə́ŗay šə́way yəm — ka stə́ŗay šə́way ye aw na-šə́wāy tə́llāy, no yaw ās bə dar ta paydā́ kŗəm če pər spor še aw zmuẓ̌ sara wlāŗ še ‘I can’t go, I’m tired — if you are tired and can’t go, I’ll find a horse for you so that you could mount on it and go with us’ [Grunberg 1987, 179]

(27) zə xo na-šə́w-āy təll-ā́y I.NOM EMPH.PRTCL NEG-become-OPT go-OPT ‘I can not go!’. The fact that conditional-optative mood used with potential can mean something not connected to counterfactivity prevent us from considering the conditional-optative mood in Pashto a narrow dedicated marker for expressing only counterfactuality.

Tat (Southwest Iranian) The past irreal mood (formed by the past stem with a suffix –æn and an auxiluary biræn ‘to be’ in the past; biren has person/number paradigm) is used only for expression of counterfactual meaning [Grunberg 1963, 83-84]. The grammar mentions the following meanings of this mood: counterfactual desire and wish, counterfactual condition and consequence, counterfactual necessity.

4 Special particle with multiple functions, probably the main function if assumption [Kalinina 1976]. 7 Counterfactual consequence (28) d. yæ paprús birǽn bu — kæšir-ǽn bÿrÿm ??? cigarette be.PST-INF be.PST.3SG pull.PST-INF be.PST.1SG ‘If I had a cigarette, I would have smoke it’ Counterfactual necessity (with gæræk ‘it is necessary’) (29) х. Imu sæhv sæxtǽy-im: ævvǽl gærǽk raft-ǽn birim, we mistake do.PST-1PL first necessary go.PST-INF be.PST.1PL værf šund-ǽn birim, bæ‘dǽ amar-ǽn birim, ÿzgǽ kar snow throw.PST-INF be.PST.1PL then go.PST-INF be.PST.1PL other business sæxt-ǽn birim do.PST-INF be.PST.1PL ‘We made a mistake: first we had to throw the snow off the roof and then to do other things’.

Talysh (Northwest) of (past participle and the verb be ‘to be’ in conditional mood) expresses counterfactual condition and counterfactual desire or wish only.

(30) ägär ba sa haisa hịšta baim if PREP PREP donkey sit.PART.PST be.COND.1SG az čo rüž gin bā bim I four day missing be.PART.PST be.IMPF.1SG ‘If that time I had been sitting on the donkey, I would have been missing four days ago’ [Miller 1953, 216]. (31) ägär katto ba na-bai if village.elder be.PART.PST NEG-be.COND.3SG ‘If the village elder had not been present that time...’ [Miller 1953, 216].

Pamir languages The only Pamir language which probably has a narrow dedicated marker for expressing only counterfactuality is Munjani. In Munjani a postpositional modal particle -vā combined with perfect (which is formed from participle I5 by adding special flexion) express counterfactual condition in protasis and apodosis of conditional constructions and irreal wish [Grunberg 1972, 449]. For example,

(32) āgā́ pāyradór-ān sustí ə́kər-əy, tu va kut žə təfā́k-āf if guard-OBL weakness do.PST-PERF.3SG.M you DEF store PREP weapon-PL.OBL • salót1 ə́kər2-y-ət-vā, pāyradór qatí žə kāndā́k-tuláy-ān rob1, 2.PST-PERF.M-2SG-PRTCL guard with PREP major-captain-OBL • tā umr bāndí šə́y-əy-i-vā PREP life prisoner become.PST-PERF.M.3-PL-PRTCL ‘If the guard had shown his weakness and you had robbed the weapon depot the guard as well as the major and the captain would have been imprisoned for live’ [Grunberg 1972, 449]. yā-n šta: “va vroy žə mən móškiy”; mudír-ān šta: “ba duzdí čí-oghə́yəy-vā” ‘He said: «My brother was killed»; Another one said: «I wish he wouldn’t have been engaged in stealing things»’ [Grunberg 1972, 449].

5 Participle I masculine is formed from the past stem by adding unstressed flexion -əy; participle I feminine is formed from past stem by adding –ə́gha or -ə́ga/-/-ga (with some verbs — -ígha/-íga). 8

(33) ba duzdí čí-oghə́y-əy-vā PREP steal NEG-go.PST-PERF.3SG.M-PRTCL ‘I wish he wouldn’t have been engaged in stealing things’.

According to the grammar the particle vā can also be used with pronouns forming indefinite pronouns. For example,

kdí-vā ‘someone’ ští-vā ‘something’

Conclusions Iranian languages with a specific counterfactual marker: Sogdian (Zarafshan River Valley, modern and Uzbekistan), Tat (Southwest Iranian: (Daghestan), Talysh (Nothwest Iranian: ),

Iranian languages which are very close to those with a narrow dedicated counterfactual marker: Ossetic (Northeast Iranian: Caucasus), Azerbaijan) Pashto (Northeast Iranian: Afghanistan, Pakistan) Munjani (Pamir)

Conclusions 1.Some Iranian languages do have a specific counterfactual marker 2. These Iranian languages are not closely related to each other and are scattered in the Iranian languages area. Besides two examples from Soghdian there is no evidence that dead Iranian languages had special counterfactual markers. A narrow dedicated marker for counterfactivity only is not a special feature of the Iranian languages 3. If we look at the neighbouring languages we find a specific counterfactual marker only in Turkic.

I would like to conclude with a question weather the Iranian languages with a special counterfactual marker developed it spontaneous from its own language material or they borrowed it from the .

Tat and Talysh – probably Turkic influence Pashto and Sogdian — probably internal development

Ossetic — internal development or Turkic influence? Munjani — ?

9 Abbreviations

ABL — ablative, ACC — accusative, ALL — allative, AOR — , CAUS — causative, CNTRF — counterfactual, COND — conditional, CONTR — contrastive, CONV — converb, DAT — dative, DEF — definite, DIR — directive, DSD — desiderative, EMPH — emphatic, ENCL — enclitic, ERG — ergative, EZF — ezafe, F — feminine, FOC — focus, GEN — genitive, HAB — habitual, IMPF — imperfect, INF — , IRR — irreal, ITER — iterative, M — masculine, NEG — negation, NOM — nominative, OBL — oblique, OPT — optative, PART — participle, P.COP — past copula; PERF — perfect, PL — plural, POSS — possessive, POST — postposition, POT — potential, PREF — prefix, PREP — preposition, PRTCL — particle, PST — past, RFL — reflexive, SG — singular, SUPER — superessive, TR — transitive

Reference

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