APAA apaa12035 Dispatch: August 7, 2014 CE: N/A Journal MSP No. No. of pages: 17 PE: XXXXX 1 2 3

4 5 11 6 7 8 Resilience and Vulnerability 9 10 in the Maya Hinterlands 11 12 13 Gyles Iannone 14 Trent University 15 Keith Prufer 16 17 University of New 18 and 19 Diane Z. Chase 20 University of Central Florida 21 22 23 24 25 ABSTRACT 26 Given their grand architecture, intricately carved monuments, and colorful histories, the largest Maya centers 27 have long drawn the attention of archaeologists and non-specialists alike. Early interest in the infamous Maya 28 collapse was, in fact, initially inspired by the discovery of these “lost cities in the jungle.” This research focus was 29 further stimulated by advances in deciphering the Maya hieroglyphic script, and the recognition that monument 30 erection—or in other words, the written histories of most of the southern Lowland centers—came to a rather abrupt 31 end in the 9th century C.E. IHOPE scholars are attempting to elucidate the conditions that lead to the decline of 32 these impressive centers. In doing so, the trajectories of smaller communities, and or those located in hinterlands 33 between the more prominent centers, have emerged as interesting counterpoints that provide unique, and no less 34 significant, examples of resilience and vulnerability. The emerging data suggest that these communities had specific 35 strengths and weaknesses, which in turn provided them with a particular set of challenges, as well as a specific range 36 of coping mechanisms they could marshal when dealing with their ever-changing environment circumstances (i.e., 37 climate change, resource availability, landscape modifications), and the highly dynamic geopolitical landscape within 38 which they were embedded. This paper will discuss some of the key insights derived from our examination of hinter- 39 land communities, with particular attention being paid to the broader implications of the contrasting trajectories 40 exhibited by these segments of ancient Maya society. [archaeology, Maya, hinterland, innovation, resilience] 41 UNCORRECTED PROOF 42 43 s part of our efforts to explore issues of resilience ern Maya Lowlands that can be geographically character- 44 A and vulnerability in the ancient Maya world, IHOPE ized as encompassing the Caribbean coastal shelf and the 45 scholars are not only examining the heartlands of Maya Maya Mountains. Not only did these centers emerge in 46 polities, but also their hinterlands. These zones, and their varied ecological, economic, and political settings, their 47 resident communities, are intriguing places to study pre- periods of florescence also occurred at different times 48 cisely because of their distinctive characteristics. In this during the broader Maya developmental trajectory. These 49 paper we explore issues relating to resilience and vul- case studies provide a glimpse into the dynamic nature of 50 nerability in three Maya centers located today in differ- socio-ecological development and denouement in the Maya 51 ent parts of (Figure 11.1), an area of the east- hinterlands.

ARCHEOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION, Vol. 24, Issue 1, pp. 155–170, ISSN 1551-823X, online ISSN 1551-8248. C 2014 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/apaa.12035. 1 156 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 diversification of resources, in this case cultural resources. 5 . . In both cases they provide increasing social-ecological 6 resilience as they broaden the diversity of biological species 7 and cultural knowledge that can be drawn upon for liveli- 8 hood.” 9 Others suggest that hinterland communities have an in- 10 herent level of resilience because distance from polity cap- 11 itals affords them a significant level of autonomy (see also 12 Browman 1997:230). The resilience of hinterland communi- 13 ties may also be enhanced because they are located between 14 competing polities and can, therefore, ally themselves with 15 the polity that is most beneficial to local power structures or 16 institutions, and or the polity that has taken the upper hand 17 in a territorial dispute (Hassig 1992:98). 18 Hinterlands may also have significant vulnerabilities. 19 For example, considerable debate exists concerning how in- 20 novative, and hence resilient, hinterland communities are. 21 Sander van der Leeuw (2007:219) posits that hinterlands 22 are disadvantaged when compared to heartlands because 23 the latter are the centers for innovation; the more periph- 24 eral a settlement is, the “more unattainable the innovations 25 are.” Others suggest that it is during times of stress that 26 loosely integrated hinterlands become vulnerable, because 27 such “modularity” inhibits the transfer of assistance and 28 Figure 11.1. Map of the Maya subarea showing the location of the innovations precisely when they are most needed (Cum- 29 three hinterland case studies. ming 2011:138; Walker and Salt 2012:95–96). Similarly, 30 Kopytoff (1999:33) argues that there is often a significant 31 level of “cultural conservatism” in hinterland communities, 32 Resilience and Vulnerability in the which stifles innovation on the local scale. According to 33 Hinterlands Kopytoff (1999:33–34), although the inhabitants of hinter- 34 land communities tend to see themselves as innovators, with 35 In considering the qualities of hinterlands and how these substantial leeway to create any kind of society they wish, 36 relate to issues of resilience and vulnerability, it is useful to in reality they bring a significant level of conformity to their 37 begin with Igor Kopytoff’s(1987, 1999) distinction between social constructions. This is because they rely on a given 38 internal frontiers, which are zones between two adjacent “political culture,” or “cultural baggage” —including tech- 39 polities, and external frontiers, which are zones formed as a nological traditions and conceptions of power, legitimacy, 40 result of the colonizing expansion of a polity into a sparsely authority, institution building, and political practice—which 41 populated and or less politically complex region. When in- manifests itself in the form of “ideal patterns and ideal 42 vestigating ancient hinterlands, archaeologists study both institutional models, rather than being a matter, as in the 43 internal and external frontiers, but often without making a metropoles, of active practice.” 44 clear distinction between the two. However, the political and In contrast to the aforementioned perspectives, oth- 45 economic integration of hinterlands into broader systems, as ers advocate for more significant levels of innovation, 46 well as the resilience and vulnerability of hinterland com- and hence resilience, in the hinterlands. For example, 47 munities, may vary for internal and external frontiers. Kopytoff’s (1999) “cyclical model” for hinterland devel- 48 Hinterland communities develop in zones that consti- opment underscores the key role played by immigrants from 49 tute “edges.” They may occur not only at the juncture of polity capitals, or metropoles, who move into hinterland set- 50 different political and or cultural units, but also in divergent tings and either set up their own communities or merge with 51 ecological zones. Thus, the location of a hinterland com- those communities established by earlier settlers, thereby 52 munity may support or minimize its resilience. According enhancing the innovative capacity of the hinterland commu- 53 to Nancy Turner and her colleagues (2003:456–457), “cul- nities they now call home. This view does, however, continue 54 tural edges are like ecological edges in that they allow for to favor the idea that all innovation occurs in the heartlands, 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 157 2 3

4 which is a stance that has been effectively challenged by governors emanating from the metropole itself, we see a 5 those who see hinterlands, themselves, as dynamic places of much more tightly integrated geopolitical landscape consist- 6 cultural contact and syncretization, where innovations of all ing of a capital and a series of provinces (Bedford 2009:42, 7 kinds are created, manipulated, and transformed (Lightfoot 48; LeCount and Yaeger 2010:31–39), as well as consid- 8 and Martinez 1995:472). From this perspective, hinterland erable functional specialization, a more limited degree of 9 communities are resilient places precisely because they are response diversity, and a high level of interconnectedness— 10 centers for innovation, rather than vulnerable peripheries or in other words, “hypercoherence” —leading to dimin- 11 passively awaiting the next innovation to be transferred from ished resilience over time (Hegmon et al. 2008; Holling and 12 the heartland. Regardless of whether hinterlands are viewed Gunderson 2002; Gunderson and Holling 2002; Walker and 13 as creators of, or receptors for, innovation—and the previ- Salt 2006:76–77, 164). Of significance here is the fact that a 14 ous discussion suggests that the answer lay somewhere in combination of these integrative strategies may be employed 15 the middle—most scholars agree that the confluence of lo- at any one time (e.g., see Bedford [2009] for a discussion 16 cal and immigrant cultures, the latter often emanating from of the Neo-Assyrian empire, Anderies [2006] for the Ho- 17 multiple metropoles, often leads to the emergence of unique hokom, and van der Leeuw [2005] for Roman Empire in the 18 hinterland communities, complete with differing social iden- Rhone Valley). In summary, as archaeologists we are left to 19 tities (Schortman 1989). The interstitial character of the consider whether hinterland communities were: (1) ideally 20 hinterland, itself, only serves to enhance this uniqueness. positioned, ecologically, culturally, and politically, so as to 21 As Kopytoff (1987, 1999) has documented using African promote flexibility and resilience when faced with perturba- 22 examples, hinterland communities may eventually develop tions; (2) rigid and, thus, vulnerable in the face of negative 23 into capitals of their own polities, re-initiating the process change because they were tightly connected to heartlands 24 of hinterland formation, as immigrants from the newly es- and lacked innovative capacity; and or, (3) highly diverse 25 tablished metropole move out and coalesce with new and and inherently dynamic, exhibiting significant variability in 26 existing communities in the new hinterland(s). Often, these terms of their ability to deal with unexpected environmen- 27 communities are seen to “emerge as historically changing, tal or cultural shocks. We will now turn to our three case 28 multiple, and branching alignments of social groups and studies to illustrate the complex nature of resilience and 29 segments” (Wells 2006:268). The mixing of local and immi- vulnerability in the ancient Maya hinterlands. 30 grant cultures within hinterland settings is central to the es- 31 tablishment of distinct hinterland societies and contributes to 32 the different levels of resilience and vulnerability that char- ´ 33 acterize specific hinterland socioecological systems. And, 34 while hinterland dynamics are often the focus of study rel- Our first case study focuses on Uxbenka,´ a moderately 35 ative to large ancient empires (see for example Wells 2013 sized polity spread out across the foothills of the Maya 36 for ancient Rome and Malpass and Alconini 2010 for the Mountains along the eastern periphery of the Maya Low- 37 Inka), the proximity of hinterland Maya sites to the Maya lands (Figure 11.2). In this region Uxbenka´ was the first com- 38 heartland provides additional depth to this discussion. munity with the ability to mobilize labor around significant 39 We should, in fact, expect considerable variability in architectural construction and landscape transformations. 40 the levels of resilience exhibited by specific hinterland com- During its evolution, Uxbenka´ underwent a shift from 41 munities, over both time and space, especially given that a small village to a complex polity with social differentia- 42 they can interface with neighboring political formations tion reflected in distinctions between civic-ceremonial and 43 in diverse ways. Where hinterlands are integrated indi- residential spaces and the installation of carved stelae that 44 rectly and local power structures are maintained as long record statements attesting to the authority and network in- 45 as tax or tribute continue to flow to the heartland, we see teractions of individual elites. Research at Uxbenka´ focuses 46 loosely integrated geopolitical landscapes defined by contin- on building absolute chronologies for the site core areas 47 ually negotiated alliances and or patron-client relationships and settlement (Culleton et al. 2012; Prufer et al. 2011), 48 (Bedford 2009:42, 48; LeCount and Yaeger 2010:31–39), on extensive geomorphological analysis assessing produc- 49 as well as significant functional redundancy, greater re- tive agricultural strategies (Culleton 2012), understanding 50 sponse diversity, limited connectivity, and higher levels of economic interactions and the role of trade (Nazaroff et al. 51 resilience (e.g., Holling 2001; Holling and Gunderson 2002; 2010), and on placing the development of the polity in the 52 Gunderson and Holling 2002; Walker and Salt 2006). Al- context of its ecological setting and local climate records 53 ternatively, when hinterlands are under the direct control (Kennett et al. 2012; Walsh et al. in press). These studies are 54 of a political heartland, usually through the installation of integrated with longitudinal ethnographic work measuring 1 158 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Figure 11.2. Map showing the location of Uxbenka and other centers in, or adjacent to, southern 27 Belize. 28 29 agricultural productivity and potential at the Mopan Maya A brief period of significantly reduced precipitation 30 community of Santa Cruz whose residents have recolonized from C.E. 400–425 (Kennett et al. 2012) may represent a 31 the lands and resources of the ancient polity. short hiatus in growth at Uxbenka´ evidenced by a short ces- 32 Uxbenka´ is a peripheral polity (Schortman and Ur- sation of monumental construction (Aquino et al. 2013). 33 ban 1994) with indicators of economic, political, and During this time there may have been a change in leadership 34 ideological links to larger core political centers, but little strategies seen in the abandonment of a foundational cave 35 evidence of having ever fallen under the hegemonic sway shrine built during the initial development of the polity dur- 36 of these neighbors (Prufer et al. 2011). The polity began ing the Late Preclassic–Early Classic transition (Moyes and 37 as an agricultural village during the latter part of the Late Prufer 2013). 38 Preclassic (prior to Cal. 50 B.C.E.–C.E. 50) with small hi- Within several decades of C.E. 400 Uxbenkabeganto´ 39 erarchically undifferentiated households scattered across a be integrated more fully into the Early Classic Maya tra- 40 series of adjacent hilltops in an otherwise sparsely occu- ditions. The first carved monuments appear at some point 41 pied region. The population that coalesced into a commu- after C.E. 378 but before C.E. 455; some have specific ref- 42 nity may have been endogenous. Geomorphological studies erences to , beginning a three-century tradition of elite 43 at Uxbenka (Culleton 2012) and regional paeloecological texts that describe network interactions and political status. 44 records (Walsh et al. in press) indicate land clearing as early Despite textual references to the Peten´ heartland, there are 45 as Cal. 1420–1290 B.C.E., with settlers exploiting rich agri- no archaeological indicators that suggest Uxbenkawasa´ 46 cultural soils, abundant rainfall, and reliable surface water. subordinate of Tikal. The Early Classic was also a period of 47 Between Cal. C.E. 60 and 310 Uxbenka´ underwent sig- significant increasing precipitation (Kennett et al. 2012) and 48 nificant reorganization, including massive landscape alter- an expansion of settlements away from the site core, includ- 49 ation to accommodate public architecture in Groups A, B, ing the dispersal of elite households (Thompson and Prufer 50 and D (Figure 11.3). Entire hilltops and ridges were flattened 2013). Some of these architectural groups have significant 51 and expanded by cutting and filling for emergent status- investment in landscape alteration, likely reflecting the abil- 52 differentiating architectural groups in the core of the Classic ity of economic elites to mobilize labor and expand their 53 Maya center. presence in areas of particularly high quality soils close to 54 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 159 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Figure 11.3. LiDAR image of Uxbenka detailing the site core and prominent architectural groups A, 27 B, and D, discussed in the text. 28 29 perennial water sources. While this period of rapid growth starting after Cal C.E. 650. The final configuration of the 30 was likely facilitated by a long period of high rainfall evi- site reflects a reorientation of the political center to Group 31 denced in a local paleoclimate record (Kennett et al 2012), B, a restricted plaza with a northern pyramid and a central 32 another factor may have been the unique soils that form ballcourt. In Group A, the Stela Plaza, which housed carved 33 in the Rio Blanco Valley. Referred to as the Toledo Beds monuments attesting to the dynastic history of the polity and 34 these sedimentary soils derive from interbedded mudstones, network interactions of leaders, there are no Late Classic 35 sandstones and limestones that lay close to horizontal. The constructions, but there is evidence for the re-plastering of 36 mudstone strata break down rapidly when exposed to weath- surfaces and the continued erection of monuments through 37 ering and quickly form new soils (Hartshorn et al. 1984:76– the ninth century (Prufer et al. 2011). 38 77). Clearing lands for agriculture, including burning, cre- Regionally, Uxbenka remained the largest inland polity 39 ´ ate conditions where sols form rapidly, allowing shortened of any significance until around C.E. 550 when several im- 40 fallow periods, and allowing more of the landscape to be portant polities—including , , and Nimli 41 farmed with minimal intensification (Culleton 2012). These Punit—emerged onto the landscape as regional centers, un- 42 same soils are considered ideal for a range of economically doubtedly impacting the geopolitical and economic primacy 43 important tree crops, including Cacao (Wright et al. 1959). of Uxbenka on this southeastern periphery (though recent 44 ´ Combined with some of the highest rainfall rates in Cen- studies indicate that may have been founded 45 tral America (2800–4000 millimeters per year, compared during the Early Classic; see Fauvelle et al. 2013). Decline 46 to 1500–2000 millimeters for central Belize and the Peten, appears to have been regional, rapid, and complete with ap- 47 Kennett et al. 2012) Uxbenka may have been well suited to parent abandonment of political centers and overland trade 48 ´ maximize agricultural production on less land, and with less networks by the end of the ninth century C.E. and only 49 investment in terracing or other intensification strategies, ephemeral evidence of early Postclassic populations, sug- 50 and reducing path dependencies. gesting that the collapse of the political centers was also 51 The Late Classic also witnessed another reorganization accompanied by gradual regional depopulation. Paleoeco- 52 that included the construction of final-phase public build- logical reconstructions indicate that suggest that human use 53 ings in Groups B and D, obscuring earlier architecture and of fire and subsequent erosion in the watershed became less 54 1 160 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 common sometime between C.E. 800–1000 (Walsh et al. 5 in press), likely indicating a reduction of land clearing for 6 agriculture. This occurred at the same time as of a decline 7 in rainfall and several protracted droughts well documented 8 across the Maya Lowlands (see Kennett et al. 2012 and ref- 9 erences within). It remains unclear whether a reduction of 10 rainfall in this area would alone be sufficient to bring about 11 regional societal collapse, given the overall high precipita- 12 tion rates in southern Belize. Declines in rainfall in areas 13 of high annual precipitation are unlikely to be as destabiliz- 14 ing as they would be in areas of lower annual precipitation. 15 Stable isotope rainfall reconstructions suggest that multi 16 decadal drought events between C.E. 820–870 were not as 17 severe as the single short event at C.E. 400–425 (Kennett 18 et al. 2012). 19 In summary, Uxbenka’s´ uniquely rich agricultural soils 20 and location in an area of abundant rainfall likely lent a 21 degree of resilience to both population growth and political 22 stability during its 800 year occupation. Its growth may have 23 also been facilitated by its position along established trade 24 routes linking the Caribbean Sea to the Peten´ (Nazaroff et al. 25 2010; Prufer et al. 2011). However, the development of in- 26 creasingly complex geopolitical regional interaction spheres 27 during the Late Classic, combined with inter-polity compe- 28 tition, population growth, and decisions regarding land-use, 29 may have weakened the polity’s ability to withstand the dis- 30 integration of political and economic relationships occurring 31 in core areas of the Maya Lowlands (Kennett and Beach, in 32 press). Figure 11.4. Map showing the location of Minanha, its projected 33 polity, and other key centers in, or adjacent to, the Vaca Plateau. 34 35 Minanha 36 have taken place until sometime in the first century B.C.E. 37 The second case study we discuss in this chapter de- (Iannone 2005), during a time thought to be characterized by 38 rives from Minanha, located in the north Vaca Plateau of a modest drought, according to the sequence obtained from a 39 west central Belize (Figure 11.1). Minanha represents an speleothem from the nearby Macal Chasm cave (Moyes et al. 40 archetypal hinterland community, and is a classic example 2009; Webster et al. 2007). These early settlements are found 41 of an “internal frontier,” given its location on both an eco- scattered across the Minanha micro-region, in or adjacent to 42 logical and cultural “edge”; it lies immediately to the south small valleys with good soils and perennial water sources, 43 of the Belize Valley, west of the Mountain Pine Ridge, and such as springs (Longstaffe and Iannone 2011; Macrae and 44 equidistant between the heartlands of the powerful, and com- Iannone 2011; McCane et al. 2010). This seems to fit Van 45 peting, and polities (Figure 11.4; Iannone Andel and Runnels’ (1995) concept of “saltation,” wherein 46 2005, 2010). In terms of resilience modelling, Minanha’s migrant farmers initially populate small alluvial valleys with 47 location would have enhanced the ability of its inhabitants fertile soils, carry out low-intensity agricultural production 48 to respond to perturbations, because they would have had for some time, and then move on to exploit similar valleys, 49 access to diverse natural and cultural resources. leaving vacant intervening areas of limited productively (see 50 The north Vaca Plateau is characterized by rugged, also Earle et al. 2011:209). 51 karstic topography, small valleys, limited surface water, and Over the course of the next six and a half centuries 52 dispersed pockets of good soil. Although pioneer popu- the Minanha community continued to grow in size and ex- 53 lations appear to have entered the sub-region earlier, sig- tent, albeit slowly, and the earliest courtyard groups teth- 54 nificant occupation of Minanha proper does not appear to ered themselves more firmly to the landscape through the 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 161 2 3

4 construction of eastern ancestor shrines and by building ter- land in the hinterlands, they can focus on pacification and 5 raced agricultural fields, the latter helping to retain soils military development, support craft specialization and trade, 6 and soil moisture in the rugged terrain of the Vaca Plateau and initiate engineering programs aimed at increasing agri- 7 (Macrae and Iannone 2011). Alongside this program of cultural production (see also Earle et al. 2011:213). 8 niche construction, they did, however, maintain a level of In light of these ideas, it is significant that the new 9 biodiversity and productive flexibility because these im- political body that established itself at Minanha seems to 10 proved fields only encompassed areas immediately adja- have effectively inserted itself as a new “patron” by incor- 11 cent to their residential courtyards, while the remaining porating existing courtyards into new construction projects 12 land continued to be “unimproved” (Macrae and Iannone (Longstaffe and Iannone 2011), encasing extant ritual nodes 13 2011; McCane et al. 2010). Indications are that this small, within new shrine structures, and aligning new ritual offer- 14 highly dispersed community was connected to the broader ings with those previously made by the local community 15 Maya world economically, as is implied by the sharing of (Schwake and Iannone 2010). The success of this assimi- 16 ceramic styles and access to raw materials such as shell lation project varied, with some of the largest, and longest- 17 and jadeite. However, the absence of certain artifacts com- standing residential courtyard groups apparently benefiting 18 monly found at other centers to the north and south (e.g., from, and therefore supporting, the new patrons, whereas 19 and Caracol, respectively), such as Charlie Chap- other sizable, and equally deep-rooted, courtyard groups 20 lin figures (Lomitola 2012), and Caracol-style face pots seem to have entered into a period of decline, which im- 21 (D. Chase and A. Chase 1998), suggests that Minanha plies that they contested the authority of the newcomers 22 continued to be a “deep rural” community that was only (Iannone 2010; Longstaffe and Iannone 2011; Macrae and 23 loosely incorporated into broader political formations and Iannone 2011). That the resulting Minanha polity was syn- 24 cultural traditions. On one hand, this would have allowed cretic in character is confirmed by a degree of adherence 25 for some economic and political autonomy, as well as some to certain Caracol-style caching and burial practices at the 26 flexibility to respond to perturbations rapidly, using local same time that more local traditions were continued, such 27 knowledge and innovations. For example, the early devel- as the extensive use of slate as capstones in buildings and 28 opment of Minanha’s terrace system would have helped the grave chambers, and as burial and cache offerings (Iannone 29 community maintain productivity during times of declin- 2005, 2010). 30 ing precipitation, such as the droughts documented for C.E. Regardless of the apparent unevenness with which they 31 141, and the period between C.E. 490 and 580 (Webster were accepted by Minanha’s traditional power-brokers, the 32 et al. 2007). At the same time, the loose integration would migrant elites that arrived at the beginning of the 8th Century 33 have also hindered access to heartland innovations, and it C.E. were able to marshal enough corvee´ labor to construct 34 apparently limited the ability to acquire certain key com- an impressive court complex, and to quickly expand the 35 modities, such as larger obsidian blades (Menzies 2003), agricultural productivity of the micro-region by linking the 36 leading to some potential vulnerabilities. previously separate terraced fields with longer, but poorer 37 The nature of integration changed dramatically some- quality terrace sections (Macrae and Iannone 2011; McCane 38 time around the beginning of the 8th century C.E., during et al. 2010). They also commissioned the construction of a 39 an era of significant political change across the Maya Low- wall around a sizable bajo to create a larger and more reliable 40 lands. At this time some elite migrants, likely from Caracol, source of water (Primrose 2003). These innovations, likely 41 established a petty royal court in what would rapidly emerge borrowed from the more densely settled Caracol heartland 42 as the new Minanha epicenter (Iannone 2005; Figure 11.5). settlement (e.g., A. Chase and D. Chase 1998), allowed for 43 The evidence does not support the notion that Mi- significant population growth, facilitated monumental con- 44 nanha shifted from being a hinterland to a new, independent struction, and for a brief moment transformed Minanha from 45 heartland, as in the African examples discussed by Kopy- a hinterland to a small heartland, as is one of the expectations 46 toff (1987, 1999). Rather, Minanha’s rapid growth and ad- of Kopytoff’s cyclical model for hinterland development. 47 herence to certain cultural practices suggest the formation Nevertheless, it is important to consider that many of 48 of a new client-kingdom under the auspices of the larger the initiatives of this time would have been aimed at provid- 49 Caracol hegemonic polity, albeit one with comparative au- ing taxes to support the new Minanha rulers, and tribute for 50 tonomy, given its distance from the Caracol metropole their Caracol overlords, which would have drawn increas- 51 (Iannone 2009). This may fit the scenario described by Gil ingly more resources away from the primary producers over 52 Stein (1999) wherein empires or hegemonic polities foster time. These investments also locked the fledgling Minanha 53 “internal migrations” to encourage state initiatives; although polity into reliance on an increasingly integrated, artificial 54 migrants from the heartlands may not necessarily control environment. This new polity exhibited less biodiversity and 1 162 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 Figure 11.5. Rectified isometric plan of the Minanha epicenteral court complex. 34 35 did not benefit from some of the support services present at tems. For example, an evaluation of the average width of a 36 Caracol (A. Chase and D. Chase 2007), such as extensive sample of obsidian blades concluded that Minanha was the 37 road and market systems (there is only one intrasite cause- “end of the line” for that particular commodity (Menzies 38 way, and as yet, no well-defined market zone at Minanha), 2003). In other ways, greater integration also led to a certain 39 a significant level of craft specialization (with the exception degree of vulnerability to broader political machinations. 40 of the production of granite tools; Longstaffe 2011), and a For example, a major destruction event occurred in the mid- 41 far-reaching, efficient trade network. Thus, even though it to-late 8th century, resulting in: (1) the razing and burning of 42 was expanding in size and complexity, the Minanha polity the royal residential courtyard and the emptying of a number 43 likely entered a risk spiral and began to exhibit the effects of of caches and burials, likely in conjunction with the rapid 44 path dependency, meaning it was increasingly “locked-in” departure of the Minanha ruling family; (2) the sealing off 45 to a specific developmental trajectory that left fewer op- of the epicenter’s principal multiple entry tomb beneath a 46 tions to respond to perturbations. This would have led to new shrine structure fronted by a slate stela and two uncar- 47 ever-increasing levels of vulnerability to unexpected envi- ved limestone monuments; and (3) the construction of a new 48 ronmental or cultural distresses. royal residential courtyard with a bi-level throne, possibly 49 Although the Minanha community was more firmly in- indicating a form of patron-client style, joint rule (Iannone 50 terconnected with the wider Maya world during the 8th cen- 2010; Longstaffe and Iannone 2011; Schwake and Iannone 51 tury, this did not translate into significant enhancements to 2010). 52 its economic resilience, above and beyond the innovations This new political regime would apparently not last 53 associated with its water management and agricultural sys- long. Sometime in the early 9th century Minanha’s royal 54 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 163 2 3

4 residential courtyard was buried beneath 5 meters of rub- ulation, especially recent immigrants drawn into the micro- 5 ble, many of its stucco friezes and important stelae were de- region because of the “full-service” nature of the Minanha 6 stroyed, and some elite building projects were left abandoned royal court, ultimately demonstrated a comparable level of 7 prior to completion (Iannone 2005, 2010; Schwake and vulnerability to perturbations, primarily because they did 8 Iannone 2010). The elites of the “new political regime” ap- not control vital resources, such as good agricultural land 9 parently deserted the community, or were forced out, along and reliable water sources (Macrae and Iannone 2011). 10 with a large segment of the support population, primarily 11 the lowest status commoners who may not have had any 12 direct control over key land and water resources (Macrae Santa Rita Corozal 13 and Iannone 2011). From the perspective of resilience the- 14 ory, this scenario fits well with that documented for the Our third case study focuses on Santa Rita Corozal, lo- 15 American Southwest, where emigration during periods of cated between the Rio Hondo and the New River in northern 16 sociopolitical downturns has been envisioned as a form Belize, adjacent to Corozal Bay (Figure 11.6). Ancient oc- 17 of adaptive transformation (Hegmon et al. 2008; Nelson cupation is present both on the shores of the bay (some low 18 et al. 2006). It is likely that a combination of unsustainable mounds are actually visible under the waters of the bay) and 19 growth, overexploitation of resources, droughts, increasing on an inland bluff. The site was well placed relative to both 20 political and economic competition, ideological disillusion- riverine and maritime trade. It was an ecologically advan- 21 ment, and the progressively greater interconnectedness of taged hinterland that was well connected with both inland 22 the various elites across the Maya Lowlands, contributed to and maritime neighbors. This access was key throughout its 23 the downfall. However, this was not the end of the Minanha development. 24 community. After the demise of the Minanha royal court, Santa Rita Corozal has been investigated for over a 25 the traditional powerbrokers began building anew in their century, first by a local medical doctor (Gann 1900, 1918), 26 courtyards, once again taking advantage of their control over subsequently by a series of regional archaeological projects 27 improved land, perennial water sources, and limited incor- (Green 1973; Pring 1976; Sidrys 1976, 1983), and most 28 poration into the polities that were crumbling around them recently by the Corozal Postclassic Project (Chase 1981, 29 (Longstaffe and Iannone 2011; Macrae and Iannone 2011). 1982, 1990; D. Chase and A. Chase 1988, 2004a). While 30 These long-standing, highly resilient residential groups left the site is best known for its Postclassic period (post-C.E. 31 a footprint not that dissimilar to their Preclassic and Early 1000) remains and was likely the capital of the Postclas- 32 Classic ancestors (Longstaffe and Iannone 2011). sic period province of Chetumal (D. Chase and A. Chase 33 In summary, the Minanha case study documents the 1988), Santa Rita Corozal (Figure 11.7) was successfully 34 resilient and adaptive quality of some of the larger ru- and continuously occupied for the entire span of ancient 35 ral courtyard groups whose roots extend back to the ear- —and is still occupied today. In contrast 36 liest occupation of the micro-region. By improving some to many Maya sites, its population peak was during the 37 of their land through terrace construction and settling near Late Postclassic period. Located at a distance from the Clas- 38 perennial springs, these pioneers—and generations of their sic period (C.E. 250–900) capitals of Tikal, , and 39 descendants—were able to live successfully for a millen- Caracol—as well as the Late Postclassic period (C.E. 1250– 40 nium in an environment that is only sparsely populated to- 1450) capital of —Santa Rita Corozal also main- 41 day. In part, it was the lack of integration into the broader tained greater political and economic autonomy than most 42 Maya world—and the short-lived Minanha polity—that may centers, in spite of its advantageous location. Thus, it served 43 have contributed to their success. In contrast, the petty Mi- variously as an innovation receptor, creator, and modifier. 44 nanha royal court that emerged in the 8th century was not The first sound evidence of occupation of Santa Rita 45 only more firmly ensconced within the broader network of Corozal dates to the Early to Middle Preclassic period (ca. 46 regional politics, but also reliant on an increasingly more 1200 B.C.E.). Investigations indicate a well-established and 47 tightly integrated, but also hypercoherent, economic and po- precocious regional northern Belize Swasey Ceramic Sphere 48 litical system encompassing the micro-region over which it affiliation for a relatively small village of perhaps 150 inhab- 49 ruled. This is particularly evident in terms of the expansion itants with population concentrated in the bluff area above 50 and control of the surrounding agriculture and water man- the bay. By the Late Preclassic period (300 B.C.E. to C.E. 51 agement features. Ultimately, the elite segment of Minanha 200), population and settlement had expanded to at least 52 society proved to be far less resilient, with this experiment in 1000 inhabitants. Sierra Red ceramics from funerary con- 53 political complexity only lasting for a century (Longstaffe texts suggest a broad, connected lowland Maya focus during 54 and Iannone 2011). A significant portion of the support pop- this time. Toward the end of the Late Preclassic (C.E. 1 to 1 164 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Figure 11.6. Map showing the location of Santa Rita Corozal and other centers in northern 27 Belize (after Hammond 1975:figure 11.1). 28 29 250) and Early Classic periods (C.E. 250 to 550) popula- 900–1200, 1200–1300) remains are present at the site, sug- 30 tion also grew in size. Evidence of prosperity and status gesting continued access to external trade, but likely with 31 differentiation in interments and constructions is evident, flat population numbers. 32 with ceramic and other artifactual ties extending to both the However, the largest and most extensive occupation at 33 southern and northern Lowlands. The site was a receptor Santa Rita Corozal dates to the Late Postclassic period (C.E. 34 of innovations and trade items, but its connectedness was 1300–1550), well after the collapse of inland, mainstream, 35 expressed within its own sociopolitical framework. Classic period centers. The Postclassic period Maya of Santa 36 While the early population of the central portion of the Rita Corozal substantially reframed Classic period tradi- 37 site was never large, numbering no more than perhaps 1500 tions. In particular, ritual caching practices appear to have 38 people, interments from Santa Rita Corozal Structure 7 sug- served to unify the community through calendric ritual (D. 39 gest that the rulers of this site maintained a high standard Chase and A. Chase 2008). While Santa Rita Corozal throve 40 of material well-being (D. Chase and A. Chase 2005). In during its entire history, it was particularly advantaged fol- 41 fact, if taken out of context, grave goods within these in- lowing the Classic period collapse, perhaps being able to 42 terments might be taken to suggest that Santa Rita Corozal take even greater advantage of its location on a major trade 43 individuals were far more important politically within the corridor (see also Scarborough and Valdez, Ch. 9 this vol- 44 overarching Maya realm than was likely the case (D. Chase ume for a discussion of trade). Postclassic Santa Rita Corozal 45 and A. Chase 2004a). Late Classic period (C.E. 550–900) evinced particularly strong ties with the northern lowlands; 46 population likely increased to approximately 2500. Interest- both ritual practices and material remains (in some cases) are 47 ingly, material well-being, as indicated by the presence and nearly identical to those delineated for Mayapan, some 300 48 similarity of burial offerings, was more widely distributed kilometers to the north (D. Chase and A. Chase 2008). Site 49 than in previous periods, and the extreme status distinctions population expanded and more than tripled; a conservative 50 of the Early Classic period were not in evidence, a situa- estimate of the site center population in the Late Postclassic 51 tion similar to that found in the varied environmental and is over 7,000 people. The site prospered until the advent 52 socio-political situation of the distant Belize Late Classic pe- of Spanish conquistadors in C.E. 1532. Later Colonial oc- 53 riod capital city of Caracol (D. Chase and A. Chase 2004b). cupation by the British indicated some limited population 54 Terminal Classic period and Early Postclassic period (C.E. continuity with the modern town of Corozal. 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 165 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 Figure 11.7. Rectified plan of Santa Rita Corozal, Belize showing its location in Belize. 35 36 37 Unlike many southern lowland sites, Santa Rita Corozal routes—enabled this resilience, but other mechanisms sup- 38 was continuously occupied for over three millennia. The site ported its longevity. For example, while settlement was more 39 does not appear to have been under direct control of either densely concentrated than at many Classic period sites, Santa 40 southern or northern lowland polities, but rather maintained Rita Corozal’s population remained manageable through- 41 a connection to both. During much of its history, the site out its history—and was easily supported by surrounding 42 appears to have been peripheral to political machinations agriculture land, a diversity of locally available marine re- 43 recorded in hieroglyphic texts. Preclassic and Classic period sources, and the resources made available by its position as 44 Santa Rita Corozal remained a small, seemingly indepen- a transit point for regional trade. Postclassic period cultural 45 dent hinterland polity. Economic ties were extensive, but adaptations, specifically ritual caching practices, evolved 46 political integration with neighboring areas was limited— to focus on greater integration of the community as pop- 47 so much so that its Early Classic leaders amassed a vast ulation numbers increased. Postclassic period Santa Rita 48 array of symbols to stress their importance at the “edge” of Corozal—rather than being a site characterized by depop- 49 the Maya world. Ultimately, the site came to serve as the ulation, decadence, or decline—was itself a successful dy- 50 capital of the Postclassic province of Chetumal (D. Chase namic and innovative adaptation. Thus, Santa Rita Corozal’s 51 and A. Chase 1988). The peripheral, yet pivotal, location exceptional location, in conjunction with its smaller and po- 52 of Santa Rita Corozal at the juxtaposition of the northern litically peripheral positioning, led to a more nimble and 53 and southern lowlands—with easy access to multiple trade resilient settlement. 54 1 166 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3 4 Conclusions classic village occupations and were the largest sites in their 5 zones for at least portions of their histories; Minanha never 6 While each of these sites was situated in a hinterland approached the size of the neighboring site of Caracol, but 7 location, their physical placements and cultural adaptations grew to be as least as large as the Belize Valley sites found 8 varied substantially, being alternatively inland (Uxbenka´ and to its north. Each site sustained a large and well-established 9 Minanha) or riverine and coastal (Santa Rita Corozal). Their Classic period population; however, only Santa Rita Corozal 10 “hinterland” position also differed. Uxbenka’s´ placement in grew to prominence in the Late Postclassic period. Uxbenka´ 11 southern Belize partially isolated it from the southern Maya and Minanha utilized stone monuments; Santa Rita did not. 12 lowland heartland, though it was well integrated in regional The case studies presented here demonstrate the re- 13 and pan-Mesoamerican economies for more than five cen- gional and temporal diversity that existed in ancient Maya 14 turies (Nazaroff et al. 2010). Uxbenka´ was located in an adaptations in the southern lowlands—even amongst sites 15 area of unusual agricultural fertility, lending to it a degree that may, in some way, be considered “hinterland.” Despite 16 of resilience through reduced agricultural fallow periods each of these polities being part of the greater southern 17 and obviating the need for large-scale intensification, such Maya Lowlands, each displays unique combinations of sub- 18 as the terracing found a Minanha. Santa Rita Corozal was sistence, economic, and political strategies. In each case, 19 positioned at the juxtaposition of the northern and south- decision-making was geared to maximize adaption to local 20 ern Maya Lowlands. Its access to fresh water and marine ecological conditions and to maintain resilience to demo- 21 resources may have afforded it a degree of resilience to graphic, environmental, and geopolitical stresses. In each 22 food shortages and agricultural uncertainties. Over time, case the consequences of these actions, intended or oth- 23 Minanha became increasingly dependent on agricultural and erwise, resulted in periods of growth and periods of de- 24 water management systems to sustain its population, inno- cline. None of these hinterlands was immune to events 25 vating through terracing, which also increased integration occurring in the broad social and economic networks in 26 but reduced biodiversity and led to path dependency. which they participated. Nor were they exempt from the im- 27 Both Uxbenka´ and Santa Rita Corozal have little or no pacts of changing ecological and climate systems. Uxbenka,´ 28 evidence of being under the control of other, larger, poli- Minanha, and Santa Rita Corozal were each nodes in over- 29 ties for any extended period, though both were deeply inte- lapping and interacting economic and sociopolitical net- 30 grated into regional geopolitical structures. Minanha started works, as the impacted and were effected by other nodes. 31 as an independent polity, but later fell under the sway of its By the 9th century C.E. all three of these hinterland poli- 32 larger neighbor, Caracol. Located intermediate to the Belize ties were deeply impacted by the political and economic 33 Valley, Naranjo, and Caracaol, Minanha was marginalized to disintegration sweeping across the Maya Lowlands (Ken- 34 some degree by being set at the eastern edge of the southern nett and Beach in press). At Uxbenka´ and Minanha this re- 35 Lowlands against the largely un-farmable and uninhabit- sulted in the abandonment of political institutions, collapse 36 able terrain in the Mountain Pine Ridge. Both Minanha and of agricultural systems, and population dispersal. Santa Rita 37 Uxbenka´ were always hinterland polities, while Santa Rita Corozal was able to weather the collapse, albeit initially in a 38 Corozal’s hinterland status changed dramatically following diminished capacity, rising again during the Late Postclas- 39 the collapse of most southern Lowland polities when it be- sic as an important node in the then dominant economic and 40 came the capital of the province of Chetumal. Minanha was political landscape of the northern Lowlands. 41 never really well connected economically (it was the end of 42 the line for trade, and did not exhibit much craft specializa- 43 tion). Uxbenka´ and Santa Rita Corozal were both situated 44 to take advantage of important trade routes. Uxbenka´ took Acknowledgments 45 full advantage of its location between the Caribbean Sea 46 and the central Peten,´ and engaged in and mediated trade The authors would like to thank the Institute of Ar- 47 in obsidian blades and exotic ground stone from distant chaeology in Belize, and in particular Jaime Awe and John 48 sources. Similarly, Santa Rita Corozal actively engaged in Morris, for both facilitating and collaborating on our long- 49 broad economic networks, though it uniquely allowed the term research programs. We also extend our gratitude to 50 fruits of these relationships to be spread broadly across its the National Science Foundation (Chase, Prufer) and the 51 populace. Alphawood Foundation (Iannone, Prufer) for funding some 52 Besides varying in terms of strategic locations, the ar- of the key components of the Santa Rita Corozal, Uxbenka,´ 53 chaeological histories of these three sites also are varied. and Minanha research. Iannone also wishes to thank the So- 54 Uxbenka´ and Santa Rita Corozal were each home to Pre- cial Sciences and Humanities research Council of Canada, 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 167 2 3

4 and Trent University, for their ongoing support of the Mi- Chase, Diane Z., and Arlen F. Chase 5 nanha investigations. 1988 A Postclassic Perspective: Excavations at the Maya 6 Site of Santa Rita Corozal, Belize. Pre-Columbian 7 Art Research Institute Monograph 4, San Fran- 8 References Cited cisco: Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute. 9 1998 The Architectural Context of Caches, Burials, and 10 Anderies, John M. Other Ritual Activities for the Classic Period Maya 11 2006 Robustness, Institutions, and Large-Scale Change (as Reflected at Caracol, Belize). In Function and 12 in Socio-ecological Systems: The Hohokam of the Meaning in Classic Maya Architecture. Stephen 13 Phoenix Basin. Journal of Institutional Economics D. Houston, ed. Pp. 299–332. Washington, DC: 14 2(2):135–155. Dumbarton Oaks. 15 2004a Santa Rita Corozal: Twenty Years Later. Research 16 Aquino, Valorie V., Keith M. Prufer, Clayton Meredith, Reports in Belizean Archaeology 1:243– 17 Brendan J. Culleton, and Douglas J. Kennett 255. 18 2013 Constraining the Age of Abandonment of Uxbenka´ 2004b Archaeological Perspectives on Classic Maya So- 19 Site Core Using Archaeological Stratigraphy and cial Organization from Caracol, Belize. Ancient 20 AMS 14C Dates. Research Reports in Belizean Mesoamerica 15:111–119. 21 Archaeology 10: 269–279. 2005 The Early Classic Period at Santa Rita Corozal: 22 Issues of Hierarchy, Heterarchy, and Stratification 23 Bedford, Peter R. in Northern Belize. Research Reports in Belizean 24 2009 The Neo-Assyrian Empire. In The Dynamics of Archaeology 2:111–129. 25 Ancient Empires. Ian Morris and Walter Scheidel, 2008 Late Postclassic Ritual at Santa Rita Corozal, 26 eds. Pp. 30–65. New York: Oxford University Belize: Understanding the Archaeology of a 27 Press. Maya Capital City. Research Reports in Belizean 28 Archaeology 5:79–92. 29 Browman, David L. 30 1997 Political Institutional Factors Contributing to the Culleton, Brendan 31 Interpretation of the Tiwanaku State. In Emer- 2012 Human Ecology, Agricultural Intensification and 32 gence and Change in Early Urban Societies. Linda Landscape Transformation at the Ancient Maya 33 Manzanilla, ed. Pp. 229–243. New York: Plenum Polity of Uxbenka, Southern Belize. Ph.D. disser- 34 Press. tation, Department of Anthropology, University of 35 Oregon. 36 Chase, Arlen F., and Diane Z. Chase 37 1998 Scale and Intensity in Classic Period Maya Agri- Culleton, Brendan, Keith M. Prufer, and Douglas J. Kennett 38 culture: Terracing and Settlement at the “Garden 2012 A Bayesian AMS 14C Chronology of the Classic 39 City” of Caracol, Belize. Culture and Agriculture Maya Urban Center of Uxbenka,´ Belize. Journal 40 29(2):60–77. of Archaeological Science 39: 1572–1586. 41 2007 Ancient Maya Urban Development: Insights from 42 the Archaeology of Caracol, Belize. Journal of Cumming, Graeme S. 43 Belizean Studies 29(2):60–71. 2011 Spatial Resilience in Social-Ecological Systems. 44 New York: Springer. 45 Chase, Diane Z. 46 1981 The Maya Postclassic at Santa Rita Corozal. Ar- Earle, Timothy, Clive Gamble, and Hendrik Poinar 47 chaeology 34(1): 25–33. 2011 Migration. In Deep History: The Architecture of 48 1982 Spatial and Temporal Variability in Postclassic Past and Present. Andrew Shryock and Daniel 49 Northern Belize. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Lord Smail, eds. Pp. 191–218. Los Angeles: 50 Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania. University of California Press. 51 1990 The Invisible Maya: Population History and Ar- 52 chaeology at Santa Rita Corozal. In Prehistoric Fauvelle, Mikael, Chelsea R. Fisher, and Geoffrey E. 53 Population History in the Maya Lowlands. T. Braswell 54 P. Culbert and D. S. Rice, eds. Pp. 199–213. 2013 Return to the Kingdom of the Eagle: Archaeo- Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. logical Investigations at Nim Li Punit, Belize. 1 168 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology Ecological, and Social Systems. Ecosystems 4: 5 10:23–21. 390–405. 6 7 Gann, Thomas Holling, Craford S., and Lance H. Gunderson 8 1900 Mounds in Northern . Nineteenth An- 2002 Resilience and Adaptive Cycles. In Panarchy: 9 nual Report, 1897–1898. Bureau of American Understanding Transformations in Human and 10 Ethnology, Part 2. Pp. 661–692. Washington, DC: Natural Systems. L. H. Gunderson and C. S. 11 Smithsonian Institution. Holling, eds. Pp.25–62. Washington, DC: Island 12 1918 The Maya Indians of Southern Yucatan and North- Press. 13 ern British Honduras. Bureau of American 14 Ethnology Bulletin, 64. Washington, DC: Smith- Iannone, Gyles 15 sonian Institution. 2005 The Rise and Fall of an Ancient Maya Petty Royal 16 Court. Latin American Antiquity 16:26–44. 17 Green, Ernestine 2009 The Jungle Kings of Minanha: Constellations 18 1973 Location Analysis of Prehistoric Maya Sites in of Authority and the Ancient Maya Socio- 19 Northern British Honduras. American Antiquity Political Landscape. Research Reports in Belizean 20 38(3):279–293. Archaeology 6:33–41. 21 2010 Collective Memory in the Frontiers: A Case Study 22 Gunderson, Lance H., and C. S. Holling, eds. from the Ancient Maya Center of Minanha, Belize. 23 2002 Panarchy: Understanding Transformations in Hu- Ancient Mesoamerica 21(2):353–371. 24 man and Natural Systems. Washington, DC: Island 25 Press. Kennett, Douglas J., and Tim Beach In Press Archaeological 26 and Environmental Lessons for the Anthropocene 27 Hammond, Norman from the Classic Maya Collapse. Anthropocene. 28 1975 Introduction. In N. Hammond, Ed., Archaeology 29 in Northern Belize: –Cambridge Kennett, Douglas J., Sebastian F. M. Breitenbach, Valorie V. 30 University Corozal Project: 1974–75 Interim Aquino, Yemane Asmerom, Jaime Awe, James U. 31 Report. N. Hammond, ed. Pp. 6–14. University of L. Baldini, Patrick Bartlein, Brendan J. Culleton, 32 Cambridge: Centre of Latin America Studies. Claire Ebert, Christopher Jazwa, Martha J. Macri, 33 Norbert Marwan, Victor Polyak, Keith M. Prufer, 34 Hassig, Ross Harriet E. Ridley, Harald Sodemann, Bruce Win- 35 1992 War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. Los terhalder, and Gerald H. Haug 36 Angeles: University of California Press. 2012 Development and Disintegration of Maya Political 37 Systems in Response to Climate Change. Science 38 Hegmon, Michelle, Matthew A. Peeples, Ann P. Kinzig, 338:788–791. 39 Stephanie Kulow, Cathryn M. Meegan, and 40 Margaret C. Nelson Kopytoff, Igor 41 2008 Social Transformation and Its Human Costs in 1987 The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Tra- 42 the Prehispanic U.S. Southwest. American ditional African Societies. Bloomington: Indiana 43 Anthropologist 110(3):313–324. University Press. 44 1999 The Internal African Frontier: Cultural Conser- 45 Hartshorn, G. S., L. Nicolait, L.Hartshorn, G. Bevier, R. vatism and Ethnic Innovation. In Frontiers and 46 Brightman, J. Cal, A. Cawich, W. Davidson, R. Borderlands: Anthropological Perspectives. M. 47 Dubois, C. Dyer, J. Gibson, W.Hawley, J. Leonard, Rosler¨ and T. Wendl, eds. Pp. 31–44. New York: 48 R. Nicolait, D. Weyer, H. White, and C. Wright Peter Lang. 49 1984 Belize Country Environmental Profile: A Field 50 Study. USAID Contract No. 505–0000-C-00- LeCount, Lisa J., and Jason Yaeger 51 3001–00. San Jose,´ Costa Rica: Trejos Hermanos 2010 Provincial Politics and Current Models of the 52 Sucesores, S.A. Lowland Maya State. In Classic Maya Provincial 53 Politics: and its Hinterlands. L. J. 54 Holling, Craford S. LeCount and J. Yaeger, eds. Pp. 20–45. Tucson: 2001 Understanding the Complexity of Economic, University of Arizona Press. 1 In the Maya Hinterlands 169 2 3

4 Lightfoot, Kent G., and Antionette Martinez Moyes, Holley, and Keith M. Prufer 5 1995 Frontiers and Boundaries in Archaeological Per- 2013 The Geopolitics of Emerging Maya Rulers: A 6 spective. Annual Reviews in Anthropology Case Study of Kayuko , a Foundational 7 24:471–492. Shrine at Uxbenka,´ Southern Belize. Journal of 8 Anthropological Research 62(2):225–248. 9 Lomitola, Lisa 10 2012 Ritual Use of the Human Form: A Contextual Nazaroff, Adam J., Keith M. Prufer, and Brandon L. Drake 11 Analysis of “Charlie Chaplin” Figures in 2010 Assessing the Applicability of Portable X-ray 12 the Maya Lowlands. M.A. thesis, Depart- Fluorescence Spectrometry for Obsidian Prove- 13 ment of Anthropology, University of Central nance Research in the Maya Lowlands. Journal of 14 Florida. Archaeological Science 37:885–895. 15 16 Longstaffe, Matthew Stephen Nelson, Margaret C., Michelle Hegmon, Stephanie Kulow, 17 2011 Ancient Maya Site Core Settlement at Minanha, and Karen Gust Schollmeyer 18 Belize: Development, Integration, and Com- 2006 Archaeological and Ecological Perspectives on 19 munity Dynamics. M.A. thesis, Department of Reorganization: A Case Study from the Mimbres 20 Anthropology, Trent University. Region of the U.S. Southwest. American Antiquity 21 71:403–432 22 Longstaffe, Matthew, and Gyles Iannone 23 2011 Households and Social Trajectories: The Site Core Primrose, Ryan J. 24 Community at Minanha, Belize. Research Reports 2003 The Ancient Maya Water Management System 25 in Belizean Archaeology 8:45–59. at Minanha, West Central, Belize. M.A. thesis, 26 Department of Anthropology, Trent University. 27 Macrae, Scott, and Gyles Iannone 28 2011 Investigations of the Agricultural Terracing Sur- Pring, Duncan 29 rounding the Ancient Maya Center of Minanha, 1976 Outline of the Northern Belize Ceramic Sequence. 30 Belize. Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology Ceramica de Cultura Maya 9:11–42. 31 8:183–197. 32 Prufer, Keith M., Holley Moyes, Brendan J. Culleton, An- 33 Malpass, Michael A., and Sonia Alconini drew Kindon, and Douglas Kennett 34 2010 Distant Provinces in the Inka Empire: Toward a 2011 Uxbenka:´ The Development of a Complex Polity 35 Deeper Understanding of Inka Imperialism. Iowa in the Eastern Periphery of the Maya Lowlands, 36 City: University of Iowa Press. Latin American Antiquity 22(2): 199–223. 37 38 McCane, Carmen A., Scott A. Macrae, and Gyles Iannone Schortman, Edward E. 39 2010 A Consideration of the Spatial Arrangement of 1989 Interregional Interaction in Prehistory: The Need 40 Settlement Groups and Terraces in Contreras, for a New Perspective. American Antiquity 54(1): 41 Minanha, Belize. Research Reports in Belizean 52–65. 42 Archaeology 7:141–152. 43 Schortman, Edward E., and Patricia Urban 44 Menzies, Adam C. 1994 Living on the Edge: Core/Periphery Relations 45 2003 A Technological Analysis of the Obsidian As- in Ancient Southeastern Mesoamerica. Current 46 semblage from Minanha, Cayo District, Belize. Anthropology 35(4):401–430. 47 M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, Trent 48 University. Schwake, Sonja, and Gyles Iannone 49 2010 Ritual Remains and Social Memory: Maya Ex- 50 Moyes, Holley, Jaime J. Awe, George A. Brook, and James amples from West Central Belize. Ancient 51 W. Webster Mesoamerica 21(2):331–339. 52 2009 The Ancient Maya Drought Cult: Late Classic 53 Cave Use in Belize. Latin American Antiquity Sidrys, Raymond 54 20:175–206. 1976 Mesoamerica: An Archaeological Analysis if a 1 170 Gyles Iannone and et al. 2 3

4 Low-energy Civilization. Ph.D. dissertation, Walker, Brian, and David Salt 5 Department of Anthropology, University of 2006 Resilience Thinking: Sustaining Ecosystems and 6 California at Los Angeles. People in a Changing World. Washington, DC: 7 1983 Archeological Investigations in Northern Belize, Island Press. 8 Central America. Institute of Archaeology Mono- 2012 Resilience Practice: Building Capacity to Absorb 9 graph 17. Los Angeles: University of California at Disturbance and Maintain Function. London: 10 Los Angeles. Island Press. 11 12 Stein, Gil Walsh, Megan, Keith M. Prufer, Brendan J. Culleton, and 13 1999 Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, Douglas J. Kennett In press A Late Holocene 14 and Interaction in Uruk, Mesopotamia. Tucson: Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction from Agua 15 University of Arizona Press. Caliente, Southern Belize, Linked to Regional Cli- 16 mate Variability and Cultural Change at the Maya 17 Thompson, Amy, and Keith M. Prufer Polity of Uxbenka.´ Quaternary Research. 18 2013 Shifting Dynamics in the use of Space at Uxbenka.´ 19 Research Reports in Belizean Archaeology 10: Webster, James William, George A. Brook, L. Bruce Rails- 20 255–270 back, Hai Cheng, R. Lawrence Edwards, Clark 21 Alexander, and Philip P. Reeder 22 Turner, Nancy J., Iain J. Davidson-Hunt, and Michael 2007 Stalagmite Evidence from Belize Indicating Sig- 23 O’Flaherty nificant Droughts at the Time of the Preclassic 24 2003 Living on the Edge: Ecological and Cultural Abandonment, the Maya Hiatus, and the Classic 25 Edges as Sources of Diversity for Social– Maya Collapse. Paleogeography, Paleoclimatol- 26 Ecological Resilience. Human Ecology 31(3): ogy, and Paleoecology 250:1–17. 27 439–461. 28 Wells, E. Christian 29 Van Andel, T. H., and N. C. Runnels 2006 Recent Trends in Theorizing Prehispanic 30 1995 The Earliest Farmers in Europe. Antiquity 69:481– Mesoamerican Economies. Journal of Archaeo- 31 500. logical Research 14:265–312. 32 33 van der Leeuw, Sander Wells, Peter 34 2005 Climate, Hydrology, Land Use, and Environmental 2013 Rome Beyond Frontiers: Imports, Attitudes and 35 Degradation in the Lower Rhone Valley during the Practices, Journal of Roman Archaeology 36 Roman Period. C. R. Geoscience 337(1–2):9–27. Supplementary Series, 94. 37 2007 Information Processing and Its Role in the Rise of 38 the European World System. In Sustainability or Wright, A. C. S., D. H. Romney, R. H. Arbuckle, and V. E. 39 Collapse? An Intergrated History and Future of Vial 40 People on Earth. R. Costanza, L. J. Graumlich, and 1959 Land Use in British Honduras. Colonial Research 41 W. Steffan, eds. Pp. 213–241. Cambridge: MIT Publications, 24. London: Her Majesty’sStationary 42 Press. Office. 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54