Downloaded from Brill.Com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM Via Free Access

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Downloaded from Brill.Com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM Via Free Access III - ARCHEOLOGY Anne Kveim Lie - 9789042029446 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM via free access Anne Kveim Lie - 9789042029446 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM via free access Treatment Politics: The Rise of Radesyge Hospitals in Norway Anne Kveim Lie Abstract This chapter discusses the rise of the radesyge hospitals in Norway. It will be argued that the end of the 18th century constitutes a historical moment where systematic treatment of patients in hospitals is formulated as a condition of possibility for the first time in Norwegian history. The radesyge hospitals are medicalized in a sense that the treatment intention permeates the whole institution in an unprecedented way in Norway. Nevertheless, focusing on their establishment as part of a teleological process towards the modern health care system obscures historical specificities, for instance the fact that medical experience was performed according to a totally different epistemology. Key Words: History of medicine; radesyge ***** In 1771, Collegium Medicum, the highest administrative organ in health affairs in Denmark-Norway, wrote in a letter to the head of the diocese in southern Norway that a disease called Radesyge was threatening the southern part of Norway. [It] is so dangerous, common, contagious and devastating to the entire population, and in particular to the army, that no measures would be too fast, effective or serious to stop and eradicate this confounded plague, before it gains so much ground, that the extensiveness either makes assistance impossible, or at least difficult or insufficient.1 In the letter, the Collegium Medicum was referring to several concerned reports they had received from local doctors as well as from the head of the diocese in Kristiansand, Hans Hagerup. Hagerup had pointed out that the Anne Kveim Lie - 9789042029446 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM via free access 140 Treatment Politics: The Rise of Radesyge Hospitals in Norway ______________________________________________________________ disease increasingly spread out in his diocese, and that if no measures were taken more than the half of the population would be wrecked.2 What was this disease called radesyge? It is now largely forgotten, and hardly a word in the present Norwegian vocabulary. From about 1760 to about 1840, however, the disease was considered a major health problem in Norway. It was perceived as an important threat to society, not because it killed people, but because it ‘destroyed’ them. Originally, the concept Radesyge was probably a juxtaposition of the words Rade and Syge. Syge signified disease in Danish (sjuge in Norwegian), but the word rade was not a common word in contemporary Danish-Norwegian. The district surgeon Daniel Touscher told the Collegium Medicum, the highest administrative organ in health affairs, about the origin of the word in a letter from 1774: The word Rade has probably not been known for a long time, but the peasants have, especially in a few places in Lister county, embraced this word, fabricated in their own community, to describe a thing they consider harmful, evil or mean. For instance: a rada man, an evil man; a rada thing, a mean, harmful thing; a rada mare, a miserable, bad and obstinate mare, etc. Radesyge is, according to the peasant’s understanding, a wicked and evil disease, which he, from its circumstances and consequences, considers a bad and almost untreatable disease.3 Hence in the beginning the word Radesyge probably signified an affliction that made ugly or evil. The patients suffering from Radesyge had deep ulcers on the whole body. The disease could also attack the mucous membranes and in advanced cases the skeleton, causing considerable deformities. Most authors describe an initial phase with catarrhalia, bone pains and light fevers.4 The disease only gradually made its appearance, and often a great time span had elapsed before the victims became seriously ill. The nose and throat was frequently attacked, causing facial malformations and progressive difficulties in eating and drinking. According to most sources, untreated patients had to die a slow death, and walk around as ‘living carcasses’, a metaphor frequently used.5 The nature of the disease remains unknown, although a series of articles has practiced the retrospective diagnosis of tertiary syphilis.6 However, retrospective diagnosis remains a difficult genre,7 and radesyge is an especially good example of this.8 Radesyge attracted considerable attention in the 100 years it haunted Norway. It was the subject of the first medical publications in a Norwegian setting,9 and of the first dissertation ever at the new University of Christiania Anne Kveim Lie - 9789042029446 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM via free access Anne Kveim Lie 141 ______________________________________________________________ (present-day Oslo) in 1817.10 The problem Radesyge was also met with a substantial amount of state initiatives. On the one hand, in this period a number of new medical officers were employed, largely to deal with this problem.11 On the other hand, several so-called Radesyge-hospitals were founded, 16 in all, the first hospitals in Norway with a therapeutic intention.12 Most of them later became the new municipality hospitals in the middle of the 19th century. In this article, I will discuss the rise of the radesyge hospitals in the 1770s. The history of these hospitals has never been written, although in all reference works their constitution in passing is emphasized as one of the key events in Norwegian medical history.13 In these accounts the radesyge hospitals are highlighted as important elements in the scientific development in Norwegian medical history, and as steps towards a more rational health care system in Norway. The historian Ole Moseng attributes the development of the Norwegian health care system in general and the hospital system in particular largely to the radesyge endemic, and claims that it was ‘the modern hospital system which developed in Norway during the last decades of the 18th century’.14 These hospitals are ‘modern’ according to Moseng primarily because for the first time treatment, and not care, was the prime objective of the stay in the hospital. He has, however, not conducted empirical studies of these hospitals. In what follows, I will explore the question of the development of the radesyge hospitals a bit further and ask: If these hospitals are so different, in what sense can they be said to be so? And in what sense may one talk of a curative intention in these hospitals? 1. Radesyge and Enlightenment Medical Politics: ‘Incapable and Harmful Subjects’ Norway had by the time Collegium Medicum wrote their letter, only 5 officially appointed physicians, one in each diocese.15 To that can be added about nine master and 25 journeymen surgeons, and five to six physicians in private practice, but in any case the country, which at that time was consisting of about 800 000 inhabitants,16 was very sparsely covered with medical personnel.17 The Norwegian peasantry had until then had little contact with medical authorities. In the diocese of Christiansand, there was only one officially appointed physician, and he seemed quite uninterested in visiting the rural areas.18 The quacks dominated the medical marketplace in eighteenth century Norway. Therefore it was not at all obvious that the radesyge problem had to be dealt with by the construction of hospitals, let alone extra doctors. Actually something rather extraordinary happened with the radesyge endemic, which probably was a combination of timing and the reported dramatic features of Anne Kveim Lie - 9789042029446 Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 03:29:43AM via free access 142 Treatment Politics: The Rise of Radesyge Hospitals in Norway ______________________________________________________________ the disease. The latter half of the 18th century was definitely a period of increasing focus on disease as a problem demanding collective action.19 The problem of the poor was included within the general issue of the health of populations, and charitable aid was largely replaced by a more general form of a ‘medical police’.20 The improvement of each body’s utility now became an important factor in public health policy, and, at a state level, the physical health of the population was considered a relevant factor for economic management. That a health policy which regards the subjects’ utility for the state of greatest relevance was prominent also in Denmark-Norway can be seen from the following statements from one of the members of the Collegium Medicum: ‘A disease which creates so many incapable, even harmful subjects, cannot quickly enough be eradicated, and every parsimony that postpones the general treatment must be considered most harmful’.21 The radesyge was regarded as incapacitating, chronic and contagious (although there was disagreement on this last point) and it was threatening to afflict an ever larger amount of the peasantry in the diocese, and ultimately Norway’s inhabitants in general. Therefore, this disease was considered of importance also for the authorities in Copenhagen. 2. The Question of Hospitals in the International Debate The late 18th century met with a new awareness of the utility of medical treatment. The question was not any longer whether medical treatment was useful, but how such treatment could best be administered. Should it be given at home or in special institutions? An extensive debate was conducted in
Recommended publications
  • (Modern Philosophy) Part I: Fichte to Hegel 9. Walter Benjamin, Der
    Notes 1 Idealism and the Justification of the Image 1. J.G. Fichte, The Vocation of Man (New York: Bobbs Merrill, 1956), p.80 (adapted). 2. Idem, The Science of Knowledge (New York: Appleton, Century Crofts, 1970), p.188. 3. Fichte (1956), pp.81f. 4. Ibid., pp.98f. 5. Ibid., pp.124f. 6. Ibid., p.147. 7. For example, the so-called 'Atheismusstreit'. See: F. Copleston, A History of Philosophy, Vol. V, II (Modern Philosophy) Part I: Fichte to Hegel (New York: Doubleday, 1965), pp.lOOff. 8. Friedrich Schlegel, Kritische Schriften (Miinchen: Carl Hanser, 1956), p.46. 9. Walter Benjamin, Der Begriff der Kunstkritik in der Deutschen Romantik in Gesammelten Schriften 1:1 (Frankfurt am Main, 1972), p.26. 10. Quoted in Benjamin (1972), p.37. 11. F. Schlegel, Lucinde (Stuttgart: Reclam, 1963), p.35. 12. F.J.W. Schelling, System of Transcendental Idealism (Charlottesville: Uni­ versity of Viriginia Press, 1978), p.219. 13. Ibid., p.232. 14. Henrik Steffens, Inledning til Philosophiske Forelasninger i K9benhavn (1803) (New edn) K0benhavn: Gyldendal, 1905), p.21. 15. Ibid., pp.21f. 16. Ibid., p.22. 17. One of the best summaries of Grundtvig's thought in English remains E.L. Allen, Bishop Grundtvig: A Prophet of the North (London: James Clarke, 1949). James Clarke have also published (more recently) an anthology of Grundtvig's writings. A sign of increasing Anglo-Saxon awareness of Grundtvig's significance is the recently formed Anglo­ Danish conference Grundtvig and England. 18. Henning Fenger, Kierkegaard: The Myths and Their Origins (Newhaven: Yale University Press, 1980), p.84. 19.
    [Show full text]
  • Speculative Geology
    15 Speculative Geology DALE E. SNOW We are not at peace with nature now. Whether it is the record-setting rain on the east coast or the raging wildfires in the west, distant news of melting permafrost or bleaching coral reefs, or the unexpected eruption of Mount Kilauea a few miles from here, things seem increasingly, and increasingly violently, out of control. I would like to suggest that there are resources in Schelling’s Naturphilosophie we can use in the twenty-first century to help us think differently about both the power of nature and our own relationship to it. Although Schelling saw himself, and was seen by many, as antagonistic toward the mechanical science of his own time, it would be a mistake—and a missed opportunity—to see his view as a mere Romantic reaction. It is a speculative rethinking of the idea of nature itself that finds a place for even those phenomena which seem most distant and alien. Schelling described his philosophy of nature as “speculative physics” both to distinguish it from what he calls the dogmatic or mechanistic model of nature, and to announce a new approach to natural science, concerned with the original causes of motion in nature (SW III: 275). Since every “natural phenomenon … stands in connection with the last conditions of nature” (SW III: 279), speculative physics can bring us to an understanding of nature as a system. Geology presents an illuminating case of this approach, as can be seen from Schelling’s characteristically enthusiastic introduction to a paper published by Henrik Steffens in Schelling’sJournal of Speculative Physics (Zeitschrift für speculative Physik) on the oxidization and deoxidization of the earth.1 After praising Steffens’ work on a new and better founded science of geology, Schelling reflects darkly on the too long dominant mechanical approach to geology.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
    A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term
    [Show full text]
  • The Idea of the University by Henrik Steffens (1809)
    Henrik Steffens held these talks in 1808/1809 in the time of Napoleon’s occupation. The Emperor had just lifted his ban on university teaching. This was, amazingly enough, the formative time of Berlin University, an enterprise that would involve Steffens, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Friedrich Schleiermacher, Savigny and others. The lectures here were addressed to the students, not the administration or the prevailing governmental authorities. That in itself was quite a statement in these times. To Steffens, a university wasn’t supposed to be merely a trade school, but a place that opened you up, allowed you to blossom as an individual and helped you to learn to embrace the things of this world. We bring here in English, his first talk on the theme of what a university might be. --TCR The Idea of the University by Henrik Steffens (1809) Introduction These lectures were held at the commencement of the winter semester 1808/1809. Illness and various duties have, until now, prevented me from putting them into their current form. As my lectures are always extemporaneous, the reader will not find an exact reproduction of them but rather the succession of the ideas they contained. An esteemed person from abroad has spoken about the qualities of German Universities, as they must appear to a foreigner. One of the foremost minds of this nation has elaborated on the theme, deepening our understanding of it as it applies to this country1. It seems to me by no means superfluous to give the students themselves information about academic learning.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading the Surface: the Danish Gothic of B.S. Ingemann, H.C
    Reading the Surface: The Danish Gothic of B.S. Ingemann, H.C. Andersen, Karen Blixen and Beyond Kirstine Marie Kastbjerg A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Marianne Stecher. Chair Jan Sjaavik Marshall Brown Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Scandinavian Studies ©Copyright 2013 Kirstine Marie Kastbjerg Parts of chapter 7 are reprinted by permission of the publishers from “The Aesthetics of Surface: the Danish Gothic 1820-2000,” in Gothic Topographies ed. P.M. Mehtonen and Matti Savolainen (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), pp. 153–167. Copyright © 2013 University of Washington Abstract Reading the Surface: The Danish Gothic of B.S. Ingemann, H.C. Andersen, Karen Blixen and Beyond Kirstine Marie Kastbjerg Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor in Danish Studies Marianne Stecher Department of Scandinavian Studies Despite growing ubiquitous in both the popular and academic mind in recent years, the Gothic has, perhaps not surprisingly, yet to be examined within the notoriously realism-prone literary canon of Denmark. This dissertation fills that void by demonstrating an ongoing negotiation of Gothic conventions in select works by canonical Danish writers such as B.S. Ingemann, Hans Christian Andersen, and Karen Blixen (Isak Dinesen), as well as contemporary writers such as Peter Høeg and Leonora Christina Skov. This examination does not only broaden our understanding of these culturally significant writers and the discourses they write within and against, it also adds to our understanding of the Gothic – an infamously malleable and indefinable literary mode – by redirecting attention to a central feature of the Gothic that has not received much critical attention: the emphasis on excess, spectacle, clichéd conventions, histrionic performances, its hyperbolic rhetorical style, and hyper-visual theatricality.
    [Show full text]
  • Vor Berømte Landsmand – Seminar Om Henrik Steffens«, Universität Stavanger 18./19 September 2019
    Janke Klok (Berlin/Groningen) über: »Vor berømte landsmand – Seminar om Henrik Steffens«, Universität Stavanger 18./19 September 2019 Tagungsbericht Das Seminar war als Auftakt für die Feierlichkeiten zum 250. Geburtstag von Henrik Steffens (1773–1845) in Stavanger im Jahr 2023 konzipiert und fand im Rahmen vom Kapittel statt, Stavangers jährlichem internationalen Festival für Literatur und Meinungsfreiheit (18.–22. September 2019). Ganz bewusst hatten die Veranstalter mit Blick auf das Jubiläum des Philosophen sich an ein breiteres Publikum gewandt, schließlich ist Steffens auch in seiner Geburtsstadt Stavanger eine relativ unbekannte Größe. Neuausgaben und Monografien belegen jedoch in den letzten Jahren (ebenso wie die beiden vorhergehenden Steffens-Seminare 2017 in Oslo und 2018 in Berlin) ein zunehmendes Interesse an Steffens – und dieses Interesse sollte in Stavanger weiter geweckt werden. Vor unerwartet großem und aufmerksamem Publikum versuchten der norwegische Schriftsteller TORE RENBERG sowie dänische, deutsche und norwegische Forscher_innen den Naturphilosophen, Novellenautor und politischen Professor einzusortieren, taucht er doch in der Philosophiegeschichte allenfalls als ein Begleiter Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schellings und in der Literaturwissenschaft als derjenige auf, der die Romantik nach Dänemark gebracht haben soll. Tore Renberg eröffnete in seiner ihm eigenen bekannten Art das Symposium: »Koffor i hekkan ska me bry oss om Henrik Steffens i dag, egentlig?« (»Warum zum Teufel soll ich mir eigentlich heute noch etwas aus Henrik Steffens machen?«) Auf seine Frage nach der Bedeutung von Henrik Steffens für die europäische Philoso- phie- und Kulturgeschichte gingen anschließend vier Wissenschaftler_innen ein. BERND HENNINGSEN (Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin) beleuchtete Henrik Steffens’ politische Bedeutung: »Henrik Steffens – en altmuligmann i omveltningstider. En innføring« (»Henrik Steffens – ein ›Mann für alles Mögliche‹ in Umbruchzeiten.
    [Show full text]
  • Lutheran Revival and National Education in Denmark: the Religious Background of N
    Scandinavica Vol 58 No 1 2019 Lutheran Revival and National Education in Denmark: The Religious Background of N. F. S. Grundtvig’s Educational Ideas Grażyna Szelągowska Warsaw University Abstract N. F. S. Grundtvig’s idea of national education has usually been regarded as a part of the history of adult education or as a complex of national ideas. This article takes into consideration that Grundtvig was first and foremost a clergyman, a founder of grundtvigianism and of the Grundtvigian revival movement. It presents a new perspective on the Lutheran background of Grundtvig’s educational programme, and its impact on the shaping of a civic society in Denmark. A religious revival which Grundtvig underwent during the first decades of the nineteenth century shaped the background of his educational programmes. Keywords N. F. S. Grundtvig, Lutheran revival, Grundtvigianism, national education, education in Denmark 6 Scandinavica Vol 58 No 1 2019 Introduction The nineteenth–century modernisation process in the Scandinavian countries has usually been presented as an example of a rather unique interplay of various agents: a peaceful transition from absolutist to democratic systems, the emergence of a free market economy, a crucial role for the state and the development of the underpinnings of the Nordic welfare model, a special position for the Lutheran churches, a wide spectrum of various popular movements, and the growth of civic society. The process of building a modern national identity is common to all those forms of modernisation, however different in particular Nordic countries. Romantic philosophy, with its sympathy for nationality and national identity (and even the idea of a new Nordic union: Scandinavianism), constituted a basis for the emergence of nineteenth–century social movements like national and pan–national organisations, popular education and folk high schools.
    [Show full text]
  • Henrik Steffens
    Henrik Steffens (1779 bis 1845) als Lehrer der Mineralogie und Geologie an der Universität Halle und sein Ausscheiden aus dieser Lehranstall1 Von Walter Steiner Mit 8 Abbildungen (Eingegangen am 17. Juli 1969) An der halleschen Universität haben seit ihrer Gründung im Jahre 1694 natur­ kundliche Fragen, und speziell geologische und mineralogische, stets eine Rolle ge­ spielt. Anfangs waren es vornehmlich Mediziner, wie Friedrich Hoffmann (1616 bis 1742)" und der flei.fjig sammelnde Johann Friedrich Gottlieb Goldhagen (1742 bis 1788)" - die sich mineralogischer Beschäftigung rühmen konnten. Aber schon 1780 trug eine Persönlichkeit an der halleschen Universität den Titel eines .Professors 4 philosophiae ordinario und Specie der Naturgeschichte und Mineralogie" • Es war der Weltumsegler Johann Reinhold Forster (1729 -1798)5, der einen 1 Zum 125. Todestag von H. Steffens im Jahre 1970. 2 Friedrich Hoffmann (1616-1742). Von 1693-1742 Professorprimarius für Medizin an der Universität Halle. Hielt Vorlesungen über Anatomie, Chirurgie, praktische Medizin. Physik und Chemie. Besitzer eines Naturalienkabinetts. Sehr bekannt geworden durch die nach ihm benannten Hoffmanns-Tropfen und die Erschlie(jung der Lauchstädter Heil­ quellen. 3 Johann Friedrich Gottlieb Goldhagen (1742-1788) . 1769 zum Professor Philosophiae et Historia naturalis ordinarius ernannt; damit erstmals eine naturkundliche Professur an der philosoph. Fakultät. Er lit!st u. a. Naturgeschichte, Mineralogie und Lithologie. Be­ sitzer eines bedeutenden Naturalienkabinetts, das zum Grundstein sowohl der mineralo­ gisch-geologischen als auch der zoologischen Universitätssammlung wurde. 1788 stirbt er im 46. Lebensjahr an Typhus (s. Kaiser, W. & Krosch, K. H.: Zur Geschichte der Medi­ zinischen Fakultät der Universität Halle im 18. Jahrhundert: Johann Friedrich Gottlieb Goldhagen (1742-1788) und Friedrich Albert Kar! Gren (1760-1798) .
    [Show full text]
  • Essays on Scandinavian Literature
    Essays On Scandinavian Literature By Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen Essays On Scandinavian Literature BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON I Björnstjerne Björnson is the first Norwegian poet who can in any sense be called national. The national genius, with its limitations as well as its virtues, has found its living embodiment in him. Whenever he opens his mouth it is as if the nation itself were speaking. If he writes a little song, hardly a year elapses before its phrases have passed into the common speech of the people; composers compete for the honor of interpreting it in simple, Norse-sounding melodies, which gradually work their way from the drawing-room to the kitchen, the street, and thence out over the wide fields and highlands of Norway. His tales, romances, and dramas express collectively the supreme result of the nation's experience, so that no one to- day can view Norwegian life or Norwegian history except through their medium. The bitterest opponent of the poet (for like every strong personality he has many enemies) is thus no less his debtor than his warmest admirer. His speech has stamped itself upon the very language and given it a new ring, a deeper resonance. His thought fills the air, and has become the unconscious property of all who have grown to manhood and womanhood since the day when his titanic form first loomed up on the horizon of the North. It is not only as their first and greatest poet that the Norsemen love and hate him, but also as a civilizer in the widest sense. But like Kadmus, in Greek myth, he has not only brought with him letters, but also the dragon-teeth of strife, which it is to be hoped will not sprout forth in armed men.
    [Show full text]
  • Kierkegaard and the Limits of Thought
    1 Kierkegaard and the Limits of Thought Daniel Watts Whereof we cannot speak, thereof we have just contradicted ourselves. (Graham Priest) The ultimate can be reached only as limit. (Søren Kierkegaard) Graham Priest’s Beyond the Limits of Thought (Priest 2001) parades an eclectic line-up of thinkers to show how the history of philosophy has been shaped by the spectre of paradoxes at the limits of thought. One name that is missing from Priest’s line-up is ‘Søren Kierkegaard’. This omission is something of a surprise, especially given Hegel’s centrality in the book and its (second- edition) inclusion of Heidegger and Derrida. For, Kierkegaard’s writings are famous for nothing if not the way they involve such notions as ‘the absurd’, ‘the incomprehensible’ and ‘the Absolute Paradox’ and for their opposition to Hegelian ‘mediation’. But one can appreciate why an author might hesitate to venture something pithy about Kierkegaard on the limits of thought. For one thing, there is a real question whether we are supposed to take at all seriously talk of ‘the Absolute Paradox’ and the like in his enigmatic and often playful texts. And, as we shall see, the critics are so far from consensus in this regard as to associate Kierkegaard with nearly every imaginable view. I hope in this essay to help illuminate Kierkegaard’s place in the history of thinking about the limits of thought. I shall concentrate in the first instance on his treatment of the idea that 2 Christianity cannot be thought or understood. I shall begin by showing how this idea is ostensibly advanced by the pseudonymous work, Philosophical Fragments; and how this text positively courts the threat of self-referential incoherence in this connection.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    u Ottawa L'Universite canadienne Canada's university ITTTT FACULTE DES ETUDES SUPERIEURES 1^=1 FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND ET POSTOCTORALES u Ottawa POSDOCTORAL STUDIES L'Universite eanadieime Canada's university Devin Zane Shaw "AUfEMDErATHESETAUTHORWTHESIS"" Ph.D. (Philosophy) GRADE/DEGREE Department of Philosophy FACULTE, ECOLE, DEPARTEMEW7 FACULTY, SCHOOL, DEPARTMENT Freedom and Nature in Schelling's Philosophy of Art TITRE DE LA THESE / TITLE OF THESIS Jeffrey Reid DIRECTEUR (DIRECTRICE) DE LA THESE/ THESIS SUPERVISOR CO-DIRECTEUR (CO-DIRECTRICE) DE LA THESE / THESIS CO-SUPERVISOR Frederick Beiser (Syracuse University) Denis Dumas Douglas Moggach Sonia Sikka Gary W. Slater Le Doyen de la Faculte des etudes superieures et postdoctorales / Dean of the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies Freedom and Nature in Schelling's Philosophy of Art Devin Zane Shaw Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the PhD degree in Philosophy Department of Philosophy Faculty of the Arts University of Ottawa © Devin Zane Shaw, Ottawa, Canada, 2009 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-61259-0 Our Tile Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-61259-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library
    [Show full text]
  • Essay Review Romantic Life and Science
    ANNALS OF SCIENCE Vol. 62, No. 3, July 2005, 377–385 Essay Review Romantic Life and Science ROBERT J. RICHARDS, The Romantic Conception of Life: Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002. xix + 587 pp., 5 plates $35.00 (cloth) $20.00 (paper). ISBN 0-226-71210-9 (cloth). Reviewed by E. P. HAMM, Science and Technology Studies Program, School of Analytic Studies and Information Technology, York University, Toronto, Ontario M3J 1P3, Canada Romance has for some time been a term of dubious associations. In the seventeenth century, Thomas Burnet decried those critics who would call his Theory of the Earth a ‘Philosophik Romance’; in the eighteenth century, Buffon did just that, and before too long, his theory of the Earth was the subject of the same epithet. By 1780, the early days of the era of Romanticism (so early that it was not yet being called that), Goethe, an admirer of Buffon’s theory, commented with delicate irony: perhaps Buffon really had ‘written a Romance . for it is only by means of the Romance that the worthy public learns of extraordinary things’.1 Burnet’s ‘Romance’, Buffon’s ‘roman’ and Goethe’s ‘Roman’ refer to fanciful tales of military prowess and chivalry. Soon, a group of people close to Goethe would claim this word for themselves, and since that time there has been learned debate about the meaning of Romanticism. In everyday speech, there is more agreement: to say someone has a ‘romantic’ view of the French Revolution, or the lives of indigenous peoples, or international relations, or most anything else serious, amounts to saying the view will not stand up to criticism, is not well-founded, is a fantasy.
    [Show full text]