The Plague Which Hit the City of Bologna in the Year 1630

Le Infezioni in Medicina, n. 1, 145-156, 2021 INFECTIONS IN THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 145

The plague which hit the city of Bologna in the year 1630

Sergio Sabbatani1, Sirio Fiorino2, Roberto Manfredi3 1Infectious Diseases Specialist; 2 Internal Medicine, Budrio Hospital, Azienda USL di Bologna, Bologna, Italy; 3Infectious Disease Institute, Policlinico S. Orsola-Malpighi, Bologna University, Bologna, Italy

SUMMARY In the year 1630, similarly to other cities of Northern were organized outside of the city walls and relevant Italy, Bologna was affected by a plague epidemic. It oc- sums supported the clean operation of over 3,000 hous- curred after the arrival of Lansquenet troops, engaged es. The city Senate sustained the poor population with a by the Emperor Frederick II in the siege of Mantua city. sum of 700,000 lire and grain donations. Even if the loss The human losses have been calculated by the historian of human lives was high, it resulted not so dramatic, demographer Bellettini in the terms of around 15,000 compared with that paid by other Italian cities. From people, so that the number of inhabitants in Bologna a cultural point of view, according to the belief of the declined from 62,000 to 47,000 units in the time span scientific knowledge of that time, the miasmatic theo- of 7-8 months. Initially, during the winter and the early ries were still considered satisfactory, although in the spring, although the plague epidemic had been known common practice the people who could leave the city after that it involved many cities close to Bologna (i.e. escaped from Bologna, in order to avoid the contagion. Turin, Milan, Venice, Genoa and Verona), the popula- We can argue that the impact of the epidemic was re- tion tried to keep the epidemic hidden, being afraid that duced by means of the organizational approach with commerce exchanged could be affected by this event. strict isolation measures for sick persons, the closing of Later, starting from the month of May, under the guid- the city walls in the urban areas more affected by the ance of cardinal Bernardino Spada, cooperating with the plague, and finally a sanctionatory and punitive ap- numerous religious orders and in particular with the proach for individuals, who disregarded the applied one of Camillians, the city reacted, launching an orga- rules. nization effort which significantly aided in the contain- ment of the plague epidemic. A number of Lazzarettos Keywords: Plague, Landsknechts, infectious diseases.

n INTRODUCTION plague epidemic. In particular, Moreschi in a paper written around 300 years after the events, pro- n a previous research of ours we retrieved some posed an estimate of around 12,000 people dead in Idocuments catalogued and kept at the State Ar- the year 1527; the city at that time hosted around chives of Bologna and we re-assessed the historic- 55,000 inhabitants [2, 3]. Such a relevant amount of demographic figures of the Bologna city popula- deaths was expected to cause a true slaughter and tion published by Bellettini in 1960s, with the pur- this massacre should have determined a severe de- pose to study the events occurred in the city of Bo- mographic impact with secondary effects causing logna and its surroundings in the year 1527 [1, 2]. a huge decline of the city over the entire century. The authors, who did not live during those times, Actually, such a decline was not recorded by the reported that in the year 1527, the city of Bologna local chronicles. From a research of ours conducted and its neighbourhood had been involved by a at the State Archive of Bologna no documents had been retrieved, including in particular laws and municipal orders, pointing out particular health Corresponding author alerts during the year 1527 and in the following Sergio Sabbatani years [1]. The historian demography published E-mail: [email protected] by Bellettini did not show a deflection of Bologna 146 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi 4

population in the first half of the XVI century; on the contrary the population remained indeed sta- ble, showing a demographic increase during the decade 1580-1590 [2]. In summary, our research showed that in the year 1527 a small plague epidemic occurred. It involved some families, living in one of most peripheral and of the poorest urban area, very close to the city walls, which was named Borgo di San Pietro (St. Peter district). This introduction becomes interesting in the perspective of a study on the tragic epidemic, which scourged Bo- logna during the year 1630. In the year 1527, probably due to the fear of the plague diffusion (after the Lansquenets invasion the entire Italy had been scourged by this infectious disease together with the famine following war events), the activity of a Fraternity of believers of Our Lady had emerged and had consolidated. It had been founded a few years before. Briefly, ten years before, in the year 1527, the devotion of the residents, living in the small St. Peter district had inspired the construction of a small church, located just near the city walls [4]. This church was built in the same place where a wooden statue of the Blessed Virgin, sculpted in the XIII century, had been located. According83 to Figure 1 - Title page of the complete collection of all the tradition, just the health risk led to the flour- public notices, orders, and provisions. ishment of the worship of Our Lady, concurrently with the increase of the charitable activities of84 the Figure 1 - Title page of the complete collection of all public notices, orders, and provisions. Brotherhoods of believers in the city. Starting from Moratti also considered the documents produced 1527, this worship extended to the whole city of by the city Magistrature, and the memories writ- Bologna. Later, The Holy Virgin of the St. Peter 85dis - ten by the physicians who were engaged during trict was called Madonna del Soccorso, (Our Lady the plague epidemic and left their testimonial [6] of the Rescue) and the small church took the same (Figure1). name. 86 AnotherAnother ecclesiastical ecclestiastical writer, writer,Father Luigi Father da Gat Luigi- da Gatteo, after around three centuries carried out his teo, after around three centuries carried out his The plague epidemic in Bologna, in the year 163087 searchsearch, ,by by consulting consulting the available the available bibliographic bibliographic documents, and the archive sources. This priest In the city of Bologna, the witness and chronicler documents, and the archive sources. This priest of facts was an Abbot of the Celestines’ monas88 - wrotewrote an an essay essay where wh heere reported he reported the acts ofthe the acts of the Magistrature, the health care providers, and the try, Father Pietro Moratti [5]. Beyond his person- Magistrature, the health care providers, and the al witness and that of citizens who escaped89 the correspondencecorrespondence kept kept with thewith Rome the embassy Rome [7]. embassy [7]. In the fight against the plague epidemic in plague epidemic, he reported data from all large In the fight against the plague epidemic in Bo- and small documents produced at that time. First90 Bologna,logna, during during the year the 1630, year a relevant 1630, role a wasrelevant role was played by the cardinal Bernardino Spada of all, we remind the collection of public notices played by the cardinal Bernardino Spada (Bri- and laws promulgated during the critical period91 (Brisighellasighella 1594-Roma 1594 1661).-Roma This 1661). high prelate This washigh prelate was present and active during the entire period of when, under the guidance of the Cardinal Ber- present and active during the entire period of the nardino Spada1, the city activated all its resourc92 - theplague plague scourge, scourge, coordinating coordinating the efforts aimed the effortsto aimed to limit the contagion and working to help the es in order to face the epidemic scourge, Father limit the contagion and working to help the poor- 93 poorerer population, population, forced toforced remain to in remain the city. inThe the city. The cardinal Spada was able to rely on the work of 1Collection of all public notices, laws and provisions cardinal Spada was able to rely on the work of the released for the city of Bologna in the event of contagion,94 theCamillian Camillian fathers, fathers, who were who present were in present the city in the city with a comunity of around 20 priests (professed present and imminent, Bologna, 1631. with a comunity of around 20 priests (professed 95 members, students, and some oblates); the Superior of Camillian order was represented by Father 96 Giovanni Battista Campana from Rome, aged 28 years only. During the 7 months of the epidemic 97 the majority of Bologna inhabitants could not take refuge in the countryside or in the numerous 98 mansions located in the near hills and mountains, differently from nobles and rich people belonging 99 to the merchant classes. If cardinal Spada took his place, the behaviour of the Cardinal legate 100 Antonio Barberini (Pope Urbano VIII’s nephew), was less commendable, since he escaped to 101 Bertinoro2 and remained there during the entire period of the epidemic. All Magistrates, physicians,

2Bertinoro, a small town on the Romagna hills, is located at around 12 km from Cesena city centre, and 15 km far from Forlì. 4

102 health care personnel and Lazaretto officers asked for a guidance to the Cardinal Spada. He was the 103 highest religious authority of the city and exerted as vicarious the politic power too. The Cardinal 104 Spada kept all contacts with the Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who informed the Pope of Rome on 105 the course of the scourge. In brief, should a direction be recognised in the contrast of plague 106 epidemic during the year 1630, this role was played by the Cardinal Bernardino Spada (Figure 2). Plague in Bologna in the year 1630 147 107

nal Francesco Barberini, who informed the Pope of Rome on the course of the scourge. In brief, should a direction be recognised in the contrast of plague epidemic during the year 1630, this role was played by the Cardinal Bernardino Spada (Figure 2). In his important volume “la Peste a Bologna nel 1630” [8] Brighetti notices that Cardinal Spada did not have “come il suo confratello nella Sacra porpora Federico Borromeo, un Manzoni a tessere le meritevoli lodi… (in the same way as his confrere in the Sacred purple Federico Borromeo, a writer like Manzoni to weave the deserving praise)”. Dr. Ambrosini, who hardly worked in Bologna during the epidemic, wrote: “A noi vi- venti e posteri la sua prudenza, la solerzia e la vigilanza nella peste lo mostrano come stella fulgidissima della Chiesa cattolica (“To us living and to the posterity his prudence, diligence and vigilance in the plague show him as a shining star of the Catholic Church”) [9]. Mariani, turning to him in Latin wrote: “Tum est, ne ulterius per Aemil- iam expatria, longo ordine ad septem Colles altius 108 triumphatura processit. Debent hoc tibi tot gentes, Figure 2 - The Cardinal Bernardino Spada (by Guido et populi ipsaque rerum caput Roma, si hoc virus Reni, 1631, in Galleria Spada, Rome). Lernao contumacius inter tuas manus espiravi”3. 109 Figure 2 - The Cardinal Bernardino SpadaDuring the(by 31 Guido months Reni, of the plague1631, risk in Galleriain Bo- Spada, Rome). logna, Bernardino Spada published and made members, students, and some oblates); the Supe- executive even 44 public notices, 20 orders, 13 110 rior of Camillian order was represented by Father notifications, 5 provisions, 4 edicts, 4 advices, 2 Giovanni Battista Campana from Rome, aged 28 instructions and one exhortation [6]. The Camil- years only. During the 7 months of the epidem- lian friars helped him, giving a caritative sup- ic the majority of Bologna inhabitants could not port to people affected by plague. Overall, nine 111 take Inrefuge his in important the countryside volume or in the “ lanumerous Peste a BolognaCamillian friarsnel 1630 dead ”from [8] plagueBrighetti in Bologna, notices that Cardinal Spada did mansions located in the near hills and mountains, but also other friars acquired the disease. The 112 differentlynot have from nobles“come and il rich suo people confratello belonging nellCamilliansa Sacra alsoporpora covered Federic the placeo Borromeo,of the four un Manzoni a tessere le to the merchant classes. Cardinal Spada took his general Visitors, one for every city district: they 113 place,meritevoli whereas the lodibehavoiur… (in of the Cardinal same way leg- ashad his the confrere power to inmake the executive Sacred all purple the dispo Federico- Borromeo, a writer ate Antonio Barberini (Pope Urbano VIII’s neph- sitions of the Assunteria [11]. Beyond Cardinal 114 ew), likewas lessManzoni commendable, to weave since he theescaped deserving to Spada, praise) among”. the Dr. high A prelatesmbrosini, Monsignor who Al hardly- worked in Bologna Bertinoro2 and remained there during the entire bergati remained in the city. Furthermore, some 115 period of the epidemic. All Magistrates, physi- people also transferred to Bologna, while the cians,duri healthng care the personnel epidemic, and Lazarettowrote: officers“A noi viventiplague eepidemic posteri was la suastill prudenza,in full expansion. la solerzia e la vigilanza nella asked for a guidance to the Cardinal Spada. He Thanks to a letter written on April 27th, 1630, we 116 was pestethe highest lo mostranoreligious authority come of stella the city fulgidissima and know that della Camillian Chiesa Fathers cattolica from Rome (“ desiredTo us living and to the posterity exerted as vicarious the politic power too. The to “come and work for the health of both souls and 117 Cardinalhis Spadaprudence, kept all diligencecontacts with and the Cardivigilance- in the plague show him as a shining star of the Catholic 3Ruinarum Romae. Epigrammata extantium vel in sacra 118 2Bertinoro,Church”) a small [9] town. Mariani, on the Romagna turning hills, to is himloca in transformatarum Latin wrote: anno “iubileiTum 1625 est,, quoted ne ulterius in his per Aemiliam expatria, located at around 12 km from Cesena city centre, and presentation dedicated to Cardinal Spada, published 119 15 kmlongo far from ordine Forlì. ad septem Colles altiusagain triumphatura in Bologna, in an enlargedprocessit. version Debentin the year 1641.hoc tibi tot gentes, et populi 120 ipsaque rerum caput Roma, si hoc virus Lernao contumacius inter tuas manus espiravi”3. During 121 the 31 months of the plague risk in Bologna, Bernardino Spada published and made executive even

3Ruinarum Romae. Epigrammata extantium vel in sacra loca transformatarum anno iubilei 1625, quoted in his presentation dedicated to Cardinal Spada, published again in Bologna, in an enlarged version in the year 1641. 5

148 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi

bodies”. The Cardinal Francesco Barberini wrote lies5. The year 1630 was a tragic year because of the following words from Castelgandolfo: “The the plague epidemic. This outbreak was named General of Fathers, Ministre of sick people, immedi- “peste del Manzoni” (Manzoni’s plague), which ately after receiving the letter from your Excellency, has been masterly described by the best Italian was himself determined to come to Bologna to serve writer of the XIX century Alessandro Manzoni), in the local Lazarettos, but as he lacked a favourable in his masterpiece, the novel “I Promessi Spo- opinion by his counsellors, he ordered to two priests si”. As reknown, the pestilence was brought in and two secular members of his Order (the Camil- Northern Italy6 by the Lansquenet troops of the lian Order), their transfer to Bologna, with the pur- Emperor Frederick II, sent during September- pose to carry out the dispositions of His Excellency, October 1629 to siege the city of Mantua. Dur- as he will propose:”. The Cardinal Spada had a ing the Winter between years 1629 and 1630 full support by the Pope, considering the es- many soldiers, and also high officers of the Im- cape of the Papal legate which occurred on June perial Army, who besieged the city of Mantua 18th, 1630, on the other hand, the relationship died with evident signs of plague. In the city of was not equally satisfactory with the civic Mag- Bologna, the alarm was given by the represen- istrates and in particular with the aristocratic tatives of the central government. In the month class, which was very potent in the city since of November 1629, Bernardino Spada became ever; we can add that probably the generous informed that in Modena numerous clinical committment for the poor population by the cases had occurred, so that he informed The high prelate was not accepted with pleasure. Gonfalonier of Justice and the Assunti di Sanità The Holy see acted in a pragmatic way during (Health Care Officers), with the aim to establish the plague epidemic. Taking into account of the a preventive strategy. However, it has to be un- Papal Legate’s escape, the Pope established that derlined that a low profile was initially kept, Cardinal Spada would have taken the place of characterized by an imprudent concealment of Antonio Barberini, in particular in the admin- the problem, since they tended to keep hidden istration of the Monte di Pietà (the local pawn the notice of the advancing epidemic to both agency), during the plague epidemic. The gov- inhabitants in Bologna and foreign citizens, in ernance in Bologna was firmly in the hands of order to avoid scaring the people living in Bo- the Pope, who locally remitted his power to pa- logna inhabitants and avoid the interruption of pal legates since around 120 years, during Pope commercial contacts. They were afraid that the Giulio II’s pontificate4. The Libertas (Liberty im- closing of city doors and the reduction of com- age), which is known to adorn the emblem of mercial activity would have caused an economic the city in Bologna, was formally safeguarded crisis. All of them were worried about the hun- by a local Magistarature, named the Reggimento. ger: based on the historical experience, after a At that time, il Senato dei Cinquanta (the Senate plague epidemic a severe famine was expected. of Fifties), was controlled by the Gonfalonier of After the plague epidemic in the XIV century and Justice, who was drawn every two months. The following the abandonment of fields due to the Gonfalonier controlled the Assunterie, hold by demographic loss, an extremely severe famine oc- different persons. They were expressed by the curred. Obviously, the keeping the problem hid- nobility of the city; the Podestà (Mayor) repre- den, largely contributed to the explosion of the sented the highest secular authority. A complex epidemic. The physicians, who realized this irre- balance was therefore established between the sponsible attitude, decided to ask the Government central Pontifical power and the local power retained by the noble senatorial Bolognese fami- 5The Senatorial office was always life-long, although starting from the XVII century it actually became 4Julius II, Giuliano della Rovere, entered Bologna on inherited by a limited number of noble families, with November 11th, 1506. He belonged to the Order of the exception of families falling intro disgrace at the Conventual Friars Minor. Guidicini writes about Julius Papal court. Pope always retained the privilege to II: “…he consolidated the rights of the Papacy in the appoint somebody as a new Senator. province of Bologna and established it so that for 290 6Between the years 1628 and 1629 the population of years the order in this Country was not altered”. Northern Italy had been proved by a severe famine. Plague in Bologna in the year 1630 149

9 in delegation, to correct this imprudent attitude. On November 4th, 1629, a first provision for the city of Bologna and its surroundings was published. A check point was established for individuals having the purpose to enter the city and coming from other cities and countries, these persons should have got a health certificate released at the time of their departure. Moveover, an adjunctive border control was introduced, by forbidding the entrance to all drifters, gypsies, cripples and all persons who had body sores and wounds. The people who trans- gressed the laws were severey punished: three sections of rope were applied or these individuals were sentenced to prison. However, it has to be underlined that usually tramps or people of uncertain origin and living at the edge of the society close to inhabited areas, were punished. Children (the abandoned childhood was a reality among209 Figure 3 - A cartographic map of Bologna, with the popular classes) were punished with 50 lashes. network of canals crossing the city. Coming to innkeepers, hosts, grooms, and similar210 Figure 3 - A cartographic map of Bologna, with the network of canals crossing the city. categories of workers, considered at social risk due 211 to their merchant contacts, should they infringe that May 6th was: “an unfortunate and memorable health care bands and laws, not only three sections day for the city of Bologna, since the contagious 212 The evidence that among the first people interested by the plague epidemic there were the of rope but also a fine of 25 scudi and emprison- pestilence had its start, and that the epidemic ment were established. In the Winter between the213 washerwomencontinued untilwho worked January in the 13 numerousth, 1631” canals [10]. whTheich datecrossed the city, led to imagine that water years 1629 and 1630, all Italian cities were on alert.214 itselfof May had the6th majorwas pointedresponsibility out inas thethe spread official of contagion. date of The first focuses of the outbreak The commercial traffic with Milan was suspended ascertained start of the epidemic. This fact is con- 215 occurred in Savonella street and in the Parish of Mascarella; in fact these overpopulated and by Genoa on March 14th, 1630, the same measure firmed by a public notice which ordered to keep was issued by Venice on March 23rd; two days later216 degradedall streets areas free from from an hygienic rubbish, point able of viewto spread were crossed smells, by canals. It has to be considered that the city of Verona acted in the same way, followed217 duringstink, the and previous miasmas century, in inthe the air, year possibly 1527, only affecting the Masc arella district was involved by an rd th by Lucca on April 3 and Bologna on April 5 . The218 ascertainedpublic health. focus of Another plague [1]. provisionAccording to prohibited Galeati the early the deaths were reported in the month of city of Rome closed its city walls on April 12th, 1630 discharge of rubbish and wrecks in the Reno river [12]. After the initial alert, in the city of Bologna the219 April,canal, 1630, while in the other Borghi scapts dell’Oro could, dell’Ariento be discharged and Orfeo into districts (Figure 4). suspect emerged, which later turned into the ter- the Aposa torrent8. Leather workers, who conduct- 220 ror when months elapsed, until late Spring, while ed a very flourishing activity in the city as well as the increasing confirmations of suspected deaths paper manufacturers, were ordered to tranfer their became known. It seems that the plague, after a activity near to the Grada, located under the Mo- first (and somewhat generic) alarm launched in line canal, or at the Grada near to the Reno river’s November 1629, entered the city of Bologna during canal at St: Felice place, outside of the city walls. February, 1630. However, according to documents The city of Bologna was crossed by a network of stored at the State Archive of Bologna, the official date of entry of the plague in the city of Bologna should be on May 6th, 1630. Actually, according to 8The Aposa torrent is the only natural river crossing the unconfirmed informations, into the hills surround- city of Bologna. Making its route for around 7500 meters, ing Bologna where he had retired, even the brother it takes origin from the hills above Roncrio outside of S. of the Pope, Father Carlo Barberini, went to death Mamolo, city door and flows into the Navile Canal at 9 Sostegno del Maccagnano, in the area now known as on February 26th, 1630. Masini in his volume: “Bo- 7 Bovi Campeggi Street. The Aposa torrent, earlier kept logna perlustrata” published in the year 1666, wrote at open air, was kept underground during centuries and the entire structure was hardly reshaped over time 7Antonio Masini. Bologna perlustrata. To Vittorio according to the changed city needs. The torrent still Benacci’s heir in Bologna M.DC.LXVI. follows its original course until our days. 150 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi

canals (Figure 3), supplied by the Reno river and site of Belpoggio beyond the city walls outside of its tributay torrent Savena. Strada Maggiore. A second one followed in Cas- The evidence that among the first people interest- tel Franco, a third one at Maccagnano out of the ed by the plague epidemic there were the wash- Lame city door and finally one in the site of our erwomen who worked in the numerous canals Lady of Angels, out of the St. Mamolo city door. which crossed the city, led to imagine that water The first three structures hosted subjects wih a itself had the major responsibility in the spread suspected plague, while the fourth site kept the of contagion. The first focuses of the epidemic patients with a full-blown plague [5]. On June 7th, occurred in Savonella street and in the Parish of because of the plague epidemic both a monastery Mascarella; in fact these overpopulated and de- and the church of Philippine Fathers were closed. graded areas from an hygienic point of view were Four days later a female hospital was established crossed by canals. It has to be considered that dur- into the Annunziata Convent, able to hospitalize ing the previous century, in the year 1527, only 750 patients. The close surroundings included: the Mascarella district was involved by an ascer- the above mentioned Our Lady of Angels with tained focus of plague [1]. According to Galeati its houses and its tavern was devoluted to the the early deaths were reported in the month of assistance of men. The Monastery of the Water April, 1630, in the Borghi dell’Oro, dell’Ariento assigned to host those who had to provide help and Orfeo districts (Figure 4). in these areas. The St. Mamolo city door was The Da Gatteo, who examined the documents closed to prevent people from entering the city and order some centuries later, wrote: “Of certain and close to the moat some gallows were placed, should somebody has to establish the date of the plague which were used later to hang a man called epidemic start, the sites which were involved early, on Cinto Cinti who being imprisoned in irons had the ground of official orders, laws, and public notic- been damned to serve in the Lazaretto, but af- es, it is simply impossible. A detailed and meticulous ter his flight and arrest was finally executed. The analysis is needed and this operation is simply impos- Servi Monastery of St. Giuseppe, out of the Sara- sible” [7]. This author concludes that: The sole un- gozza city door, was involved in the assistance derstandable concept is the following: special attention of convalecents, while the friars were hosted in in avoiding the alert in the people, to remain vague as a close palace. During the continuation of the far as possible, and to provide to everyrhing without plague epidemic, a further hospital was set in giving any detail [7]. Finally, during the late Spring, the Church of St. Paolo of Ravone, out of the St. when it became impossible to negate evidences, Isaia city door. Starting from June 16th, all houses the first ordered to establish a Lazaretto in the and districts judged as infected10 were walled with

Figure 4 - A particular of the cartographic map of Borgo dell’Oro (Bo- logna City centre).

221

222 Figure 4 - A particular of the cartographic map of Borgo dell’Oro (Bologna City centre).

223

224 The Da Gatteo, who examined the documents and order some centuries later, wrote: “Of certain 225 should somebody has to establish the date of the plague epidemic start, the sites which were 226 involved early, on the ground of official orders, laws, and public notices, it is simply impossible. A 227 detailed and meticulous analysis is needed and this operation is simply impossible” [7]. This author 228 concludes that: The sole understandable concept is the following: special attention in avoiding the 229 alert in the people, to remain vague as far as possible, and to provide to everyrhing without giving 230 any detail [7]. Finally, during the late Spring, when it became impossible to negate evidences, the 231 first ordered to establish a Lazaretto in the site of Belpoggio beyond the city walls outside of Strada 232 Maggiore. A second one followed in Castel Franco, a third one at Maccagnano out of the Lame city 233 door and finally one in the site of our Lady of Angels, out of the St. Mamolo city door. The first 234 three structures hosted subjects wih a suspected plague, while the fourth site kept the patients with a 235 full-blown plague [5]. On June 7th, because of the plague epidemic both a monastery and church of 236 Philippine Fathers were closed.

237 Four days later a female hospital was established into the Annunziata Convent, able to hospitalize 238 750 patients. The close surroundings included: the above mentioned Our Lady of Angels with its 239 houses and its tavern was devoluted to the assistance of men. The Monastery of the Water assigned 240 to host those who had to provide help in these areas. The St. Mamolo city door was closed to 241 prevent people from entering the city and close to the moat some gallows were placed, which were 242 used later to hang a man called Cinto Cinti who being imprisoned in irons had been damned to 10

Plague in Bologna in the year 1630 151 12

bricks; the entire Castiglione Street was walled from the house of the Cicognani family until the wall door. A similar destiny involved the following districts: Borghi dell’Oro, dell’Ariento, Or- feo; Pozzo Rosso and Angels Street. In the same days, gallows were erected in the place called St. Bernardo, to clearly alert those who thought to exit the forbidden areas. Since children and women represented the population groups more vulnerable to the plague, on July 27th they were forbidden to leave their home, and this notice was maintained until the Chistmas day in 1630. During the subsequent Summer time, since the scourge still continued to rage, a project for a very large Lazaretto was conceived outside of the St. Vitale city door, which was extended from the St. Orsola Hospital until the Beggars Church. This first one was available since the month of September. The dead bodies accumulated and in early July a first mass grave was excavated closed to the Grada location. The corpses were collected and trasferred by a large van which was capable to contain 20-25 bodies; this mass grave became full very soon, so that two additional cemeteries 271 were digged far from the city, near the Reno river Figura 5 - Altarpiece by Guido Reni,1631, Pinacoteca and the Savena torrent. The months of July and Nazionale, Bologna). August were the most tragic ones, with 10,975 272 Figura 5 - Pallio by Guido Reni,1631, Pinacoteca Nazionale, Bologna). victims on the whole. Because of these events, the traditional feast of Roast Pork and the usual- From a psychological point of view, a particular ly employed sum was donated in suffrage of the 273gloomy mood pervaded the city. Pietro Morat- dead souls. During the time of epidemic danger, ti writes that the citizens avoided each other 3,327 houses were comprehensively sanitized, and they were also incapable to accompany the with an expenditure by the Senate of 10,260 lire 274corpses From to athe psychological cemetery: “individuals point of avoided view, a particular gloomy mood pervaded the city. Pietro Moratti for 2,067 houses which were not defined poor, each other and the neighbours abandoned the neigh- added to 1,262 more houses defined poor, and275 bours… writes sometimes that thethe brother citizens abandoned avoided his brother,each ot her and they were also incapable to accompany the corpses to sanitized with other fundings. The people was the wife her husband, and finally also parents escaped on their last legs. On August 26th, 1630, a popular 276from thethe view cemetery of their :sons “individuals affected by the avoided plague… each other and the neighbours abandoned the neighbours… religious vow was ordered, which was respected no more relaties, no more friends accompanied the for the first time on December 21st, the feast of St. 277corpses sometimes to the quiet ofthe the brothercemetery: onlyabandoned a priest and his brother, the wife her husband, and finally also parents John the Evangelist through a large votive pro- two gravediggers brought the corpses to the cemetery cession directed to Our Lady of Rosary. In that 278or to theescaped nearest churchfrom [5].the These view sentences of their follow sons affected by the plague… no more relaties, no more friends day, the population brought in procession to the closely the description of the plague epidemic in St. Domenico Basilica the Pallium (Figure 5), as 279Florence acc inompanied the year 1348,the corpsdepictedes toby theGiovanni quiet of the cemetery: only a priest and two gravediggers brought an ex voto image depicted in a short time by the 280Boccaccio in its introduction to the Decameron painter Guido Reni. as a votive request of the Bo- masterpiece.the corps Givenes theto theimpotence cemetery in constrast or to - the nearest church [5]. These sentences follow closely the 9 lognese people . 281ing the epidemic during the subsequent months, the severitydescription against ofthose the who plague infringed epidemic laws and in Florence in the year 1348, depicted by Giovanni Boccaccio in 9On the mentioned altarpiece, together with our Lady rules became particulary rigorous. On Septem- 282 thits introduction to the Decameron masterpiece. Given the impotence in constrasting the epidemic of the Rosary the patron Saints of Bologna are depicted: ber 7 , 1630, a physician named Matteo Pistorini St. Domenico, St. Petronio, st. Floriano, and St Francis 283was arrestedduring andthe later subsequent sent to care months for sick people,, the severity against those who infringed laws and rules became from Assisi. since he falsely certified that a colleague did not 284 particulary rigorous. On September 7th, 1630, a physician named Matteo Pistorini was wripped and 285 later sent to care for sick people, since he falsely certified that a colleague did not die from the 286 plague acquired in the contagion on August 23rd. The physician Pistorini was whipped and later sent 287 for a further punishment to “give assistance to the plague patients”. The scourge reached its 288 maximum violence during Summertime, falled significantly during Autumn, and finally it 289 disappeared during Winter. Now let’s come to the description of clinical features. Pietro Moratti

290 wrote in his volume10: Under the armpits a swelling rapidly appeared, which was named 291 ‘govaccioli’ and the body became covered by black or livid marks. They were sometimes large and 292 sparse, sometimes small and extremely frequent”. He also described: ’bogni’, swellings, carbuncle- 293 like lesions, and enlarged lymp nodes at groins and under the armpits, under the arms, and in the 294 brain excretory system under the ears, with headache, fever, severe thirst, delirium, sleep, vomiting 295 and body tremors” [5]. In fact, they were all the signs and symptoms described 300 years before by 296 the writer Boccaccio. We remind that St. Rocco, the patron saint against the plague, is always 297 represented ini the artistic devotional paintings with a bubo tipically localized in the groin region 298 (Figure 6). 152 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi 299

the patron saint against the plague, is always represented ini the artistic devotional paintings with a bubo tipically localized in the groin region (Fig- ure 6). What about the human cost of plague in Bologna? Comprehensively, according to figures elaborated in that time [5], whose reliability is uncertain, 23,691 people went to death in the period April 1630-January 1631, with further 1,181 deaths due to other causes11 [5]. In the Figure 7 the graph shows how relevant was the loss of Bolognese population, according to the data reported by Bel- lettini and coming from the Parish registries, in the year 1630, compared with the historical period 1550-1775 [2]. According to the data reported by Bellettini the City population declined from around 62,000 to around 47,000 inhabitants, with an overall loss of around 15.000 Bolognese inhabitans (24%) in the time span of eight months. At that time, a schematic and unlikely subdivision by gender was performed. We report it in order to allow a 300 complete appraisal and a discussion on the popu- Figura 6 - St. Rocco (by Parmigianino, 1527, San Petro- lation social-demographic features considered 301 nio Basilica,Figura Bologna). 6 - St. Rocco (by Parmigianino, in1527, the XVII San century. Petronio According Basilica, to these Bologna) figures,. the deceased women were 11,561, the men were 11,128, with the adjunct of 162 more persons de- 302 die from the plague acquired in the contagion on fined as nobles and citizens. August 23rd. The physician Pistorini was whipped The group of women officially included in the 303 andWhat later sent about for a further the punishmenthuman cost to “ giveof asplague- category in ofB olognaharlots,? paid Comprehensively, a severe tribute, with according to figures sistance to the plague patients”. The scourge reached 234 deaths. The class of porters accounted for 304 its maximumelaborated violence in that during time Summertime, [5], whose falled reliability 361 deaths. is uncertain The urban, clergy23,691 (excluding people thewent con -to death in the period significantly during Autumn, and finally it disap- ventual friars) had 33 deaths. The health care 305 pearedApril during 1630 Winter.-January Now let’s1631, come with to the further de- officers1,181 deathwere svery due exposed to other to thecauses contagion:11 [5]. In the Figure 7 the scription of clinical features. Pietro Moratti wrote 27 lose their life, the dead barbers were 8712, 10 306 in his volume : Under the armpits a swelling rap- among medical assistants, 17 went to death. Fi- idly graphappeared, show whichs washow named relevant ‘govaccioli’ was and the the loss nally,of Bolognese 48 deaths were population, recordered according among coach to- the data reported by 307 body became covered by black or livid marks. They were men (who carried the corpses), and 23 among sometimesBellettini large andand sparse, coming sometimes from small the and Parish ex- gravediggersregistries, [5].in the year 1630, compared with the historical tremely frequent”. He also described: ’bogni’, swell- Among cloistered monks 177 out of 1,239 died 308 ings,period carbuncle-like 1550 -lesions,1775 and[2] enlarged. lymp nodes from plague and further 30 from a disease, defined at groins and under the armpits, under the arms, and common. It is interesting to notice that among re- in the brain excretory system under the ears, with ligious orders some of them would have not had

headache,10 fever, severe thirst, delirium, sleep, vomit- deaths due to the plague: i.e. the Olivetans who ing andPietro body Moratti tremors” “R[5].a Incconto fact, theydegli were Ordini all thee Provisioni. were located Fatte at né the Lazaretti St. Michele in in Bolo Boscogna, Sanctuary, e fino al Contado in tempo del signsContagio and symptoms dell’anno described 1630. In 300 Bologna, years before Presso Clemente Ferroni. 11 by theCipolla writer C.MBoccaccio. suggests We remindthe number that St. of Rocco, death was11 Cipollaabout C.M15,000 suggests persons, the number over aof populationdeaths was about of 62,000 inhabitants. (24%) [2, 13]. 15,000 persons, over a population of 62,000 inhabitants. 10Pietro Moratti “Racconto degli Ordini e Provisioni. Fatte né (24%) [2, 13]. 13 Lazaretti in Bologna, e fino al Contado in tempo del Contagio 12Barbers played a health care role and in particular dell’anno 1630. In Bologna, Presso Clemente Ferroni. small surgical interventions. 14 Plague in Bologna in the year 1630 153 309

Figura 7 - Population trends in the city of Bologna from the XVI up to the XVIII century. Graph realized according to the data reported by Bellettini’s studies [2].

310

311 theFigura regular 7 Clerics- Population of St. Prospero, trends the in Carthusianthe city of Bnegabant,ologna fvelrom absentes the XVI increduli, up to vel the qui XVIII nusquam century. Graph monks who led a cloistered life and the friar in sSt, pestem viderant”13 [13]. 312 Barbazianorealized according and in St, toProcolo the data Convents. reported Among by the MarianiBellettini spent studies his life[2]. in Bologna just in the the most affected friars, we remind: the Discalced years of contagion, since the year 1629: he 313 friars (10 deaths out of 38), the Capuchin friars (15 taught philosophy, but he received his gradu- out of 74), the friars in St: Giacomo Convent (19 of ation in Medicine in Padua during the previ- 43), the Gesuites (20 of 41), the Gesuates (16 of 27), ous year. In his written memories, Mariani 314 the friars in St, Giuseppe Convent (16 out of 35). rejected the thesis of the “unction” as the dif- Moreover,According 9 Camillianto the data friars reported have to be by added. Bellettini fusive the City cause population of plague. declined This physician from around and 62,000 to 315 Witharound regard 47,000 to the inhabitants, city surroundings, with an the ov erallesti- lossphilosopher of around was 15.000 very Bolognese reliable and inhabitans eminent. (24%) in the mate gives a comprehensive number of around On his opinion, the causes had to be seeked 316 16,300time spandead individuals,of eight months.during the At epidemic that time, pe- ain schematic other circumstances: and unlikely meteorological subdivision ones by (a gender was riod. From an economic point of view, the Bolog- mild Winter had been followed by a warm and 317 neseperformed. Senate sustained We report a supplementary it in order to expense allow a completewindy Spring), appraisal astrological and a discussionones (a sign on was the population of 700,000 lire to give aids to the poorest and to concomitant: a peculiar angle of Saturn planet 318 coversocial the-dem expensesographic of medical features police. considered For well-off in wouldthe XVII have centurybeen be. responsibleAccording of to negative these figures, the families, the relatives paid a burial expense of 11 influences). Mariani also took into his con- 319 lire,deceased and the women coffin had were a cost 11,561, of 5 lire. the Both men wood were- sideration 11,128, with some the temporary adjunct variablesof 162 more like thepersons defined en and lead coffins had to be filled by quicklime. war occurring in Mantua, with the escape of 320 Inas thenobles event and of burialcitizens. in a church, a lead coffin drifters toward the Po river valley. Finally, he was required, and the grave had to be 7 feet deep. gave a role to the exhalations coming from un- Thanks to these incomes, a sum of 120.000 Lire buried corps, which poisoned the air [13]. The 321 wasThe gaindgroup plus of 3,500women wheat officially large wicker included baskets in therefuse cate ofgory the evidencesof harlots, and paid the a attribution severe tribute, of with 234 (corbe), coming from charity [6]. the plague diffusion to the so-called plague 322 Asdeaths. we wrote The atclass the beginningof porters of accounteour paper,d thefor 36spreaders1 deaths. (definedThe urban as clergy“untori”) (excluding represented the conventual severity of this epidemic was also caused by the predominant approach in many Italian cit- 323 thefriars imprudent) had 33 attitudedeaths. Thekept healthduring carethe earlyofficers ies were (like very the reknownexposed exampleto the contagion: of Milan), 27but, lose their life, months of the contagion, when there was a very according to the researches developed in the 324 elevatedthe dead risk ba ofrb ersplague wer epidemic,e 8712, among following medical the XIXassistants, century 17by wentFather to Da death. Gatteo, Finally, it has not48 deaths were belligerant behaviour of troops raging in both 325 largerecorder anded small among cities coachmen of the entire (who Po river carried val- the13 Thecorp titlese ofs), Mariani’s and 23 volume among was: grave “De pestediggers anni 1630. [5]. ley. Andrea Mariani, in the dedication of his Bononiae, cuius genus fuerit, et an ab aere praelectio...”, volume to the Cardinal Spada wrote: “pestem Bologna X.V. XXXI. 326 Among cloistered monks 177 out of 1,239 died from plague and further 30 from a disease, defined 327 common. It is interesting to notice that among religious orders some of them would have not had 328 deaths due to the plague: i.e. the Olivetans who were located at the St. Michele in Bosco Sanctuary, 329 the regular Clerics of St. Prospero, the Carthusian monks who led a cloistered life and the St. 330 Barbaziano and St. Procolo friars. Among the most affected friars, we remind: the Discalced friars 331 (10 deaths out of 38), the Capuchin friars (15 out of 74), the St. Giacomo friars (19 of 43), the

12Barbers played a health care role and in particular small surgical interventions. 14

154 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi

been reported that “untori” have been identi- by the Bolognese pharrmacists15. We remind that fied in the city of Bologna [4]. However, at that among the numerous ingredients of this mixture, time the criminal law also foresaw this possi- viper meat was also present. bility [5, 6]. The official medical council (an outstanding city Following the astronomical discoveries during institution including 15 selected members only) the XVI e XVII centuries, astrological theory cer- had very relevant responsibilities. This council tainly exerted a strong influence among the well- was engaged in allowing the concession and the educated persons and in the academic environ- sale of medicines, in exerting jurisdiction in the ment14. field of medicine, in approving the “secret medi- The quoted angle of the planet Saturn occurred cines” - “secreti medicinali”, in examining the mas- in the year 1629. It attributed to the sixth planet ter apothecaries and surgeons and in inspecting of the solar system a negative role, in the devel- all the compenents of the Theriaca. It was defined opment of tragic events. According to this cosmo- as the “medicine for excellence”, symbol of the logical approach also the sun played a role; in this official pharmacopoeia, whose preparation was specific case, responsibilities had to be addressed hold every year, with a solemn public ceremony, to the sun reflection on the Bolognese hills. A in the court of the Archiginnasio palace (Figure great importance was also given to the water, 8) [14]. which crossed the city by means of the numerous The Cardinal Spada, exerting his function of pa- existing canals. In that historical period, the ca- pal co-legate, not only tried to collect and coor- nals were not kept under a proper maintenance dinate the acts of the city government and those and as a consequence, many city areas became of the central Roman papal power, but also col- moisted and decayed. Andrea Mariani attributed lected informations regarding the measures taken some role to the food too, a relevant observation in other cities [5, 6]. One of the most important according to the contagionist theory [13]. problems was to avoid the escape of noble fami- Although the miasmatic theory was predominant lies. They represented the backbone in the Bolog- over the contagionist one, since the people were nese society. afraid of the commercial blockade those who Cardinal Spada’s engagement in collecting infor- could escape the city wisely left it also based on mations about the mode of sanification of goods their empirical experience, while those who were and houses was not less relevant as well as the not able to go away tried to protect from the con- mode of evacuating the corpses that occupied the tagion by drinking disgusting potions. The main city streets during the peak of the plague epidem- available “drug” was the Theriaca, also produced ic. The dead individuals had to be properly iden-

15The Theriaca becomes the remedy aimed to fight 14The teaching of astrology was given at the University the venoms created in the human body by the most of Bologna since the XII century, and since the year different diseases, and it is indicated to cure both acute 1334 the astrology became an officially paid teaching. and chronic cough, chest pain (angina), stomach ache During not less than four centuries, the teaching of and inflammation, colonic and bowel pain, dolor, medicine was combined to that of astrology. Cecco malignant fever causeed by kidney diseases, to enforce d’Ascoli wrote: “it is not possible to understand how the body defence against any kind of venom, including a physician could not know the astrological doctrina”, viper and dog bites. It was also recommended to give while Pietro d’Abano, “one of the most influent man full force to bodies exhausted by occult reasons, to of knowledge and famous physician of the last years recover the lost appetite, to heal chronic headache, to of the XIII century and in early XIV century”, wrote: cure dizzines, deafness, to give vigour to love stimuli, “those who practice medicine as due, in the same to stop the madness of frantic patients and to induce way they should actually study the reports of their the sleep, and also to favour the elimination of worms precursors, ensure that the astronomy science is not (especially tapeworms), and finally to preserve from only useful, but even essential to medicine practice”. infections like leprosy and plague. Plague in Bologna in the year 1630 155 17

Figura 8 - Preparation of the Theriaca inside the court of the Archiginnasio Palace (Gabinetto Disegno e Stampe dell’Archiginna- sio di Bologna, Bologna).

384

385 Figuratified16 and 8 taken - Preparation from their houses of the and Lazaretto,Theriaca insideand its surroundingsthe court of remained the Archiginnasio as the cultural and Palace (Gabinetto in order to give them a burial in mass graves. At organizative point of reference. In order to have 386 Disegnothat time, outsidee Stampe of the dell’Archiginnasio plague epidemic and diin Bologna,a better knowledgeBologna) .of that reality, he ordered to ordinay periods, the cimiteries located outside of make summaries of books and law collections of the city were not still built up and the burials were other Italian cities hit by the pestilence during the 387 usually carried out in the churches or in their sur- previous years. The Cardinal Antonio Barberini, roudings17. in a letter sent from the town of Bertinoro to the According to the Cardinal Spada’s belief, Milan Cardinal Spada, referred to “some written pages 388 The Cardinal Spada, exerting his function ofshowing papal how co -thelegate, city of notPalermo only was tried governed to collect at the and coordinate time of plague epidemics in the years 1624, 1625, and 389 16Not infrequently, in a house affected by the scourge, thea rapid acts death of of the all inhabitantscity government occurred and and nobody those 1626 of withthe somecentra advicel Roman on how to papal prepare powerprophylactic, but also collected was able to give the alert; furthermore, the terrified measures, as his Eminence will see from the copies here- 390 informationssurvivors were afraid regarding to be rapidly the evacuatedmeasures and taken with in enclosed other and cities sent together [5, with6]. otherOne orders of comthe- most important brought to the Lazarettos by the carriers of corpses (The ing from Rome and directed to His Eminence, whose 391 problems“Monatti”). due was to their to supectedavoid contagion.the escape of noblehands I familirespectfullyes. kissThey [6]. Itrepresented is also interesting the tobackbone in the 17The so-called Edict of Saint Cloud (correctly: Décret know that Cardinal Spada asked informations on 392 BologneseImpérial sur les Sépulturessociety.), emitted by Napoleon in Saint the behaviours of Venetian nobles who did not - Cloud on June 12th, 1804, methodically collected in accept to be transferred to Lazarettoes when they two law corps all previous and sparse regulation on the were hit by the plague and refused to be buried 393 Cardinalcemeteries. ThisSpada’s edict established engagement that all graves in collecting should in infothat rmatiolocation.ns They about preferred the modeto remain of in sanification their of goods be located outside of the city walls, in sites exposed to home, to be buried in the churches, near to their 394 andsun and houses air, and was were builtnot inless the samerelevant way. Therefore, as well asancestors the mode [8, 10].of evacuate the corpses that occupied the city discrimination among dead persons had to be avoided. In conclusion, the “erudited Bologna - Bologna On the other hand, in the event of eminent deceased 16 395 streetspersons, aduring commission the of peak Magistrates of the was plague established epidemic. la dotta”, The when dead the individuals epidemic flare had up, to wentbe properlyinto identified in order to decide whether the grave could deserve an action in order to give to the Cardinal Spada all 396 andengraved tak epitaph.en fro mIt is theirvery intersting houses to noticeand Lazarettothat this available, in order knowledge to give whichthem coulda burial help inthe massgov- graves. At that edict was based on two main reasons: one of hygienic- ernment in the field of public health. Finally, the 397 time,public health outside and one of of the political-ideology, plague epidemic respectively. and incivilian ordinay authorities period weres, the forced cimiteries by the locatedevents outside of the 398 city were not still built up and the burials were usually carried out in the churches or in their 399 surroudings17.

16Not infrequently, in a house affected by the scourge, a rapid death of all inhabitants occurred and nobody was able to give the alert; furthermore, the terrified survivors were afraid to be rapidly evacuated and brought to the Lazarettos by the carriers of corpses (The “Monatti”). due to their supected contagion. 17The so-called Edict of Saint Cloud (correctly: Décret Impérial sur les Sépultures), emitted by Napoleon in Saint - Cloud on June 12th, 1804, methodically collected in two law corps all previous and sparse regulation on the cemeteries. This edict established that all graves whould be located outside of the city walls, in asites exposed to sun and air, and were built in the same way. Discrimination among dead persons had to be therefore avoided. On the other hand, in the event of eminent deceased persons, a commission of Magistrates was established in order to decide whether the grave 17

156 S. Sabbatani, S. Fiorino, R. Manfredi

and they became aware of the enormous prob- n REFERENCES lem which had emerged in the city. Therefore, all the available informations were collected with [1] Sabbatani S., Fiorino S., Manfredi R. The plague in the aim to reduce the impact of the epidemic. In Bologna, in the year 1527. Infez Med. 2020; 28 (2), 278-87. the year 1630, the Microbiological revolution of [2] Bellettini A. La popolazione di Bologna dal secolo XV all’unificazione italiana. Zanichelli editore Bologna the XIX century was still far away. The questions 1961. the people had at that time still resulted from the [3] Moreschi GB. A. Notizie delle immagini di Maria contemporary uncertainties, conditioned by the ss. in Bologna raccolte dall’abate Moreschi. Ms. B 993 pre-existing religious belief. This situation strong- (early XIX Century), in BCB page 26. ly acted on the society. For instance, a doubtful [4] Guidicini G.Cose notabili della città di Bologna ossia question was the following: “in the event that storia cronologica De’ suoi stabili sacri, pubblici e privati. deaths caused by the contagion will multiplicate, will Vol. III pages 342-343. Società tipografica dei composi- it be convenient or not, according to the christian pi- tori. Bologna, 1870. ety, to set fire to corpses in the event of contagion, in [5] Moratti P. Raccolta di tutti li bandi, ordini e provisioni order to avoid every danger of air corruction, which fatte Fatte né Lazzaretti in Bologna, e suo Contado in Tempo del Contagio dell’Anno 1630. Dedicata al molto Rever. P.D. is usually caused by so many deaths?” [5]. It has to Sisto Tedeschi da Bologna Abbate nella Religione olivetana in be considered that the cremation of corpses is a Bologna M.C. XXXI. recent acquiasition of the Catholic Church. Ac- [6] Raccolta di tutti li bandi, ordini e provisioni per la città cording to the data reported by Cipolla, Bologna di Bologna in tempo di contagio, imminente e presente, Li with its 24% death rate, was one of the Italian cit- anni 1628, 1629, 1630, 1631. Dedicata All’Emin e Rev. Sig. ies with the lowest death rate [13]. It is probable re cardinale Spada Nel suddetto tempo. Meritissimo legato di that this proportionally favourable outcome has Bologna. In Bologna Per Girolomo Donini Stampatore came- been reached, when the entire city became acivat- rale. M. D CXXXI. ed, thanks to the strong and deeply routed social [7] Da Gatteo L. La peste a Bologna nel 1630 La Poligra- structure in Bologna. The charity activity of the fica Romagnola, Forlì, 1930. [8] Brighetti A. Bologna e la Peste del 1630. Con docu- religious- secular orders, the assistance and sup- menti inediti dell’Archivio segreto Vaticano. Aulo Gag- port provided by Fathers and other Friars figure gi Publisher, Bologna 1968. were determinant; as a whole, these religious fig- [9] Ambrosini B. Panacea ex herbis quae à sanctis denomi- ures paid a high tribute in terms of human lifes. nantur concinnata... historia, Bologna 1630. Finally, all the poweful organization of the Bolog- [10] Masini A. Bologna perlustrata. Per l’erede di Vitto- nese Church, under the guidance of the Cardinal rio Benacci in Bologna M.D.C.LXVI. Bernardino Spada, was able to stimulate the Sena- [11] La croce rossa di Camillo nella peste di Bologna tory class. However, it remains evident that at the (1630). Online www.camilliani.org, last accessed on th end of the plague epidemic in January 1631, about January 15 , 2020 15,000 people had dead. [12] Maiani A. De peste anni 1630. Bononiae, cuius genus fuerit, et an ab aere praelectio..., Bologna X.V. XXXI. Conflict of interest: [13] Cipolla C.M. Storia economica dell’Europa None to declare. pre-industriale, 2009. IL Mulino Publisher, Bologna 2009. Fundings [14] Marchi R. Ovidio Montalbani. Astrologia e cultura None to declare. nella Bologna fel ‘600: Unpublished Degree thesis.