School of Humanities
Postgraduate Course: Language Education for Refugees and Migrants
Postgraduate Thesis
"Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Rafaela - Evmorfia Zisi
Supervisor: Foteini Englezou
Patras, Greece, January, 2021
Theses remain the intellectual property of student Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, but in the context of open access policy they grant to the HOU a non-exclusive license to use the right of reproduction, customisation, public lending, presentation to an audience and digital dissemination thereof internationally, in electronic form and by any means for teaching and research purposes, for no fee and throughout the duration of intellectual property rights. Free access to the full text for studying and reading does not in any way mean that the author/creator shall allocate her intellectual property rights, nor shall he/she allow the reproduction, republication, copy, storage, sale, commercial use, transmission, distribution, publication, execution, downloading, uploading, translating, modifying in any way, of any part or summary of the dissertation, without the explicit prior written consent of the author. Creators retain all their moral and property rights.
"Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Rafaela - Evmorfia Zisi
Supervising Committee
Supervisor: Co-Supervisor: Foteini Englezou Stavroula Kitsiou
Patras, Greece, January 2021 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Postgraduate Dissertation 4 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Acknowledgments
The elaboration of the present dissertation took place in the framework of the Postgraduate Studies Program Language Education for Refugees and Migrants‘ that lasted from October 2020 to February 2021. I would like to express my gratitude to all those who contributed directly or indirectly to the completion of my diploma thesis and consequently my postgraduate studies. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Mrs. Fotini Englezou. Her support and availability throughout the preparation of the work was a great help, contributing in various ways to its completion, providing, among other things, valuable advice and guidance where it was deemed necessary. And last, but by no means least, I would like to express my deepest thanks to my dear family for their support without which this task could not be completed.
Postgraduate Dissertation 5 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Table of Contents Table of Contents ...... 6 Περίληψη ...... 8 Abstract ...... 9 A. INTRODUCTION ...... 10 B. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 12 I. Migrants, Refugees and Asylum Seekers ...... 12 II. The role of camps ...... 16 III. Refugee integration policy in Greece: The case of Lesvos ...... 19 a) The refugee integration policy of Greece ...... 21 b) Europe’s integration policy in Lesvos ...... 25 IV. The role of local society of Lesvos on island’s migration crisis ...... 27 V. Moria’s camp...... 30 a) The historical line...... 30 b) Moria during COVID-19 ...... 33 c) The arson...... 34 VI. Moria’s prison ...... 35 a) The connection of fear and anger ...... 36 b) The camp of Moria- a modern prison...... 38 C. THE IMPORTANCE OF LANGUAGE ...... 41 I. Language’s ideology in texts...... 44 D. THE PRESENCE OF MEDIA ...... 46 I. Discursive representation of the refugees in printed media ...... 46 II. The language of newspapers ...... 48 E. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...... 50 I. Critical Discourse Analysis ...... 50 a) Research method ...... 52 II. Methodology of the study ...... 56 a) Aim and research questions ...... 56
Postgraduate Dissertation 6 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. III. Data Selection ...... 57 a) Research Sample ...... 57 b) Research Methods ...... 61 IV. Importance of the study ...... 66 V. Limitations ...... 67 F. RESULTS ...... 67 I. The characterizations of Moria camp ...... 68 a) Greek newspapers ...... 68 b) European newspapers ...... 73 II. The characterizations of refuges ...... 75 a) Greek newspapers ...... 78 b) European newspapers ...... 83 III. Government and state mechanism attitude and the performance of its responsibilities...... 84 a) Greek newspapers ...... 84 b) European press ...... 97 IV. The local society of Lesvos ...... 103 a) Greek newspapers ...... 103 b) European newpapers ...... 109 V. The voice of refuges...... 111 a) Greek newspapers...... 111 b) European newspapers ...... 117 G. DISCUSSION ...... 120 References ...... 128 APPENDIX ...... 139
Postgraduate Dissertation 7 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Περίληψη
Ζ Κξηηηθή Αλάιπζε Λόγνπ (ΚΑΛ) είλαη κηα κέζνδνο αλάιπζεο ιόγνπ πνπ απνζθνπεί ζηελ απνθάιπςε ηεο αιιειεμάξηεζεο κεηαμύ γιώζζαο, ηδενινγίαο θαη δύλακεο (Fairclough, 1989). ηόρνο ηεο παξνύζαο έξεπλαο είλαη λα απνθηήζεη κηα επξύηεξε θαη βαζύηεξε θαηαλόεζε ησλ αλαπαξαζηάζεσλ ησλ πξνζθύγσλ ζε έληππα κέζα επηθνηλσλίαο (εθεκεξίδεο) κέζσ ηεο εθαξκνγήο ηεο ΚΑΛ, γηα λα ηνλίζεη ηελ έκθαζε ηεο αλαδξνκηθήο εθπξνζώπεζεο ηνπ εκπξεζκνύ ζηε Μόξηα ηεο Λέζβνπ θαη ησλ πξνζθύγσλ ηεο ζε άξζξα ειιεληθώλ θαη επξσπατθώλ εθεκεξίδσλ. Σα γισζζηθά ζηνηρεία είλαη απηά πνπ πξνζπαζεί λα αλαιύζεη απηή ε κειέηε, ώζηε λα εληνπίζεη δηαθνξεηηθέο ελέξγεηεο θαη ηαπηόηεηεο ή λα πξνσζήζεη νξηζκέλα ζπκβνιηθά ζπζηήκαηα θαη ηξόπνπο γλώζεο. Ζ ΚΑΛ πξνζπαζεί λα απνθαιύςεη ηνλ αληίθηππν ηεο ηδενινγίαο ζηνλ ιόγν κέζσ ηνπ επηθαλεηαθνύ επηπέδνπ ηνπ γισζζηθνύ πεξηερνκέλνπ, ηνλ αληίζεην αληίθηππν ηνπ ιόγνπ ζηελ ηδενινγία, θαζώο θαη ηνλ ηξόπν κε ηνλ νπνίν πξνθύπηνπλ ηα δύν ζπζηαηηθά θαη ιεηηνπξγνύλ γηα θνηλσληθέο ηάμεηο θαη ζρέζεηο ηζρύνο. Με βάζε ηα παξαπάλσ, απηή ε κειέηε εμέηαζε 160 άξζξα εθεκεξίδσλ ζρεηηθά κε ηνλ εκπξεζκό ηνπ πξνζθπγηθνύ ζηξαηνπέδνπ ηεο Mόξηα, πνπ απαζρόιεζε έληνλα ηνλ επηέκβξην ηνπ 2020 ηόζν ηνλ ειιεληθό όζν θαη ηνλ επξσπατθό ηύπo. Από ην ζύλνιν ησλ άξζξσλ, ηα 107 αθνξνύλ ζηηο ειιεληθέο εθεκεξίδεο, ελώ ηα 53 απνηεινύλ ηηο επξσπαηθέο εθεκεξίδεο θαη αλαδείρζεθαλ έμη ζεκαηηθνί άμνλεο πνπ ζηε ζπλέρεηα αλαιύζεθαλ. Οη ζεκαηηθέο θαηεγνξίεο είλαη νη ραξαθηεξηζκνί ηνπ πξνζθπγηθνύ θαηαπιηζκνύ ηεο Μόξηαο, νη ραξαθηεξηζκνί ησλ πξνζθύγσλ ηεο Μόξηαο, ε ζηάζε ηεο θπβέξλεζεο θαη ησλ θξαηηθώλ κεραληζκώλ, ε απόδνζε επζπλώλ ζηελ θπβέλεζε, ε ηνπηθή θνηλσλία ηεο Λέζβνπ θαη ε θσλή ησλ πξνζθύγσλ. Σα απνηειέζκαηα ησλ επξεκάησλ έδεημαλ όηη ε αλαπαξάζηαζε ηόζν ηνπ εκπξεζκνύ ζηε Μόξηα όζν θαη ησλ πξνζθύγσλ ηεο εμαξηάηαη, θπξίσο, από ηελ επηινγή ησλ ιεμηθν-γξακκαηηθώλ ζηνηρείσλ. Σν ίδην παξαηεξείηαη θαη ζηελ πεξίπησζε ηεο θπβέξλεζεο ε νπνία ππνζηεξίδεη πσο νη πξόζθπγεο είλαη νη απνθιεηζηηθά ππέπζπλνη γηα ηνλ εκπξεζκό, αιιά παξάιιεια ε ίδηα ζεσξείηαη ππαίηηα γηα ηηο ζπλζήθεο πνπ έρνπλ δεκηνπξγεζεί ζηε Μόξηα Δπηπξόζζεηα, από ηελ δηθηά ηεο νπηηθή γσλία, ε ηνπηθή θνηλσλία ηεο Λέζβνπ θαηεγνξεί ηόζν ηελ θπβέξλεζε κε ηηο πνιηηηθέο ηηο όζν θαη ηνπο πξόζθπγεο κε ηελ θαηάζηαζε πνπ έρεη δεκηνπξγεζεί ζην λεζί. Οη πξόζθπγεο, ε ειιεληθή θπβέξλεζε θαη ε ηνπηθή θνηλόηεηα, ζπλεπώο, πεξηγξάθνληαη δηαθνξεηηθά από εθεκεξίδεο δηαθνξεηηθώλ πνιηηηθώλ ηδενινγηώλ πνπ παξνπζηάδνπλ ηνπο πξσηαγσληζηέο κεξηθέο θνξέο σο δξάζηεο θαη κεξηθέο θνξέο σο ζύκαηα κηαο θαηάζηαζεο. Απηό ην ζπκπέξαζκα απνθαιύπηεη δηαθξηηηθά πξόηππα πνπ αληηθαηνπηξίδνπλ άληζεο ζρέζεηο εμνπζίαο θαη εληζρύνπλ ηα ζηεξεόηππα γηα ηνπο πξόζθπγεο ηεο Mόξηα.
Λέξειρ κλειδιά: Κξηηηθή Αλάιπζε Λόγνπ, γιώζζα, ηδενινγία, ζηξαηόπεδν ηεο Μόξηα, πξόζθπγεο, κέζν καδηθήο ελεκέξσζεο, παξαζηάζεηο
Postgraduate Dissertation 8 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Abstract
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a discourse analysis methods aims to disclose the interdependence among language, ideology and power (Fairclough, 1989). The aim of this thesis is to get a broader and deeper comprehension of the development of CDA to stress the emphasis of the discursive representation of arson at Moria of Lesvos and its refugees, in Greek and European newspapers‟ articles. Linguistic elements are those that this study tries to analyze so as to identify different actions and identities or to premium certain symbolic systems and ways of knowing. CDA attempts to expose the impact of ideology on discourse through the surface level of language content, the counteractive impact of discourse on ideology, and also how the two components emerge from and function for social order and power relationships. On the basis of the above, this study examined 160 newspaper articles on the arson of the refugee Camp of Moria, which was of great concern in September of 2020 to both the Greek and European press. Of all the articles, 107 relate to Greek newspapers, while 53 are European newspapers and six thematic axes were subsequently analysed; the thematic categories are the designations of the Moria refugee camp, the characterizations of Moria's refugees, the attitude of the government and state mechanisms, the attribution of responsibility to the government, the local community of Lesvos and the voice of the refugees. The results of the findings showed that the representation both of the arson at Moria and its refugees depends mainly on the selection of the lexico-grammatical elements. The same is evident in the case of the government which claims that refugees are solely responsible for arson, but at the same time itself is considered to be responsible for the conditions created in Moria. In addition, from its point of view, the local community of Lesvos blames both the government with its policies and the refugees with the situation created on the island.Refugees, the Greek government and the local community are described differently by newspapers of different political ideologies presenting the protagonists sometimes as perpetrators and sometimes as victims of a situation. This conclusion reveals discursive patterns that reflect unequal power relations and reinforce stereotypes about Moria‟s refugees
Key words: Critical Discourse Analysis; language; ideology; camp of Moria; refugees; media; representations
Postgraduate Dissertation 9 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. A. INTRODUCTION
The turn to discourse is closely connected to the shift of interest to social behaviors in which subjects absorb and express their conceptions of their social reality (Potter, 1996; Potter & Wetherell, 1987). The discourse is known to be an important part of this dimension and a separate instrument in the sense of particular social activities (Fairclough, 1995, 2002). This assumes that any instance of language use contributes to the reproduction and transformation of society and culture including power relations (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997).
As a methodology for evaluating the social practices of discourse, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) reflects the above and targets at a critical study on social injustice as articulated, synthesized, perceived and legitimized within Discourse (Wodak, 2001). More precisely, by analyzing the genuine texts of daily conversation, written and oral, CDA attempts to explain the issues that affect social problems and contribute to discrimination, dominance, power and privilege. Therefore, it explores the ways in which the discourse portrays, reflects, overlooks or leads to the reproduction of oppression and intends to expose the elements of political power and superiority in the use of words (Spinthiropoulos & Horozidou, 2008)
For Fowler et al. (1979), CDA can be a "powerful tool for the study of ideological processes which mediate relationships of power and control" (p.186). By researching how social ideologies are exposed from discourses, CDA places more emphasis on exploring the connection between language and power, expressing some basic understandings oriented to the view of discourse as interactive and social in specific social environments (Liu & Guo, 2016).
Ideology is an ambiguous term for van Dijk (2006) that its everyday use is mostly negative, as referring dominantly to an inflexible, mistaken or biased belief of a certain group of people or an individual. It is this sort of ideology that is seen in closed cultures as a primary determinant of domination, and sometimes the dominant ideology is taken as ordinary and common by the dominant classes. The definition adopted in this research, though, is based on van Dijk (2006), who describes ideology as the core principles of groups of people who rely on their group identity and their morals, and whether their beliefs are perceived positively, negatively or not at all. The role of newspapers introduces this particular ideology, in convincing people to believe in a certain philosophy. Newspapers often form public attitudes and ideologies by offering negative portraits and fostering societal perceptions and institutional stigma towards the outsider (McCombs, 2004). McCombs (2004) feels there are two levels of the press for establishing an agenda; the first concerns the option of what is to be prominent by the news company or authors, and the second is the salience of qualities that may be 'differently accented' (p.70). As such, news column authors use a number of linguistic and meta-linguistic techniques to shape people‘s thinking and control the salient. To accomplish this aim, they ought to shape the ideologies and attitudes of people by encouraging them to believe in their news through different
Postgraduate Dissertation 10 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. ideological tactics, including euphemization and derogation frameworks (Hodge & Kress, 1993).
Therefore, the present thesis, which is carried out in the framework of the postgraduate study program of Hellenic Open University of Greece, is about to explore how, using the methodological tool of Critical Discourse Analysis, the social practices of discourse upon a specific topic can be highlighted. The subject under consideration is the arson in the camp of Moria and how it is reflected by the media and specifically by the newspaper articles at both national and European level. For this reason, the focus will be put mainly on linguistic choices of syntax, word order, pronouns, passive and active forms, adjectives and nouns, and nominalization trying to explore if they build blocks of the processes of social construction of Moria‘s refugees identity.
In the beginning, a presentation of key definitions such as as the term of refugee, migrant and asylum seeker, of camp and of the refugee integration policy of Greece and Europe becomes necessary for a broader understanding of the examined subject. Next, the role of the local community in this crisis of Lesvos and the time frame of the Moria camp, as well as the living conditions of the refugees there, are outlined. Then, the importance of language as a defining part of the work as well as the presence of media and its correlation with speech are analyzed. Also, the study will present the data corpus and the methods used for the analysis of the data. Last but not least, the results of the research reflect on the nature of the findings. Finally, the discussion will shed light on the results and their influences on future studies.
In the end, before continuing with the presence of this study, it is considered important to mention its added value in the field of academic research concerning refuges repesentations. The aim of the work is to present the refugees of Moria from the press and the way in which the arson is projected both by the Greek and European press, as Moria has been a camp of great interest all around Europe because of the living conditions in this refugee camp. There is a lot of research in the scientific community about how the refugee group is represented by the media in general. This work therefore complements the previous researches with the findings from the data that will emerge. Thus it can be considered the springboard for further research and study.
Postgraduate Dissertation 11 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. B. LITERATURE REVIEW
I. Migrants, Refugees and Asylum Seekers
Migration over the years has played a key role in shaping the world as we know it today. It is a phenomenon related to human experience throughout history and it is important to be recognized as a pattern that has been witnessed throughout the globe, over time. Concretely, after World War I, a massive wave of migration took place in central Europe where populations resettled after the formation of several new States, especially after the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian Empire; another era of displacement was from about 1935 until after World War II, when demographic changes arose throughout Europe with individuals seeking to flee the war and the resulting relocations (IFRC, p. 2).
Yet, getting to now, violent wars in different areas of the world, including Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, South Sudan , Somalia and Syria, continue to cause immense misery for the whole population, forcing more and more refugees to migrate in foreign boundaries (Gieseken, 2017, p. 122). So, a controversy about who is a 'migrant' versus a 'refugee' was created in order to describe the living situation of a person on the move (Sajjad, 2018). However, the terms ‗migrants‘ and ‗refugees‘ don‘t exist only as definitions; in combination with other terms such as asylum seekers etc. are embedded in the numerous political and socio-economic complexities of the migrant communities and in the dynamics between the recipient countries and the host ones.
The Geneva Convention is a multilateral treaty of the United Nations. It sets the framework for defining refugee and migrant status, the rights of asylum seekers, but also the obligations of host countries. Amid post-World War II population exchanges, generalized statelessness and the aftermath of the Holocaust, the 1951 Refugee Commission's definition of refugee was coined (Jaeger, 2001). There has been a rising consensus that states should handle those that escape violence differently than those who merely want to relocate. The Convention of Geneva focuses on Article 14 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1, according to which an individual has the right to seek asylum in other nations due to his/her persecution. The United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR, 2016) has been explicit in distinguishing between ‗refugees‘, the primary recipients of its support and protection, and ‗migrants‘; refugees should be definitely recognized as it is hazard for them to return to their homeland and they need to find sanctuary in another country. The denial of an asylum to them has potentially fatal consequences.
1 Article 14: Right to asylum Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution. This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Postgraduate Dissertation 12 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. The term ―migrant‖ has no a particular legal meaning. UNHCR describes migrants as those who make a deliberate, voluntary decision to leave their country of origin and who can return home safely when they wish to, while refugees do not have this option (Reeves et al., 2016). Another distinction is usually made between short-term or transient migration, including transfers lasting between three and twelve months, and long-term or permanent migration, in regard to a change of country of origin lasting over a span of one or two years (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, n.d). In compliance with the mandate of the High Commissioner, an international migrant has been identified by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR, 2017) as:
“any person outside the State of which he or she is a resident or a national or, in the case of a stateless person, his or her country of birth or habitual residence”.
‗Migrant‘ is thus used as a neutral phrase, an umbrella term, to describe a group of people who have a lack of commitment to citizenship to their host country in general. It represents the general definition of a person who travels temporarily or permanently away from his or her normal place of residence, whether within a country or over a foreign boundary, and for a variety of reasons (IOM, 2019, p. 132).The phrase encompasses a variety of well-defined legal groups of people, such as migrant workers; persons whose particular forms of movements, such as smuggled refugees, are legally defined; and persons whose status or means of travel, such as foreign students, are not clearly defined under international law (IOM, 2019).
As Gieseken (2017) states, the domestic law of the State covers the migrants (p. 122), as they may consequently find themselves living in armed conflict in a third world and experience considerable hardships in these conditions. Migrants are not necessarily vulnerable, but they may be found in dangerous cases resulting from the reasons for leaving their country of origin, the circumstances in which they migrate or the conditions under which they arrive, whether from personal circumstances such as their age, disability or state of health (UHNCR, 2016). They can be harmed by hostilities, lose contact with their family, go missing or die, often without their destiny or location being registered. They appear to have additional disadvantages as immigrants, to face challenges in obtaining public services or to be subject to restrictions on personal liberties. They might still be at risk of being sent either to or from their countries of origin (Gieseken, 2017, p. 122).
Notwithstanding, there are also several terms, such as ‗illegal‘, ‗irregular migrants‘ and ‗irregular residents‘ that are mostly used interchangeably in Europe, as Europe has far more open and less physically separated boundaries (Phillips, 2011). In general, ‗illegal immigrants‘ are individuals who enter a country without compliance with the lawful entry criteria (IOM, 2019). Nevertheless, as already mentioned, under Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, anyone has the right to seek asylum and the Refugee Convention of 1951 forbids states from imposing penalties on anyone who enter 'illegally' directly from a country in which their life or liberty are in danger.
Postgraduate Dissertation 13 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. While finding the terms refugee and migrant interchangeably used in media and policy discourse is becoming more popular, there is a critical legal distinction between them. Confusing them will lead to refugee and asylum-seeker issues, as well as to misperceptions in asylum and migration discussions (UNHCR, 2016). It is therefore important to illustrate, at this stage, the distinction between migrants and refugees. Refugees are clearly identified and covered under international law. According to United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951 (p. 14), a refugee is:
“A person who, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it ‖.2
Due to fear of persecution, war, abuse, or other circumstances that have severely disrupted public order, refugees are persons outside their country of origin that, as a consequence, need foreign security. Their plight is unbearable that, in order to reach sanctuary in neighboring countries, they cross national boundaries and are thereby internationally recognized as refugees with access to aid from governments, the UNHCR and related organizations.
Many refugees, once registered by the UNHCR, seek resettlement to other nations (Phillips, 2011). However, they do not have the right to be resettled and states are not obligated to recognize refugees for resettlement under the 1951 Refugee Convention or any other instrument; it is a voluntary scheme co-ordinated by the UNHCR, which encourages burden-sharing among signatory states, among other things (UNHCR, 2013). Therefore, resettlement complements and does not provide a replacement for the provision of protection to individuals applying for asylum under the Convention.
In addition, ‗international refugee security‘ is referred to as the unique legal regime protecting the interests of refugees; the reasoning behind the need for this regime is that refugees are persons in a special situation that calls for extra protections (Mc Connell, 2016). Asylum-seekers and refugees lack their own country's security. Article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights asserts the freedom of all to seek asylum and to enjoy protection (Edwards, 2005). For them, it is seriously risky to return to their home countries, and they thus seek shelter elsewhere. The possibility of an asylum rejection has potentially lethal effects for many refugees (Mc Connell, 2016). Concluding, the use of words is essential because, according to the 1951 definition, the receiving countries are legally obliged to support refugees when they are under increasing political pressure to deter economic migrants from coming.
2 Adapted from Convention relating to the Status of Refugees ((adopted 28 July 1951, entered into force 22 April 1954) Art. 1A(2)
Postgraduate Dissertation 14 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Hence, few studies have demonstrated that asylum seekers and refugees are a heterogeneous population with greatly varied experiences, histories, health needs and attitudes (Suurmond et al., 2013). As far as asylum seekers are concerned, many governments describe asylum seekers from a policy perspective as those pending a ruling on their application for asylum. As World Health Organization (WHO) defines
An asylum-seeker is an individual who is seeking international protection. In countries with individualized procedures, an asylum-seeker is someone whose claim has not yet been finally decided on by the country in which he or she has submitted it. Not every asylum-seeker will ultimately be recognized as a refugee, but every refugee is initially an asylum-seeker.3
In other words, the term asylum seeker might be expected to denote those who have not, or not yet, been given international protection. The distinction between an asylum seeker and a refugee is quite ambiguous and sometimes the words are used interchangeably or wrongly. An asylum seeker is someone who is seeking foreign security but has not yet been determined to claim refugee status. On the other hand, the word refugee extends to other persons or groups of persons who flee their country exclusively for purposes of conflict or other civil unrest, drought, natural disasters or for the intent of finding a better life (Phillips, 2011, p. 2).
Nowadays, there is a remarkable number of terms that identify those that, cross international boundaries and establish people‘s rights that could be given or refused on the basis of their registration. Sajjad (2018) refers that labels include the pretence of a ―value-neutral‖ categorization, obscuring the fact that they are results of bureaucratic procedure; this process exposes a complex dynamic of politics in giving certain individuals recognition and entitlement to rights rather than an impartial classification. For this reason, organizations such as Amnesty International seem to distinguish between migrants and refuges, but at the same time there are also organizations that use another politic; they urge governments to recognize that in fact the so many so-called migrants, are nothing else than refugees. This fact addresses to the unprecedented refugee crisis in the world by providing safe, legal ways for people to seek sanctuary (Currion, 2016).
Finally, the problem goes far broader than simple state politicking; marks transform realities, defining who is deemed worthy of protection under the Western asylum system and who should be disqualified (Sajjad, 2018). All people who travel between countries deserve, without doubt, complete respect for their civil rights and human dignity. In international law, refugees may be a clearly established and covered community, since the situation in their country of origin makes it difficult for them to go home. Hence, the propensity to conflate refugees and migrants, or to refer to refugees as a sub-category of migrants, may have a significant effect on the life and welfare of those escaping persecution or war (UNHCR, 2016).
3 Adapted from https://www.who.int/migrants/about/definitions/en/
Postgraduate Dissertation 15 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. II. The role of camps
In 2011, protests against the Syrian regime called on President Bashar al-Assad, whose family has been in power since 1971, to resign (Allison, 2013). With the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reporting that 6.6 million people have been left homeless, a violent and complex civil war ensued, with an expanded estimate that 5.6 million Syrians have now fled their nation in search of peace. Many individuals and families have taken unsafe boat trips to Greek shores through the Aegean Sea, hoping to find an opportunity for better living conditions. Western officials became shocked at the number of migrants moving to Europe. As a result, in May of 2016, the last of the Northern European borders was closed. This fact left migrant refugees, fractured families and a host of poorly prepared nations with the task of constructing infrastructure to cope with the large number of displaced people (Hollingsbee, 2019).
Kreinchauf (2018) defines these infrastructures as Forced Infrastructures of Arrival referring to the construction of camps-like infrastructures of arrival; they are introduced by states to territorialize refugee arrivals in extraterritorial spaces (p. 4). She also adds that the forced infrastructures are also evolved into a vital component and socio-spatial framework for controlling the arrival of immigrants, allowing for the concentration of refugees in designated areas at designated times (p. 4). As far are the Greek territory is concerned and n relation to the need for sanctuary, a number of camps were set up to provide temporary accommodation, while asylum seekers were processed (Asylum Information Database, 2020). The aforementioned pattern is adapted to the concept of campization (Kreinchauf, 2018). Kreinchauf (2018) explains that campization is a procedure that concerns the legal stabilization of permanent, remotely located, and spatially isolated camps; it has, thus, a closed character in the context of increasing numbers of refugees arriving in EU countries and the tightening of asylum and explicitly on reception laws (p. 4).
Etymologically, the term ‗camp‘ derives from the Latin term ‗open area, level space‘4 meaning campus; the term was originally synonymous with open fields for military training, spatially specified as a place that is located apart from other spaces. Generally speaking, camps are the main place of accommodating displaced people who have been forced to abandon their homes owing to violence, conflict and natural disasters; states, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or United Nations (UN) institutions position them there (Turner, 2015, p. 139). Camps have also been examined as contemporary urban socio-cultural realities; within larger cities, camps establish their own systems of power and norms, geographical and temporal patterns of exception, and periphery and exclusionary status (Agier et al., 2002; Diken, 2004). At the same time, the camp is an area of the town and diversely, a region of extraordinary autonomy that influences the city, but is never fully merged with it
4 Camp (n.). Retrieved from https://www.etymonline.com/word/camp#:~:text=camp%20(n.),exercise%22%20(see%20campus).
Postgraduate Dissertation 16 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. (Mandic, 2018). During a migrant flood, some camps are purposely built to be transient, whereas others are permanent.
All in all, campization is a material manifestation of the stabilization of an urgent situation and temporality; the camp is transformed to permanent (Hailey, 2009). The campization blurs the distinction between the traditional roles of European refugee resettlement that are the reception, accommodation, and incarceration (Kreichauf, p. 13). Yet, as Kreinchauf (2018) notes the term ‗refugee camp‘ is most often used to refer three types of refugee camp; first, camps in the global south; second, informal encampments, transitional camps, and tent cities for transiting refugees ; and third, hotspots, detention and relocation centers in border areas. This distinction is noted so as the variations in socio-spatial arrangements, living environments, the essence of the accommodation, and administrative roles, ruling, and naming spaces and individuals to be determined (Kreinchauf, 2018, p. 13).
When it comes to detaining immigrants, this is a policy applied in several countries worldwide; foreigners suspected of violating residence permits, entering a country illegally, and being deported, are detained by the competent authorities until to either be provided with the documents securing their legal residence or to be repatriated to their country of origin (AIDA, 2020). Mandatory detention applies to illegal immigrants entering or residing and working in a country without the relevant state permits. In some cases, asylum seekers are also detained (AIDA, 2020). Depending on the countries' policies, the way this strategy is applied, varies, but types of administrative detention are now used globally (European Commission, 2020). Immigration detention centers, a concept that is defined on a case-by-case basis in a variety of different terms, are a type of centralized detention, the sort of which has become more and more common in recent years in Europe (Hall et al., 2010).
As Turner (2015) supports, camps are characterized in two dimensions: spatial and temporal (p. 139). As far as time is concerned, refugee camps are, primarily intended to be temporary, although their temporary existence may become permanent in reality (Hailey, 2009, p. 4). It is unquestionable that refugee camps constitute a type of accommodation, in spite of their expected temporality. Around the world, many camps have evolved into diverse urban ecosystems that are hard to differentiate from cities. Some have been completely absorbed by the city and its structure, supplying immigrants, workers and even urban dwellers with housing for thousands (Dalal, 2020). On the contrary, other camps are rather physically visible, recently formed and less incorporated. In both cases, the refugee camp provides accommodation for refugees and displaced people and is therefore a form of urban housing (Dalal, 2020).
On the other hand, camps do have, also, spatial borders, whereas refugees and locals in practice cross these boundaries for commerce, work, etc. They are mostly situated far from communities and other hubs and are specifically marked to define a boundary between the inside and the outside, usually guarded. The difference between the inside and the outside remains obvious, even in instances where camps are unfenced and placed in cities (Turner, 2015). According to Hailey (2009), the camp
Postgraduate Dissertation 17 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. can be comprehended as spatial practice, as it can be understood as an engraved field, etched, layered, and ordered by diverse objects and programs (p. 3). The perimeter, indeed, is a significant distinguishing element of camps and forms the lives of those who live inside. It is necessary for refugee camps to establish and preserve this separation between the inside and the outside, as developed to avoid the contamination of a country and its people by outsiders (Turner, 2015).
Hence, by elaborating further the term ―camp‖, two additional dimensions need marking; the social dimension and the functional dimension. Sociality is a characteristic common to all camps and it is based on the exploration of it as a specific form of human political community (Jennings, 2001). The social dimension is , also, managed in the fact that a camp is created for or by groups of people that have a distinct cultural, political or ethnic identity (Katz, 2017). Moreover, in reference to the functional dimension, initially a camp is the supreme physical embodiment of sovereign authority, an area that exists outside of the state but is subject to its power due to abandonment (Katz, 2017); control of the camp in most cases is taken over by the army of the host countries, imposing restrictions. Alongside, the camps receive assistance and they are funded by humanitarian organizations and the state. As Waters & Jimenez (2005) state this aid is mainly geared towards a maintenance policy within the camp which is the starting step to become a system of rules for refugees; in this way, a strict system of organization and a framework of rules for the distribution of food, accommodation, the organization of the camp and the categorization of refugees within the same, are created. This system of organization, in fact, typically has some degree of restriction on the rights and freedoms of refugees as well as their ability to make choices about their lives (Katz, 2017).
In addition to the above, Agier (2014, as cited in Turner, 2015) examines camps under three perspectives: extraterritoriality, exception and exclusion. There's a geographical layer, first of all, where camps are extraterritorial. For instance, despite the fact that a camp can be the largest concentration of people, trade and exchange in the entire country, they are mostly put in secluded areas and barely labeled on official maps. Second, they can be defined as exceptional in legal terms, because refugee camps are typically regulated by legal instruments rather than those of the surrounding regions; they are technically under the authority of the host community, but they are still excluded (Turner, 2015, p. 141). Third, Agier (2014) claims that once refugees are viewed as not belonging to the host community and society, refugee camps are keeping to be subject to social isolation (as cited in Turner, 2015).
In the end, the features of camps in Europe demonstrate how refugees are inextricably linked to discourses on crime and terror; the refugee community is often portrayed as a potential threat to states that must be protected by a brutal and oppressive geography of fences, coastguard surveillance, and detention camps (Ramadan, 2013, p. 65). The camps with the borders are places where these logics manifest (Maestri & Hughes, 2017). Simultaneously, in this era of threat, there is an increase in urban anti-terrorism policies such as monitoring and surveillance systems, as well as physical barriers
Postgraduate Dissertation 18 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. (Kreinchauf, 2018); these measures establish a power hierarchy that first extends to the relationship between center workers, who distribute refugees based on these characteristics, and citizens, who must embrace this distribution. Thus, because of the deep socio-spatial differences over their legal positions and because refugees with a poor chance of being given asylum are normally housed in less fitted facilities, it creates a hierarchy and jealousy among the refugee population (Kreinchauf, 2018). Characteristic is that camps have been explicitly identified as critical places where refugees, mostly far from urban eyes, are at risk of abuse, prostitution, and other violent activities, hence unseen. The stakes in physical and mental wellbeing are high (Crisp et al., 2000).
Concluding, these hierarchies are reflected in a camp's spatial structure and socio- spatial concentrations. The regulation is ingrained in camps, and refugees exist under systems of control that do not belong to other people in general (Pasquetti, 2015, p. 704). Yet, all their possible differences upon the camps‘ regulation may be met either by country or within the country itself. Thus, by researching detention centers at national level, it is possible to draw conclusions about the results of the wider immigration policy, on the basis of which to assess the international and national commitments and the objectives set, on this issue.
III. Refugee integration policy in Greece: The case of Lesvos
Before presenting in detail what was the policy for the reception of refugees in Lesvos and consequently in Moria, we consider it appropriate to present what was the policy for the reception of refugees in Greece between the 1990s till today. Greece has always been a crossroad and destination country for great amounts of undocumented migrants; migrants and asylum seekers arrive from Southeast Asia, Africa and the Middle East over the last decade, and particularly since 2008 (Anagnostou & Skleparis, 2016, p. 19). Thousands of refugees have been ‗trapped‘ in Greece without any possibility of moving anywhere since the closing of the Balkan Route (Tsitselikis, 2019). Refugees‘ involuntary long-term stay on the islands is accrued as a result of the enforcement of transnational organizations' decisions and arrangements, such as those of the European Union. All these circumstances that cannot be easily resolved without any sound processes, define the ―refugee reception crisis‘‘ (Tsitselikis, 2019, p. 155).
In general, European countries, such as Greece, include distinct refugee and immigration policies which, to a large degree, remain a national problem due to the fact that they concern the autonomy of non-citizens and the right to decide for the conditions of entry and residency (Morsut & Kruke, 2018, p. 149). With respect to refugees, all European countries have ratified the 1951 Geneva Convention and the 1967 Protocol, which have influenced national refugee policies since the 1950s. States are not obliged to offer asylum to migrants, but are bound by the principle of non-
Postgraduate Dissertation 19 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. repatriation, as provided for in Article 33 of the 1951 Convention 5, freedom of refugees on the grounds of race, faith, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion (Goodwin- Gill, 2014).
In reference to Greek context, at the height of the 2015 refugee crisis, Syriza's coalition government leadership came to power with increasingly supportive refugee views (Kalantzakos, 2017). Simultaneously, Greece has seen decreased anti- immigrant sentiment and violence, primarily due to the criminal cases against the Golden Dawn New Nazi Party (Eleytheriadou, 2020). Around 40,000 persons in the world were issued refugee or subsidiary security status in 2015 (Sabchev, 2019). So, in the four years of the SYRIZA-led administration, there was a minimum pattern of incorporating immigrants. SYRIZA officials were frequently heard shortly before the end of their term of office, using a widespread phrase that is “It is time to move from the welcome sprint to the integration marathon” (Sabchev, 2019). The year 2019 ended with the referendum to eliminate the Golden Dawn from the Greek parliament in early July.
In the same elections of July, nevertheless, the right-wing New Democracy party was elected; in order to convince the citizens, the government of Mitsotakis stuck to anti- immigration rhetoric and policies (Fotiadis, 2019). It might be symbolic, but, on the first day, New Democracy dismantled the Ministry of Immigration Policy -which was later re-established- and set the immigration control under the responsibility of the Ministry of Civil Security (Public Order) (Eleytheriadou, 2020). Immigration control duties had been assigned to the Ministry of Civil Defense, which was still responsible for public order and stability (Police, Coast Guard, Civil Protection, etc.). As a consequence, a broad variety of matters - from initial arrival and incarceration to asylum rulings and resettlement – had been mandated by the Ministry of Civil Defense. Hence, the new government announced new measures to add more workers to the islands to interview asylum seekers and to confirm that the EU-Turkey Agreement of March 2016 was adopted, intended to minimize illegal immigration to Europe by Turkey (Eleytheriadou, 2020).
As regard as the Greek Ministry of Migrant Policy, indeed, was founded in 2015 and it was responsible for handling refugee accommodation in Greece (Tsitselikis, 2019) with the first coordinated Refugee Accommodation Centers on the islands and in mainland Greece. Minimal facilities outside housing were provided by the Refugee
5 Article 33 - Prohibition of expulsion or return ("refoulement"). Retrieved from https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/statusofrefugees.aspx
1. No Contracting State shall expel or return (" refouler ") a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.
2. The benefit of the present provision may not, however, be claimed by a refugee whom there are reasonable grounds for regarding as a danger to the security of the country in which he is, or who, having been convicted by a final judgement of a particularly serious crime, constitutes a danger to the community of that country.
Postgraduate Dissertation 20 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Accommodation Centers, at least in the initial process (Stamatoukou, 2019). Primarily, they were temporary, but with the border closure with the EU-Turkey Agreement in March 2016, the Ministry of National Defense turned hundreds of former camps into refugee camps, with tents being set up in the first phase and prefabricated huts in the second phase (Stamatoukou, 2019). This agreement of 18 March 2016 was critical, as that led to refugee‘s general incarceration in Greece and to their further restriction of integration in the region (Papatzani et al., 2020) that the present thesis studies, that is the region of the island of Lesvos. Resultantly, from March to October 2016, the number of refugees on the Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean, in general, nearly quadrupled and that resulted in the geographical limitation on the freedom of movement of asylum seekers on the Greek island of Lesvos, more particularly.
a) The refugee integration policy of Greece
Lesvos, as an island of Eastern Aegean, has been one of the main protagonists during the specific migration period. It is located (see Figure 1) in the northeast Aegean Sea and is the third largest island in Greece. Its proximity to Turkey has affected the island, and still does, in varied contexts.
Figure 1: The position of Lesvos island (UNHCR, 2016)
Postgraduate Dissertation 21 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. By the end of December 2015, more than 500,000 refugees had landed on the island of Lesvos and traveled through it (UNHCR, 2018). Of all the islands located at the border of the North-East Aegean Sea, Lesvos undoubtedly received the highest number of refugees; in 2015, Lesvos received 75,773 people, while Chios and Samos received 20,485 and 19,330 (see Figure 2), respectively6. Yet, Lesvos has a permanent population of 114, 805 (Hellenic Statistical Authority, 2019), a fact that leads to comprehend the inequality of the two populations (Afouxenidis et al., 2017) and further problems.
6 Data provided by the International Organization for Migration, https://www.iom.int/news/migrant- arrivals-greeces-lesvos-island-approach-10000-week.
Postgraduate Dissertation 22 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Figure 2: Greece: Lesvos Island snapshot (31 Dec 2015)7
7 Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/report/greece/greece-lesvos-island-snapshot-31-dec-2015
Postgraduate Dissertation 23 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In general, due to its location next to Turkey, Lesvos has always been considered as an entryway into the EU (Cavounidis, 2013). The use of the island, however, as a holding ―land‘‘ started in the early 2000s with the first arrivals of boats. Under Law 3907/20118, the First Reception Facility is in charge of those who arrive at Lesvos. The infrastructure that existed for irregular migrants at the time was an old camp in the Moria region, where containers and tents were placed. In April 2015, the municipality of Lesvos also granted the park site in Kara Tepe to house refugees. New accommodation areas have been added to the Registration Reception Centre in Moria, in addition international humanitarian organizations have set up temporary camps in many areas of the island (Spyropoulou & Christopoulos, 2016).
Hence, the arrival of migrants and refugees via Turkey to Greece in 2015 made it virtually impossible for Greek reception structures to fulfill the general populations‘ needs (Gkionakis, 2016). It means that it had been very difficult for the Greek authorities to negotiate with certain waves of citizens due to the economic situation in Greece and the lack of infrastructure for absorbing and documenting refugees/migrants (Tsartas et al, 2020). The pressure of migrant waves has been so serious that the UNHCR (2017) had described the situation in Greece as resembling a humanitarian crisis. Moreover, although human arrivals had arisen fourfold between 2013 and 2014, there was no funding from Athens or the EU for the island (UNHCR, 2015). Throughout this span, control turned vital in the search and rescue operations carried out by the Greek coastguards during the crossing of the border through the narrow sea between Turkey and Lesvos (Bousiou, 2020, p. 435). However, the Coast Guard was unable to perform rescue operations on Lesvos for all receiving boats, when thousands of small inflatable boats were landing regularly. At the same time manpower and equipment were needed.
The conversion of the Moria Reception Center from open as it originally operated to a closed detention center began abruptly and without prior planning. Until then, the feeding, clothing and medical care of the migrants was provided almost exclusively by various NGOs that had flooded the Greek region. More particularly, in June 2015, Moria had a capacity of 700 people in Lesvos and hosted around 1,500 people on a regular basis (Bousiou, 2020, p. 431). Refugees were waiting to enroll, whereas the leading part of the lack of proper sanitation and adequate housing was forming the living conditions very poor. According to the EURODAC framework, registration should be achieved in compliance with the European asylum regime (Bousiou, 2020). However, at the time in Lesvos, only two EURODAC fingerprint scanners existed and together with the inadequate personnel contributed to overcrowding and deteriorated conditions, as well (Bousiou, 2020, p. 431).
Continuing, between September 2015 and February 2016, arrivals in Lesvos peaked. In fact, not only the dramatic rise in the number of refugees, but also the shifts in the
8 Law 3907/2011 Establishment of an Asylum Service and First Reception Service, adaptation of Greek legislation to the provisions of Directive 2008/115 / EC "on common rules and procedures in the Member States for the return of illegally staying third-country nationals" and others provisions. Retrieved from https://www.synigoros.gr/?i=foreigner.el.politikoi-nomoi.56405
Postgraduate Dissertation 24 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. stakeholders concerned and the government's responses at European and national levels further made the crisis worse (Bousiou, 2020). With their intervention being a cornerstone, the involvement of NGOs had become widespread and required. In terms of control, FRONTEX, also, participated during the autumn search and rescue mission (Bousiou, 2020, p. 437).
Finally, in mid-2016 the management of the refugee crisis passed to the Army, in terms of transportation, accommodation, food and health care. Thus, the location of the detention centers took the hotspots with Moria being the first hotspot that was opened in Greece in February 2016 (AIDA, 2020). The hotspot approach was already component of the immigration agenda of the European Commission (European Commission, 2015), which indicating that, asylum seekers should be kept for the first twenty-five days after entry so that they can secure their identification. The hotspots were supposed to be camps where all the related agencies of the European Union (EASO, EUROPOL, FRONTEX and EUROJUST) would collaborate on the ground to identify and report incoming migrants with the Member States. Theoretically, the EU agencies could, like the Greek authorities, conduct identical roles in a complementary manner. However, frictions had arisen in experience over day-to-day corporate communication and decision-making processes (Bousiou, 2020).
Ending with, it is worth noting that the rights of those were residing within the Eastern Aegean zone, were subject to restrictions with the enforcement of Law 4375/20169. These constraints related to the respect for personal rights and independence, the procedure of applying for asylum, personal protection, due diligence of those who had arrived in Greece after 3/20/2016 and are resident on the islands (ECRE, 2016b). Any limitation on free transport from the islands to the Greek mainland provides the basis for appeal, another example of judicial diversion about the concepts of refugee and general human rights law (Chios Bar Association, 2017).
b) Europe’s integration policy in Lesvos
In response to the unprecedented influx of migrants who were applying for asylum and the growing complexity of cases, the European asylum system was continueing to progress (Spindler, 2015).On the field, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), the EU Police Cooperation Agency (Europol), the EU Border Cooperation Agency (Frontex), and the EU Judicial Cooperation Agency (Eurojust) were interacting with the front-line Member State authorities to help meet their responsibilities (Pallister- Wilkins, 2020). The organizations' function was complementary to each other.
9 LAW 4375/2016 Organization and operation of the Asylum Service, Appeals Authority, Reception Service and Identification Establishment of a General Reception Secretariat, adaptation of Greek Legislation to the provisions of Directive 2013/32 / EU of the European Parliament and of the Council "on common procedures for granting and revoking the international protection regime (recast) "(L 180 / 29.6.2013), provisions for the work of beneficiaries of international protection and other provisions.
Postgraduate Dissertation 25 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. The European Commission's European Migration Agenda, released in May 2015, is a paper providing a standard for shared solutions (European Commission, 2015). This agenda was established in reaction to the sinking of a ship with refugee population on 19 April 2015 in the Mediterranean Sea with a result about 800 people to be killed (Morsut & Kruke, 2018, p. 151). The European Council and the European Parliament had replied to the events with a declaration (23 April 2015) and a resolution (29 April 2015) respectively, highlighting the need to identify common ways so that to prevent future tragedies (Council European Parliament, 2015).
The hotspot strategy had been suggested within the EU as a European implement to support front-line Member States (Mitchell & Sparke, 2020). The difficulty of hotspot policy-making, in particular on the agenda, related to the failure of the front-line Member State to handle the amount of incoming individuals. Therefore, the construction of migration as a management issue was a core principle of EU policy that we see retained across the hotspot system as an ‗ancillary tool‘ (Andrijasevic & Walters, 2010).
As already aforementioned, the first hotspots were instituted in Greece on the island of Lesvos in October 2015. More concretely, Lesvos is the largest hotspot in Greece since 2015 (European Commission, 2015). The European Commission reports that hotspots ―are the first processing centers to help integrate the activities of EU agencies and national authorities at the external borders of the EU during initial reception, identification, registration and fingerprinting of' asylum seekers and migrants‖ (European Commission, 2015b. p. 2). According to the Agenda, the hotspot format would assist Member States under pressure to provide organizational assistance on the ground (EASO, 2020). The hotspot strategy seems to be the most effective crisis response policy that originated from the Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean after the arrival of 800,000 migrants for duration of one year (UNHCR, 2015).
Nevertheless, the overcrowding living conditions in Moria of Lesvos set refugee population‘s lives at risk and so, Amnesty International called on the Greek government to take immediate and effective action (Amnesty, 2018). Moreover, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) supported the Greek Asylum System (GAS) with the processes in asylum system in Greece. Also, it enclosed support for the EU-Turkey statement, Reception and Identification Centers, drafting opinions and vulnerability assessments (Munteanu & Barron, 2020).
In Lesvos, the second regulatory layer of European policy relating to the management crisis is concerned with EU Member States collaboration and faith in the ideals of unity and mutual responsibility, which are basic European values (European Commission, 2015). Consequently, front-line Member States are obligated to deal with the state of emergency at their borders (responsibility), while non-front-line Member States provide assistance to those in charge (solidarity). The moral obligation for all Europeans to take responsibility for the good of their territories highlights
Postgraduate Dissertation 26 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. immigration as an issue which, of course, was situated at the borders of the Member States and should, therefore, be handled at the borders.
At the same time, it was appropriate to address the urgent needs of asylum seekers in terms of EU financial assistance to Greece, in particular after the end of 2015 (Tsitselikis, 2019). The funding inflow and its absorption rate, however, were very low. The European Commission continually advised the Greek government to withhold funding from the Refugee, Immigration and Integration Budget and then from the Internal Security Fund. Notwithstanding, long postponements, an absence of coordination among services and neighborhood governments or NGOs, just as an absence of straightforwardness and the advancement of complex operational structures forestalled direct subsidizing to meet quick helpful and underlying necessities (Greek Ombudsman, 2017). As per the European Commission, "Crisis help for Greece through refuge, the Migration and Integration Fund and the Internal Security Fund have expanded to EUR 356.8 million, of which an expected EUR 70 million straightforwardly bolsters the usage of the EU-Turkey assertion, either straightforwardly to the Greek specialists or through EU offices and worldwide associations (Tsitselikis, 2019, p. 170).
Concluding, to put it plainly, the hotspot approach outlined this movement occasion as an administration challenge, a reality too enormous to be tended to by existing migration arrangements and an intrinsic highly sensitive situation. It was additionally an issue for the usage of the European acquits by the bleeding edge Member States, which thus should be helped or even observed by European specialists. At long last, the dispatch of the hotspot approach was firmly connected to the analysis of the emergency (European Commission, 2015).
IV. The role of local society of Lesvos on island’s migration crisis
The local authority plays a vital role in the absorption of refugee in resolving the reception of refugees, as well as the problems facing the long-term integration of lawfully settled migrants. Local and regional authorities are providers of a wide variety of social services in the fields of health, education, youth and child care, individually or in collaboration with other state bodies and non-governmental organizations (Afouxenidis et al., 2017, p. 26).
Particular focus has been placed on the active participation and invaluable role of local and regional authorities in establishing migrant integration policies in reference to 2011 EU Agenda for the Integration of TCNs (Afouxenidis et al., 2017). Indeed, since 2015, international organizations, such as NGOs, UNHCR, FRONTEX, etc. had not yet been reinforced in facing the crisis. However, despite its significance in tackling the complexities of refugees‘ integration, the role of local community in is neither well recognized nor thoroughly examined( Afouxenidis, 2017).
Postgraduate Dissertation 27 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In the case of Lesvos, initially, even though the residents were not unfamiliar with the presence of the ―other‖ on the island, as for almost 15 years persons from Afganistan, Iraq and Kurdistan passed through the island (Afouxenidis et al., 2017, p. 27), the presence of such a huge arrival of people and in such a short time was unexpected and unparalleled. In view of weeping soaked children, pregnant mothers, and e lderly people walking for miles under the high sun and of all those people who drowned the frustration, and numbness of the islanders' cultural shock affected a tremendous communal trauma on the local population (ADEDY, 2017).
Lesvos has gained a fresh salience in Greece. Municipal agencies helped the newcomers by supplying them with reception facilities. Interestingly enough, the overall economy of the island that was reactivated was part of this model, as people were working in the new service sector established, including those who had initial reservations regarding the existence of refugees (Afouxenidis et al., 2017, p. 30). Hence, at the same time, there were several groups of the local population that were opposite to the establishment of refugee resettlement centers and housing centers (Anagnostou & Skleparis, 2016).
In either situation, life on Lesvos experienced dramatic shifts, and the inhabitants, probably, altered their lifestyle. Thoughts and impulses were re-contextualized, personalities were re-shaped, new cultural criteria give insight on diverse forms of theorizing daily life, while fresh and observable perceptions, symbolisms, and concepts were modified in the locations where the human story unfolded (Afouxenidis et al., 2017, p. 30). Even though the summer season that all the hotels and rooms were operating, had completed, they were continuing to operate; they facture to accommodate and cater for the great numbers of volunteers and NGOs organizations. Thus, restaurants, shops, super markets, and services such as taxis and car rentals continued to operate gaining substantial profits ( Afouxenidis et al., 2017).
Schack & Witcher (2020) report that Turkish waters are controlled by the Turkish Coast Guard compared to theGreek waters controlled by the Greek Coast Guard and the Coast Guard (Frontex) police officers. In June 2019, there were solely two groups that produced SAR in the sea, closely collaborating with the Hellenic Coast Guard, and small applications related to the appearance of ships during the night. Notwithstanding, the civil society activities studied were primarily motivated by the detection of the Greek Solidarity Campaign, CSA and SAR boats, which appear to consist mostly of non-Greek foreign volunteers (Schack & Witcher, 2020).
At the end of 2015, the refugees‘ arrival to Lesvos was steady. Yet, the contradiction lied to the fact that there was no infrastructural support from the authorities and the national government, the European Union and international nongovernmental organizations did not offer any kind of assistance. NGOs and private initiative by local citizens and individuals were only those that could regulate at least the immediate needs of the arrivals; their actions, though, were independent and without coordination (ADEDY, 2017). In order a more robust humanitarian solution both on the coasts and in the relocation camps to be provided, several people of the local
Postgraduate Dissertation 28 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. community of Lesvos started setting up groups to increase fund-raising and attract more volunteers. Notably, with the pressures of getting refugees ashore, individual hotel owners struggled to tackle the business of operating a holiday hotel.
Consequently, in October of 2015, a former military camp was transformed into a European formal refugee hotspot, named Moria. The Greek police was responsible for its operation, while many large INGOs, such as UNHCR, offered their help. The scope of Moria hotspot was meant to capture the insurance of better conciliation between national authorities and European ones so that they could easily administer the registration of incoming population. But as Papada (2016) mentions, it has been strongly contested because of Moria‘s crowded and inhumane conditions in practice.
In Moria, the environment could be characterized as chaos, as no one knew others‘ responsibilities and the sheer number of new arrivals exceeded the processing capacity; it resulted in the island being stuck with an increasing number of asylum seekers every day (Pope-Weidemann, 2015).The reality, there, was merely unbearable, both for the refugees, volunteers, the Greek coast guards and the local citizens. The normality of the daily life of locals had altered. However, the inhabintants insisted on helping the incoming population (ADEDY, 2017). Just the same, in early 2016, the situation changed again and the conflict between local residents and NGOs gradually escalated, particularly in Molyvos and Petra, which are known tourist areas of the island (International Rescue Committee, 2016). The locals thought that some of the NGOs operating on the island did not take into account what the local people were facing and the way that the situation affected their lives and industry.
The EU-Turkey agreement that came into effect in March of 2016 dramatically changed the situation once again. In a nutshell, the Statement is a mission agreement to stop trafficking and human smuggling from Turkey to the EU (European Commicion, 2016). It entails returning illegal migrants to Turkey who arrived on the Greek Islands after 20 March of 2016. The agreement declared Turkey (legally) a secure refugee country, a position disputed both by the human rights organization and by the Greek authorities (Gerovasili, 2016). As Turkey is regarded as a safe country, someone who does not have the right to foreign protection should return back (European Commicion, 2016). According to the deal, for any Syrian who is returned, another Syrian will be resettled within the EU after fleeing the Greek islands to Turkey.Consequently, the borders closing in Europe, the detention of the refugees in Moria has been changed from an open facility to a locked place. The sluggish handling of cases and the comparatively limited yet growing influx of new refugees have all taken the situation in Moria to the brink of collapse (Løvåsen, 2017).
Additionally, there was a downturn in the tourist industry, the commercial foundation of the islanders, with the room bookings in certain locations on the island to be down 90 percent, according to the Lesvos Hoteliers Group (GTP, 2016). On the other hand, the summer of 2017, it was not clear what effect the refugee crisis would have on the island's overall economy, considering the positive selective impact of NGOs,
Postgraduate Dissertation 29 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. volunteers and refugees on some firms. Nonetheless, there was no real assistance for the citizens on the island to deal with the crisis from the Greek government or from the EU with tax relieves, and no incentives to change the school situation (Kolasa- Sikiaridi, 2017).
Finally, over time, yet, the difficulty of the situation increased and incommoded both the forced migrants stranded in limbo on the island and the local communities that were dependent on tourism (Cederquist, 2019). This crisis has been an intractable long-term issue after an emergency in 2015, where mistrust and tension within civil society on the island were proliferating, weakening the resilience to cope (Benington, 2011).On Lesvos, the trust was severely undermined and the resulting concerns were dynamic and corrosive (Smith, 2017).
V. Moria’s camp
a) The historical line
Moria, the center of access and identification of Lesvos is located less than 10 kilometers from the Turkish coast. It began its deployment in September 2013 in an old camp a few kilometers from Mytilene that was transformed into an Identification Center of the Greek police. Initially, when refugees were arriving on Lesvos, it was the first place where they had gone after their registration. They were then assigned a place in one of the camps depending on their gender, nationality, age and family composition. Originally built as a transit point for those fleeing Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, Moria was turned into a detention camp officially in 2015 where some waited years for their asylum claims to be settled (Smyth, 2016). The Inf oMigrants (2020) reports that the 70% of refugee in Moria come from Agfanistan, but the total of 12,500 asylum seekers come from 70 different countries (BBC, 2020) 10.
In addition, because of its living conditions, Moria camp never had a decent reputation. As a result, there were not many NGOs participating as part of the Greek Military Services was the administrator of Moria (Hatzimichail, 2018 & Sounsel, 2018). More specifically, the camp had occupied the international press several times since the beginning due to the living conditions of refugees and immigrants. In particular, there were frequent reports of uprisings, incidents between immigrant groups, clashes and stabbings. Because of the miserable conditions that have prevailed within the hotspot for the last five years, hundreds of articles of national and international press have been reported to Moria, calling it ―Shame on Europe‖11. Clashes, riots, fires, deaths and suicides were common, resulting in misery and despair of the people who stayed there. So, despite the fact that the European Union
10 BBC, Moria migrants: Fire destroys Greek camp leaving 13,000 without shelter, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54082201
11 Retrieved from https://webdoc.france24.com/greece-migrants-refugees-lesbos-moria-turkey/
Postgraduate Dissertation 30 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. provided the Greek government with about 5.4 million euros for the establishment and operation of the camp, the excessive capacity made impossible a decent living (Economou et al., 2017). There was limited medical staff and supplies, illnesses and diseases were out of control. At the same time, the camp of Moria had limited food, water and other necessities, and a huge hygiene problem (Economou et al., 2017).
As far as the structure of the camp is concerned (see Figure 3), there is an assembly point under a tent that concerns the main entrance of the camp. In the same area, containers were used for medical services and police officers. Thus, inside the camp, one can spot a real prison for all those that were not eligible for asylum and therefore, they were treated as prisoners. The conditions were so dramatic that some of the few toilets were replaced by ―housing facilities‖ so that more space for people to be found.
Figure 3: Moria’s camp on Lesvos12
However, after the description of the prevailing situation in Moria, it is valuable to unfold the whole period of time that marks camp‘s evolution. So, starting in the summer of 2015, the situation grasped its extremities in Moria. Refugee flows had risen sharply and Greece was clearly unprepared to manage them. Depending on the flows, 15,000 to 25,000 refugees and immigrants were in Lesvos in the fall of 2015 for days, waiting for the moment when they would be transported to mainland Greece to continue their journey. Most of them were located in the Moria Hospital (Higginbottom, 2020). The structure was reaching a record population and so another camp for another 700 people was set up outside the gates.
In November 2015, the government's business plan for immigration provided for Lesvos that the existing structure in Moria would be gradually closed. The aim was
12 Retrieved from https://www.dw.com/en/refugees-endure-living-hell-of-greeces-moria-camp-on- lesbos/a-51305549
Postgraduate Dissertation 31 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. the creation of a new closed structure, which was expected to be used as a Pre- Departure Center and Reception and Identification Center with a capacity of more of 5,000 people (FRA, 2016). One year after, in September 2016, about 5,700 people were on the island without perspective, at the mercy of false news spreading like wildfire in the structure. At the end of the first week of September 2016, a whisper caused a disturbance in Moria (Hackwill, 2017). According to the false news, seven migrants were killed trying to leave the island hidden in the body of a truck. What followed was false news about the immediate and massive return of the trapped to Turkey, which leaded to the incidents and the fire in Moria 13 (DW, 2019).
Continuing, on the afternoon of September 19 of 2016, shortly after 7 am, the hotspot of Moria was evacuated14. According to the local media, the island lived one night of ―hell‖ 15. In Moria half the hot spot burns while many immigrants took refuge in Mytilene. A clash between different ethnic groups resulted in a fire, which would eventually burn 50 tents and much of the camp.The number of 4,000 refugees and migrants roamed the island, looking for temporary accommodation. The children were transported to PIKPA facilities on the island; police arrested nine refugees and migrants, while the government chartered a ship that would act as a temporary accommodation until the damage to the hotspot was repaired. The first record of the damage said that about 60% of the facilities were destroyed16.
In general, the specifications of the camp provided for the temporary ―hospitality‖ of up to 2,800 people (IOM, 2018). However, their population had been exceeded 18,000, and the "hospitality" was not temporary. People stacked like sardines, without the possibility of basic functionality and separation of spaces. Adults, the elderly, babies, children and adolescents of both sexes and of all nationalities and religious denominations were mixed, with brown-yellow sewage crossing the camp in streams (IOM, 2018).
In January 2017, within a week, three people died in their sleep in Moria. They were trying to warm themselves in the tents with braziers17. In the following months there
13 DW, Greece wants Turkey to take 10,000 migrants after deadly fire, https://www.dw.com/en/greece- wants-turkey-to-take-10000-migrants-after-deadly-fire/a-50652120
14 KEEPTALKINGGREECE, Moria hot spot on fire – 4,000 evacuated, among them 150 unaccompanied minors, https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2016/09/19/moria-hot-spot-on-fire-4000- evacuated-among-them-150-unaccompanied-minors/
15 KEEPTALKINGGREECE, Moria hot spot on fire – 4,000 evacuated, among them 150 unaccompanied minors, https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2016/09/19/moria-hot-spot-on-fire-4000- evacuated-among-them-150-unaccompanied-minors/
16 KEEPTALKINGGREECE, Moria hot spot on fire – 4,000 evacuated, among them 150 unaccompanied minors, https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2016/09/19/moria-hot-spot-on-fire-4000- evacuated-among-them-150-unaccompanied-minors/
17 Ekathimerini, Alarm raised over third migrant death in six days, https://www.ekathimerini.com/news/215733/alarm-raised-over-third-migrant-death-in-six-days/
Postgraduate Dissertation 32 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. were other deaths. A woman was charred in September 2019 when the container where she was staying burned down. A nine-month-old baby died in November. Earlier, according to the doctors who had examined him, he was showing symptoms of dehydration. The serious omissions and delays, the inaction with which state, police and judicial authorities dealt with these incidents reached the limits of concealment. Almost a month later, in September 2018, Médecins Sans Frontières sent an urgent appeal for the transfer of all vulnerable people from the Moria Hospital to a safe place on the mainland and / or within the European Union 18.
In addition, the health assistance structures were incomplete like all services that were overloaded, understaffed and necessarily cumbersome. Violence was a daily occurrence; group clashes, injuries, sexual assaults. Many women and children stated that in the evenings they did not dare to go to the toilet, which was shared by 60 to 70 people (Chopra et al., 2012). The feeding system, undertaken by the army, was being tested, since the calculation of portions was not always accurate, but mainly because it required queuing for many hours, in winter in the cold and rain. The psychological consequences were very serious, especially for children. According to Médecins Sans Frontières, a quarter of them were considering suicide (Chopra et al., 2012).
In general, Moria is portrayed as a prison as its entrance was controlled and a wire fence surrounded the camp facility. People had become imprisoned in multiple rooms; one for unaccompanied juveniles, one for disabled members, and a third for males suffering psychiatric diseases. The other entities who did not belong to these groups resided in tents and, in certain occasions, in containers in another part of the camp. In January 2019, the British NGO Oxfam published testimonies of women in Moria about the horror they were experiencing due to sexual assault. Women said they were forced to wear diapers at night, as they were afraid to leave the tents to go to the toilet (Petridi, 2019). Concluding, in early February 2020, the mobilizations of refugees in Moria against unacceptable health conditions and police violence irritated the far-right reflexes of a group of nationalists on the island. According to the local media stonisi.gr, a group of about 15 young people on Tuesday, February 4, launched an aggressive manhunt in Moria against refugees, immigrants and NGO members.
b) Moria during COVID-19
The government's plan for the refugee-immigration, with the creation of closed centers, was presented in November 2019. In Lesvos it was decided that the existing structure in Moria would be gradually closed, while a new closed camp would be created and, used as a Pre-Departure Center, Reception and Identification Center.
18 MSF, Greek and EU authorities deliberately neglecting people trapped on islands, https://www.msf.org/deliberate-neglect-greek-and-eu-authorities-towards-those-trapped- islands?component=image-272646
Postgraduate Dissertation 33 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In the early September, the first case of coronavirus in Moria was the reason for the Mitsotakis government to proceed with the plan of the closed detention center. At the same time, the Ministry of Immigration had not yet managed to fill the gap that had been created in the health care of refugees, after the departure of the international humanitarian organizations, by closing their structures 19.
Médecins Sans Frontières, for example, had a Covid Isolation Clinic until last July. Despite it, it was forced to close when the independent organization was fined € 60,000 for urban planning offenses, which greatly burdened its manageability. Also, the new Health Center, which was ―inaugurated‖ at the end of July, had not yet opened20.
c) The arson
The dawn of September 10, 2020 found 12,500 people on the street21. Fire was triggered by camp migrants in response to restrictive measures to spread COVID-19. Men, women with small children, even babies, covered with blankets spent the night lying on the asphalt. Their tents had been destroyed and there was no other place for them to stay. According to the national media, there were episodes due to the announcement of 35 positive cases of Covid-19 in the camp and the refusal of some of them to enter quarantine 22. Quarantine deniers soon clashed with others who pointed to the danger for the entire camp while groups of refugees tried to escape through the camp for fear of transmitting the virus.
Hours after the disaster, by order of the Deputy Minister of Civil Protection and Crisis Management, Nikos Hardalia, and decision of the Secretary General of Civil Protection, Vassilios Papageorgiou, the Regional Unit of Lesvos was declared in a state of emergency, for public health reasons for four months. And whereas, the government supported the construction of new detention camps for reason of security, Konstantinos Moutzouris, the governor of the North Aegean, was vertically opposed to such a plan23. On the contrary, as ambassador of the final solution, proposed the transfer of all refugees inland and then to Europe.
19 Kathimerini, ε θαξαληίλα ε Μόξηα κεηά ην πξώην θξνύζκα θνξσλντνύ, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/1094269/se-karantina-i-moria-meta-to-proto-kroysma-koronoioy/
20 Msf, Οη Γηαηξνί Υσξίο ύλνξα αλαγθάζηεθαλ λα θιείζνπλ ηε δνκή COVID-19 ζηε Λέζβν, https://msf.gr/magazine/oi-giatroi-horis-synora-anagkastikan-na-kleisoyn-ti-domi-covid-19-sti-lesvo
21 Avgi, ηάρηε θαη απνθαΐδηα ε Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto-dromo-hiliades-prosfyges
22 Avgi, ηάρηε θαη απνθαΐδηα ε Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto-dromo-hiliades-prosfyges
23 EFSYN, Με κπιόθν ζηηο κπνπιληόδεο πξνεηδνπνηεί ν Μνπηδνύξεο – Ση απαληά ε θπβέξλεζε, https://www.efsyn.gr/node/232409
Postgraduate Dissertation 34 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In order to strengthen urgent situations for people impacted by the fires in Lesvos, the Commission provided emergency assistance. In addition to the extensive organizational and financial assistance already given to Greece, the Commission issued emergency relief of EUR 750,000 to support urgent humanitarian needs. To date, 10 Member States - Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Netherlands, Finland, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Portugal, Slovenia, Norway and Switzerland- participated in the resettlement attempts 24.On the one hand, Germany, assured that it would contribute ―substantially‖ if its official government line stated that it would not receive refugees unilaterally25. However, he stressed that the refugees in Lesvos were in a ―desperate situation‖ and that this was a ―special state of emergency‖. However, a thousand of men, women and children were left homeless.
A European Task Force was, thus, set up in Brussels on 23 September 2020 to address the emergency situation in Lesvos (Mitchell & Sparke, 2020). In the aftermath of the fire that destroyed the Moria center on the islands of Lesvos, the Commission declared that it would set up a special task force to sustainably strengthen the conditions on the island. A joint pilot with the Greek authorities for updated reception services would be initiated by the task force (Mitchell & Sparke, 2020). It would also help guarantee efficient control of migration, including sufficient working standar ds, greater certainty by quicker processes, and more inclusive distribution of roles and cooperation.
Thus, the taskforce would operate in close coordination with EU agencies and international organizations on the field (Mitchell & Sparke, 2020). Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said: “Moria is a stark reminder of the need to find sustainable solutions on migration. We are stepping up, with our EU agencies, to provide support to the migrants who were left without shelter, and to Greece. And we expect the other Member States to step in, too. Together we have to show that Europe manages migration in a humane and effective way. The European Commission is ready to contribute its share.”(European Commission, 2020).
VI. Moria’s prison
In the above sections, both the time path of Moria's camp and the events that occurred during the arson were described. However, in order to deeply comprehend the arson at Moria by the refugees, as a final outcome, it is crucial to record the feelings born to
24 The Guardian, EU official says asylum policy impasse 'part of the problem' at Moria, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/10/eu-official-says-asylum-policy-impasse-part-of-the- problem-at-moria
25 EFSYN, Ζ επξσπατθή ππνθξηζία ζην πξνζθπγηθό «θάεθε» ζηε Μόξηα, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259413_i-eyropaiki-ypokrisia-sto-prosfygiko-kaike-sti-moria
Postgraduate Dissertation 35 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. those who live in camps, in an effort to be interpreted and understood the reasons that probably lead them to such actions.
a) The connection of fear and anger
In more than 125 countries there are refugee camps and while we would like to believe that they are temporary facilities, the grim reality is that the expected lifespan of a refugee situation is seventeen years (Fleming, 2014). One would also like to assume that refugee camps are secure environments where those who have survived the experience of war or the danger of violence will heal. Unfortunately, this is not normally the case, as refugee camps seem to be dangerous areas and they are commonly under-policed; for anyone who hopes for a transition for the better, refugee camps are always associated with suffering and loss of perspective (Schmid, 2016). They can become prime targets for terrorism, much like jails. Nearly half of the world's refugee individuals are under the age of 18 (van der Velde, & van Naerssen, 2011). This means that young people are more likely than older people to join terrorist organizations (Schmid, 2016). Open-ended residencies in those camps present militants and resistance fighters with recruiting opportunities.
The refugees in camps consider themselves in a doubly situation (Hogg et al., 2017). It is not feasible for them to remain where they are- in camps-, due to the fact that they are meant to be "on the move'' towards to their way home or anywhere else. On the other hand, they may not stop to be "on the move," as they cannot go somewhere, either now or in the near future. For them, the mere consequence is that they live in a time zone where time grinds to a stop within the camp facilities, while regular time outside the camp continues (Smith et al., 2000). This time period, compared to the lives that are living, is a limbo with no hope of an ending. This negative effect of fear of detention is culminated in greater distrust, anger, animosity; Martinez et al. (2014) asserts that there is a connection and that refuges‘ and immigrants‘ mental health appears to be strongly impacted by tough laws and policies.
As refugees constitute a greater group, according to the principle of self- categorization (Turner & Reynolds, 1985), group members view themselves as examples of the group rather than as distinct individuals when social status is salient. That means that they associate their own traits with those characteristic of the group (Smith & Henry, 1996) and become part of the self with the in-group memberships. When this occurs, incidents that hurt or help an in-group harm or favor the self, and the self could thereby feel consequences and feelings on behalf of the in-group. With all those variables in mind, a model of intergroup feelings, based on social association with the in-group is introduced by Smith (1996). Where social identification is dominant, social identity-related evaluations of circumstances or incidents rely on social rather than personal issues; individuals are not generally directly concerned with the circumstance or the event, but they feel feelings so they may support or harm their community (Hogg et al., 2017, p. 603).
Postgraduate Dissertation 36 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Moreover, refugee camps are places that refugee population can experience two strong feelings inseparably connected with each other; the feeling of fear and anger. History annals and current news reports are an unparalleled testimony to the ways in which the members of other groups devaluate, discriminate against, and even decimate out-groups. Social psychologists have generally concentrated on prejudice as the source of discrimination-in adding a social psychology viewpoint to the interpretation of negative intergroup behavior (Smith & Henry, 1996). Despite the perspectives offered by such an approach, conceptualizing bias as a derogatory group judgment has shown little support in understanding the broad spectrum of adverse reactions to out-groups (Brewer, 1993).
Nonetheless, the notion of fear expressed in camps entails both risk and anxiety. Huddy et al. (2005) collapses uncertainty into the principles of anxiety highlighting that ―anxiety leads to an overestimation of risk and risk -averse behavior … whereas external and perceived threat increase support for outwardly focused retaliatory action”. Objectively, fear is described by an aversion to the behavior or source of fear, a willingness to respond to others that are perceived as experts or authority figures, whether they are adults or elites, and a desire to resolve the source of fear by intervention that can make the person feel secure anew; fear means that one is not safe, that one is at risk (Hogg et al, 2017). Fear directs the human to obtain advice from his leaders, as will be seen. The anxiety portion of fear will make the person averse to such circumstances, but the danger portion pushes the person to acknowledge that if he ever feels secure again, the threat must be resolved (Rubin, 2011).
Rage, on the other hand, continues to minimize riskiness (Rubin, 2011) and contributes to the victim population‘s need for vengeance . Rage is rarely defined as a real or intended emotion; angry reactions appear to be fast and harsh. Political officials can exploit these emotional waves to explain military interventions and falls in civil liberties (Rubin, 2011). Petersen and Zukerman (n.d) claim that the idea of an agent or party committed a blameworthy behavior against one's self or group is a vital cognitive component of anger. As such, the resulting propensity is to exact retribution by punishing the perpetrating group or entity. In terms of how anger affects people‘s responses, anger makes risky behaviors look less risky (Johnson, 2009).
Additonally, rage induces one to want revenge; fear causes a person to interpret as dangerous even harmless circumstances. Fear helps a person or community feel like their life or well-being is being threatened, unlike anger (Hogg et al, 2017, p. 576). People hide from things they fear or stop them. As Smith says, in-group intensity assessments trigger individuals to respond to inter-group conflict with frustration and aggression, while in-group vulnerability assessments lead individuals to respond to inter-group conflict with anxiety and evasion (Smith, 1999). This view of rage is well related to the principle of frustration of the social psychology, which notes that aggression or conflict can be clarified by the feelings of frustration of the actor (Berkowitz, 1989). Of course, frustration can be equated with anger as it occurs when
Postgraduate Dissertation 37 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. a person thinks like an injustice has arisen and that some external force is to blame(Crisp & Turner, 2014).
b) The camp of Moria- a modern prison
Detention centers were presented as a necessary means of tackling a national problem, that of ―illegal immigration‖ (IOM, 2011). Moria as such a detention center, from its early age, was strongly criticized for its role, which focuses mainly on its repressive character, which is considered contrary to humanitarian. Moria‘s connection with the general political-legal framework, in which it was created, brings us face to face with the concepts of the state of emergency and the camp (Agamben, 2011).
The term state of exception was considered by Giorgio Agamben (2011), a political philosopher who argues that states use this emergency as a governance mechanism to establish new policy arrangements. He describes the exception as a kind of exclusion from the general rule, without being deprived of it. Agamben argues that one of the paradoxes of the exception is that we cannot distinguish the violation of the law by its execution (Takayosi, 2011). In the case of the immigration issue, there are points in the concept of the state of exception in the institutional context from which they arose, but also in their practical operation, such as arrest by police - executive authority and deportation and detention - executive as judicial.
The philosopher uses a type of Roman law, the homo sacer, to describe the subject on which he exercises jurisdiction, where the Roman citizens characterized him as murderous and, at the same time, innocent because of the crime he committed. According to Agamben, homo sacer means a lethal life that is the product of violence that surpasses both the domain of law and sacrifice (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr, 2004). Homon sacer corresponds to a life in which criminal acts are not prosecuted; it can be applied to ―terrorists‖ or refugees in today's culture, who are exposed to ―inhuman‖ treatment by aid workers (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr, 2004, p. 39).
This argument is especially important when G. Agamben makes it for contemplating the common unifying view of prevailing life, which, is faced with a "destructive" domination of a broader spectrum of subjects beginning with concentration camp prisoners (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr, 2004). He, thus, explores both sites of imprisonment and incarceration across the death camps (Agamben, 2004). Therefore as Agamben (1998) claims, if refugees constitute such a crucial factor in the order of the nation-state, this is partly because they bring the original fiction of modern democracy into crisis by breaking the continuity between man and person, birth and nationality. This points out, according to Turner (2015) that refugees question the presumed relation between country, state and people by belonging neither here nor there (p. 140).
At first glance, Moria is an immigration detention center for people who violate immigration regulations -deviant behavior-, but at the same time, these people are in a
Postgraduate Dissertation 38 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. state of crisis due to the ―paperless‖ regime. Foucault's concept of ―sacred space‖ (Camplell, 2006) can be linked to the ―sacred life‖ of Homo Sacer (Agamben, 1998). In the theory of naked life, human life is trapped in a regime of exclusion of the individual from the community, but without being subject to any kind of punishment or imprisonment (Agamben, 1998). This is a kind of double exception, which includes people who are considered ―sacred‖ in terms of shielding their human rights, but are not considered ―citizens‖, do not hold political rights. Indeed, in the case of Moria camp and in relevance with the aforementioned, there is the possibility Moria to consist in the realization of the state of emergency and the consequent creation of a space where naked life and rule enter to indiscretion. Yet, if something like that occurs, it is nonnegotiable the fact that a camp is created each time upon similar structures, regardless of importance, the crimes committed (Agamben, 1998).
Specifically, for Agaben (2000) camps are the space that operates when the reality of emergency becomes a norm; they are not the product of ordinary law, but they are founded by the state of emergency and martial law. This suggests that a permanent physical form is now obtained by the state of exception, which exists beyond the regular order. Refugee camps, at the highest level, are places to continue and control the ―out of place matter‖ that refugees constitute and restabilize the national order or things; the widening between birth -naked life- and the nation-state is the current truth of the politics of our time, and this difference is what we call " camp " (Agamben, 2000, p. 43). In other words, the camp is both the symptom and the intended treatment; they are viewed as extraordinary and therefore temporary steps that must be taken before normality is restored again in the future, having been established as a response to a state of emergency (Turner, 2015, p. 142).
Regarding the socio-political dimension of Moria, it can be related to the concept of ―camp‖, a place in which the inmates are neither considered prisoners of war, nor serve a sentence, but are in a more indefinite state. In Moria, ―….the unacceptable living conditions are not random, but the result of a political choice‘‘ is referred to the national newspaper of Avgi26 (Emprociello, 2020). Indeed, for Agamben (1998), the concentration camp is today the biopolitical example of the West; he states that the ‗production of a biopolitical body is the original activity of sovereign power‟ (p. 6). In reference to the biopolitical aspect, each person is a potential homo sacer that is also subject to recurrent historical events (Dean, 2004). The notion of the camp is formed in focus, because the camp reveals itself as the organization of naked life opted by the sovereign; it is a strong biopolitical space that hides the deep illustrations of the political environment of modernity (Agamben, 1998). All in all, camps are considered as the ''nomos'' of the modern (Agamben, 1998).
Particularly, the refugee camp is described as ―the absolute, pure, impassable biopolitical space” by Agamben (1998, p. 78), where power over life and death can be exercised. The disproportionate authority and punitive power that can be wielded
26 Avgi, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα. Σα ρεηξόηεξα πέξαζαλ;, https://www.avgi.gr/entheta/enthemata/367130_fotia-sti-moria-ta-heirotera-perasan
Postgraduate Dissertation 39 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. in a refugee camp is logically extracted from the political otherness of refugees as unwelcome, unwanted others joining the body of the nation-state (Agier, 2011). In other words, a camp as an ―other space‖ is closely associated to nationalism‘s concept and includes all those people who have “no right to have freedom‖ (Dalal et al., 2018, p. 65).
On the other hand, the stay in the camps is defined as preparation for the transfer of their users to other places or otherwise ―non-places‘ (Foucault, 2003). In this sense, non-places differ from the rest ones in that they cannot be determined by their historicity, their particular identity, or the relationships they have; they are traditional places, such as an airport or a train station, alienated from their users, and people, while acting and moving in them, do not interfere in their formation (Auge, 1995).
The anthropological origins of non-places are found in various forms, which differ according to the characteristics of each society (Foucault, 2003). More specifically, they refer to places for people with behavior that deviates from the general rules of society such as psychiatric clinics, and prisons, with the entry to them to be accompanied by some kind of exclusions (Foucault, 1984). This fact, thus, is reinforced by the description of Moria in the Greek newspaper Rizospasths that Moria is ―…an entrapment of people in miserable conditions‟‟27 (Papadakis, 2019). Simultaneously, Agier (2011) observes that camps and ghettos are equally emerging because both are distanced from the state and connected to the refugee experience, so they are part of a global matrix of oppressed spaces.
A representative example of Agamben is his exploration of Auschwitz and the strategies of the Nazi regime. Agamben, through the Nazi concentration camp, reckons another version of ―naked life‖ or homo sacer, and that is the figure of ―Muslim‖- ―muselmann‘‘, the refugee (Mesnard, 2004). He noted that testimony can be considered only from the aspect of the witnesses of dead people that following is referred to ―Muslim‘‘. The term ―Muslim‖ is exploited in Auschwitz to determine the deportees that suffered from illnesses or clinical exhaustion. This metaphor is transferred to the current deportees that in camps, as Moria, are prone to severe brutality and deprivation reaching to death (Mesnard, 2004). Using this scheme, George Agamben turns the Muslim refugees‘ figure into the integral witness of a camp, as Auschwitz, Moria, and many others existed throught the world; Zaatari camp is another example that even though it was transformed into one of the largest urban centers in Jordan, in the end it became synonymous with a planning failure (Dalal et al., 2018, p. 67).
In conclusion, hotspots seem to demonstrate how boundaries diminish the humanitarian creativity (Pallister-Wilkins, 2020). Therefore, a vital question arises regarding to the way that hotspots can be considered inside humanitarian geographies in the face of the circumstances produced there. This reality seems to be in stark
27 RIZOSPASTIS, Αιπην δήηεκα, όζν θάλνπλ θνπκάλην απηνί πνπ ην δεκηνπξγνύλ..., https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10508312
Postgraduate Dissertation 40 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. contrast to the development of the humanitarian frontier where border control and r police procedures elige humanitarian life issues in the policing of mobility (Pallister- Wilkins, 2020). This study researches these phenomena in the camp of Moria, as a crucial dimension and reason of the beginning of the arson.
C. THE IMPORTANCE OF LANGUAGE
Allport (1954) declares that language is the most effective method for individuals to form and transmit social prejudiced categorizations towards people according to their social characteristics. According to him, people can ―cut slices‖ through the use of words (Allport, 1954, p. 178); words help to separate persons into categories, thereby leading to how people view and handle each other in the most fundamental way. This fact leads to ways wherein we identify others shaping expectations of both the communicator and the target. The targeting, yet, of a social group can impair society's memory of one specific population (Echterhoff et al., 2005).
Language shapes and reinforces assumptions of intersectional cultures and interactions between communities (Birney, 2020, p. 429); subtle linguistic diverse choice of words can exacerbate or attenuate stereotypic perceptions. There are diverse indirect ways for language to transmit specific values. Interestingly, however, a different intensity of receiver inferences that is correlated with different types of linguistic labels. When it contributes to the forming of social realities, the choice of language and its relations of how some population identities are protected, or not, is critical and it must not be ignored (Birney, 2020). A current example is the fact that COVID-19 is often pointed to in the media as ―Chinese flu‖ or ―international flu‖; on the basis of this data, the hidden implications may not be evident from the first glance, but it raises bigotry and xenophobia towards people of Asian origin, and towards people from other nations, in general (The New York Times Editorial Board, 2020).
Language abstraction, as described by the Linguistic Category Model, is one of the most studied linguistic methods associated with stereotype expectation (as cited in Semin, 2011).More practically, descriptive action verbs are the most concrete (e.g. ―The Coronavirus epidemic and the isolation of Lesvos acted as a catalyst‘‘); these define discrete, visible actions and retain the event's perceptual characteristics (Beukeboom & Burgers, 2017). Interpretive action verbs and state action verbs are, also, defined in the second group, but they are more generalized in that they apply to a broad class of activities and do not retain the perceptual characteristics of an action (e.g. ―People don‘t want to go back‘‘); state verbs, finally, set an unnoticeable mental and not a particular occurrence (e.g. ―Greek officials have threatened…‖) (Beukeboom & Burgers, 2017). The most descriptive are the adjectives (e.g. ―Refugees were helpless‖) that only describe the subject, show no relation to meaning or particular actions, and thus generalize specific events and objects (Beukeboom & Burgers, 2017). Concluding, the level of abstraction in social event explanations influences the forms of inferences that are made by receivers.
Postgraduate Dissertation 41 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Additionally, the use of a noun for one‘s label means that it is about a particular characteristic that is important and concrete in comparison with the use of a verb (Walton & Banaji, 2004). A similar difference is observed in the grammatical forms of nouns versus adjectives; nouns strongly reveal stereotype inferences whereas the adjective does not trigger great dispositional inferences. That is, especially in comparison to an adjective, a noun type mark conveys further assumptions that affirm linguistic prejudice. For instance, describing someone as a refugee, that is about a noun, creates more stereotypical consistent schemes than describing the specific person as part of a refugee population, that is an adjective (Carnaghi et al., 2008).
Considering further the importance of language, even from the sight of social psychology, language is crucially presented as a strategic tool held by people inside the political territory to persuade the values and aspects of the audience (Gibbs, 1994). This reveals the power that language has such great as with the appropriate handlings to lead minds and transform perceptions. Fleming & Spicer (2007) identify that manipulation exercised by power, limits or highlights issues perpetuating a specific overview. Thus, there is the possibility of manipulation so as to provide a particular way that establishes issues, perceptions with legitimacy; further, this legitimacy is generalized and a socially constructed system of norms is created (Suchman, 1995).
Regarding language and power, Fairclough (1989) notes that knowing of the use of language permits social and personal gains to be fulfilled. He stresses the degree to which language, power and ideologies influence each other by suggesting that power is exercised by ideology and the ideological dynamics of language, and that power relationships in social structures are often ideologically inf luenced by language. Fairclough (1989) cautions, as well as, that it confuses our perception of how power and language influence each other by underestimating the role of language in the development, preservation and alteration of social ties of power. As Clegg (2014), also, asserts, it is vital to comprehend that power and control are not just something that exists inside people, but they are developed instead during interpersonal relationships.
More elaborately, Fairclough (1992) supports that by common-sense rituals in language usage, authority and social power are practiced more subtly rather than by the overt application of force and manipulation. Kassin & McNall (1991) provide a representative paradigm based on the police practices; particularly, police officers tend to use communicating promises and threats to obtain confessions from criminal suspects with the use of language rather than the use of brute force to non-coercive techniques of questioning (p. 234).
Language mediates people‘s understanding and perception of the world; by having a cognitive structure of definitions, language allows them to understand and give meaning of the reality, and through words and interpretations to perceive the world, reflect it to their mind, speak about it and share ideas with other people (Sonderling,
Postgraduate Dissertation 42 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. 1998). That is, language lies between people and world, and the understanding of the world is conditioned, colored and skewed. One cannot clearly define the environment, according to Sapir (1957), as there is a dependent relational universe of meanings created by language. So, we are totally covered by words, which tend to seem a straightforward and impartial medium of communicating. But conversely, language is not actually a neutral means for correspondence and comprehension (Sonderling, 1998).
Farther than that, Sonderling (1998) alleges that learning how to use language is part of a continuum of socialization wherein individuals develop social representatives. It is by such a method that one learns words and their meanings, culture's ideals and approaches to the world. The way one views the world and environment, is organized or influenced by language and represents the values and philosophy of a society and a culture (Ellis, 1992, p. 27). That means that the intimate correlation between language and thought can be imprinted in the fact that one linguistic and cultural group hold certain ideas and meanings, but this might not happen in another (Sonderling, 1998).
Bourdieu (1991) notes that language is a complex norm in which political relations are often reflected on linguistic exchanges. His definition of habitus then represents ―a set of dispositions with agents to act and react in certain ways‖ (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 12). This collection of provisions produces increasingly learned behaviors, perceptions, and attitudes by an inculcation or socialization that is not inherently regulated by a law (Kiramba, 2018). Habitus, embodied as a social world relationship, is not comprised exclusively of mental beliefs and expectations (Reay, 2004), but reflects a changing relationship between past and present in which arrangements are organized, sustainable and able to endure through an individual's life-history. In this way, provisions are dynamic and are able to produce a range of behaviors and attitudes beyond the areas where they were initially obtained (Reay, 2004). Habitus thus causes practical regularities or stabilities to be observed and therefore explicitly contributes to social reproduction (Hanks, 2005). As such, a habitus is the collection of provisions to use language(s) in some, typically unexamined or unconscious, ways, especially around language-use tests focused on socially instilled values (Hanks, 2005).
Hence, one could interrogate where the importance of language lies. The answer is in its capacity to construct what are ―real‖ lies the strength of language: through illustration, metaphor and interpretation (Farquhar & Fitzsimons, 2011). In structuring social possibilities, the innovative use of words is an influential process. It is the means by which language interacts and interprets reality on the one hand a nd on the other, translation is the process of influence in which language provides opportunities for multiplicity and differentiation (Farquhar & Fitzsimons, 2011). As for Foucault, power is not an entity, a system, or force with which persons are endowed; it is the name given to a ―complex strategic relationship in a given society‖ (as cited in Gordon, 1980, p. 236). The exercise of authority is derived from the way in which the field of other potential acts can be organized by specific actions (Foucault, 2001). The
Postgraduate Dissertation 43 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. way we communicate points out what we consider feasible. Thus, language is definitely a key element in the exercise of power.
Therefore, the fact that language is never stagnant is the most significant of these (Fife, 1949). Any social experience or every science breakthrough, all of a social group's important and many meaningless encounters are influences that enable the language slightly different from what it was before. As it is used eventually, a word collects new meanings; the word can be very distinct from what it was before it began its dynamic existence (Fife, 1949). The effects of this nuanced form of language are enormous.
I. Language’s ideology in texts
Texts enclose language, and language coexists in texts. Texts are the places where world's cognition and presentation, and social contact are conjunct; they are multi- semiotic with language to retain the main semiotic form in printed texts (Fairclough, 1995, p. 6). Yet, language is combined with other types, such as photographs and images, which in turn, have a salient essence in each text analysis (Fairclough, 1995, p.4). A text consists of several signs and has a structure, coherence and organization that is systematic. In general, texts may be segments of language that are spoken or written; so, they are content products of a certain discourse (Sonderling, 1998, p. 13). Different discourses create distinct text styles (Fairclough, 1990) and a text's structured arrangement represents the method of its development. For instance, a journalistic discourse produces news articles and a text of a newspaper is distinguished by a distinctive style of presenting information, correspondingly.
The text structure leads to broader parts of the text, such as the subjects, topics, positions and the general context of the text (van Dijk, 1988). Words are arranged into a cohesive unity in different sentences or sequences of sentences, comprising the basic text. The general subject or theme described in the document is provided to readers by such a global context or text structure (van Dijk, 1988). Choice of relevant topics and the absence of others provide insight into the discursive practice's assumptions, views and structures of understanding and ideologies (Sonderling, 1998). For example, Greek newspapers in the September of 2020 report on the arson of the refugee camp Moria; newspaper from different political contexts elaborate the same topic paying attention to different segments of it.
As far the text-language relation is concerned, it is a binary bond where language is not powerful on its own. It holds power through the use of it by power individuals (Fairclough, 2000). Wodak & Busch (2004) support, certainly, that language tracks power, reflects power, and when there is conflict and an appeal to power, it is present; language does not benefit directly from power, but it may be used to question power, to sabotage it and to adjust power distributions (p.109). Van Leeuwen (1993, as cited in Fairclough,1995) sets that the analysis of texts demands a methodological process in order to emerge their hidden meanings, as the distinction both of their explicit and
Postgraduate Dissertation 44 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. of their implicit elements is tough (Faircough, 1995, p. 5). Indeed, the elaboration of the vague elements of a text is equally important, as it indicates points that the text might aim to hide.
In addition and as far as the grammar of language is concerned, Kress & Hodge (1979) state that it is about the ―theory of reality‘‘, as grammar includes frameworks for explaining the interaction between objects and events, and these models categorize world events. Grammar, originated in ancient Greece, for the Greeks is part of their general research into the essence of the universe; it presents distinctions in a sentence for the distinction between subject and object, clarifying cause by connecting an act and a result (Lyons, 1977). The writer decides and chooses vocabulary and grammatical constructions in the creation of language, and each choice influences the context conveyed by providing a different world view (Ellis, 1992). Every decision alters definitions and brings another viewpoint that generally represents an ideological devotion. Based on the above, for Kress (1984), a critical comprehension of language can prove that a given linguistic construction option is made rather than another one. The example of Fowler (1991) pinpoints that a reporting on action may be addressed by a writer from multiple perspectives; the use of active or passive voice and the use of transitive or intransitive verbs are some of those.
Bloommaert & Bulcaen (2000) describe this association of language and text as “socially constitutive as well as socially conditioned” (p. 448). Language ideologies, belief systems, values and perceptions that affect all choices of language users, even if explicit or implicit, are unconsciously determined by evaluations of acceptable language styles, along with clear views on individuals and groups (Mc Groarty, 2019, p. 3). Language is no longer seen as an isolated and straightforward channel that can be segregated from society and culture. It appears in texts where the social relations of power produced are developed; it sustains or even transforms them (Faircough, 1989, p. 14).
Concluding, language, offers a means of interpreting meanings and relating experiences, which can contribute to understandings between people and related, but never equivalent views of the world (Power et al., 2011). The interpretations of words derive from relationships and are changed by perception, but, of course, there are still several alternative explanations. Interpretation is revolutionary, as according to Denzin (1994), it points out differing versions of an occurrence, object, text or experience. Significantly, language is not simply transformative, but it mirrors people‘s experience; it has the ability to "create experience and in the process" of creation continuously transforms and postpones what is being mentioned (Denzin, 1997).
Postgraduate Dissertation 45 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. D. THE PRESENCE OF MEDIA
I. Discursive representation of the refugees in printed media
Fairclough (1995) supports that ―textual analysis demands diversity of focus not only with respect to functions but also with respect to levels of analysis” (p. 7). Discourse is the language use as social practice and, following, discourse analysis is explained as how the sociocultural contradictions are blown into texts‘ form (Fairclough, 1995, p.7). It goes beyond the sentence and focuses on the form of language investigating all kinds of texts, such as advertising, written or spoken language conversations and texts, pictures, video and music. As such, the use of words is an action; people speak executing a variety of actions as they do so moving their lips, making sounds, creating marks on the paper, answering questions and many others (Austin, 1962). Such usage is referred to as discursive practice and is a basic mode of collective practice involving the creation, dissemination and presentation of texts (Faircough, 1989). People‘s social context, social position, identity, and membership in a social community ultimately decide the type of language they use and the way they speak (Fairclough, 1990).
Yet, initially, the word ―discourse‘‘ should be elaborated so as to understand its meaning and its relationship with language. Discourse has not been approached similarly by all researchers, as the term has been used variously within the space of discourse analysis. Wodak & Busch (2004) refers to this discourse-historical approach, starting from the central European and German field where text and discourse are distinguished based on text linguistics tradition as well as to rhetoric; to English-speaking context, where the term discourse is exploited not only for written texts but also for oral, and finally, to other researchers focus on discourse‘s levels of abstractness. Floridi (2018) explains that a level of abstraction (LoA) is a set of observables that is finite but not blank. The observables, which are supposed to be the building blocks of a theory defined by their own definition, are given no order.
On the one hand, according to Dryzek (2001), discourse is “a shared way of comprehending the world embedded in language‟‟ (p. 658). That is, certain discourses constitute a map of artifacts, thoughts, mechanisms and interactions that need to be conveyed by members of the culture or discursive group (Fowler, 1991). Each discourse has a number of concepts that permit to people's mind to develop concrete attitudes so that they can communicate with others (Dryzek and Niemeyer, 2008, p. 481). Thus, for Deborah & Panovic (2016), discourse, firstly, is the language above the sentence; secondly, is language in use; thirdly, is a form of social practice that language has vital role (Berger, 2016, p. 598).
Notwithstanding, a discourse expresses much more than a meaning; it does not depend merely upon the specific choice of words in texts, the sentences, the syntax, and so on, but on the diverse types of language formulation through which meanings are highlighted or ignored (van Dijk, 2000, p. 41). As Fowler refers (1991), it is
Postgraduate Dissertation 46 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. possible to consider words as a reflection of the world as viewed according to a culture's ideological needs (p. 82) as discourses reflect the categorization of the universe as they operate within a framework organized around ideological assumptions and a specific point of view. In the light of it, one question should always be in the foreground, and it is how language is structured in speech in order to enhance or set aside social relations.
Giving further explanation, van Dijk (2000) refers to the symbolic meaning of some discursive forms, such as racism (p. 34). He explicates the opaque messages of discourse that are developed through language and speech and are presented by the press. This means that despite the fact that they seem to be naturalized, they are so effective to legitimate ideologies and seclude social minorities. So, it is verified that discourses are factors for people‘s categorization and valuation providing or taking back importance to persons according to their sex or gender, social status, nationality and race affiliation (Sonderling, 1992). In more detais, Sonderling (1992) gives a representative example by describing the way media of South Africa labeled as Third World drivers black minibus-taxi drivers; this categorization led to the result black minibus-taxi drivers to be stigmatized as bad drivers, totally responsible for the most road fatal accidents and able to drive merely in Third World countries.
In the view of it, Hsu (2013) notes that discourse researchers should not be concerned with what people have in their minds, but with transferring these contextual and peripheral phenomena into the empirical emphasis seeing how discourse works and is part of social behavior. This representational understanding of language can be comprehended through the ―two-world‖ commitment of philosopher John Stewart (as cited in Bingham, 2002). To exemplify, Stewart (1995) advocates that language is part of World B in reference to the rest of reality that is part of World A (as cited in Bingham, 2002). This representation leads to a distinction between language and objects, language and people, and language and states of minds. That is to say, language and discourse are the representation of reality.
In addition, Hajer and Versteeg (2005) set as a discourse ―an ensemble of ideas, concepts, and categories through which meaning is transforming our world‟‟ (as cited in Senit, 2020, p. 413). Discursive representation frames positions and perspectives on complex issues and can determine the social events. Thus, it is characterized by a tend to social constraints on what is or is not deemed receivable for explicitly expressing; this means that one instead of formulating his/ her views overtly, one can modulate his/her expressions of beliefs based on what is socially acceptable to convey (McKenzie, 2003). Indeed, discursive representation is the concept that is mostly used to address to small groups of heterogeneous minorities, such as refugees (Dryzek & Niemeyer, 2008, p. 482), and condemns the mass thinking of people to the creation of common perceptions instead of the representiion of their individual opinions (Sunstein, 2003). Discursive representation is established when people represent their views, their experience, attitudes, beliefs, thoughts and habits through discourses. However, at this point one might wonder to what extent discursive representation, serving different interests, effectively leads to the democratization of society.
Postgraduate Dissertation 47 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Georgiou and Schafer (2019) explain how the traditionally defined equilibrium between the key constituents of society is disrupted by the media; the general public becomes observer and receiver of information from trained court reporters. Media representations are particularly important in shaping expectations and creating what people think, feel and practice, focusing on the impact of language and power in relation to social facts (Booth & Blake, 2020). They are not a neutral depiction of 'truth' but a position of power which by reflecting hegemonic viewpoints held by socially privileged groups, marginalizes alternative aspects (Ott & Mack, 2010, as cited in Booth & Blake, 2020).
Refugee media representation literature has shown that refugees are often depicted as security threats, fake or victims (van Dijk, 1995, p. 19). In other words, refugees are described in discourse with three different ways, but with the most of the times without exemplifying to whom are refuges threats. Although subject position corresponds to a clear position in the debate, it seems that abstract borders illustrate the emotional nature of subject framing (Leudar et al, 2008). According to van Dijk (2005), customarily, in critical media studies analytical approaches reveal stereotypical and biased conceptions along texts, photographs or pictures (p. 359). Focusing on refuges discursive representation by media, the existing corpus of studies reveals established standards, and a precisely prejudiced inclination in refugees‘ image in various settings (Smets & Bozdağ, 2018, p. 295). So, several studies recognize the lack of refugees‘ voice and their frequent representation by others with descriptions, such as ‗‘problem‘‘ to countries, economies, safety, and cultures (Figenschou and Thorbjørnsrud, 2015; Horsti, 2013; Teo, 2000; Van Gorp, 2005; Santa Ana, 1999).
Bearing that in mind, once an issue has been recognized, researchers plan to uncover the complexities that underlie such a condition in order to make it clearer and thus obvious (Hernández, 2008). The proposal of Fairclough (1995) to analyze ―sociocultural practice‘‘ relating to media discourse involves examining the ―situation context‘‘, the ―institutional context‘‘ and the ‗socio-cultural context‘‘. Media framing of news in ways that reinforce adverse out-group prejudices contribute to the creation of general- directed public's view for the group (Bickes et al., 2014). The investigation of relationships in the media between discursive activities, events, and texts, and the analysis of how all the above emerge from and are influenced by power, lead to the approach of critical discourse analysis (Faircough, 1995).
II. The language of newspapers
All texts may be regarded as indicators of the use of power in which authors behave as ruling subjects compared to readers who are the recipients of this power (Autto & Törrönen, 2017, p. 65 as cited in Moen-Larsen, 2020). In this paper, the news texts endeavor to mold the image of refugees for the readers and obtain their approval for certain policies or not, related to the arson at Moria. Newsprint media research is a
Postgraduate Dissertation 48 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. fruitful means of questioning the symbolic barriers created and preserved for refugees. Social assumptions such as these determine society‘s conceptions of refugees and play a role in establishing their prospects and restrictions in the broader community.
The use of newspaper media in the present study as a means of data collection, thus, lies in two explanations. Initially, a newspaper study offers rich reference to the ―refugee‖ representations that circulate in Greece and Europe, accordingly, during the time of arson. At a second level, discursive representations that media create are abstract and convincing power bearer; this clarifies the reason why media does not influence the actions of individuals, but it can shape the attitudes of the population (van Dijk, 1995, p. 10). In comparison, newspapers also feature propaganda that promotes the citizen's legitimate identity by putting refugees in the 'other' position (Burroughs, 2015, p. 167).
Arguably, the role of media in peoples‘ life has a broader ideological role in promoting the interests of the dominant through transmitting prevalent ideological discourses (Carvalho, 2007). Entman (1993) supports that journalists choose specific frames within a text to encourage a clear issue description, causal analysis, or a moral assessment setting an issue of the text more salient by another. Press frames stress what the narrative is about and how it can be viewed when focusing on one part of an issue. In the way that journalists present an issue, they have the ability to affect how people view and assess problems and strategies by using precise terms and pictures (Tewksbury & Scheufele, 2009, p. 17, as cited in Ehmer & Kothari, 2018).The systematic use of particular discourses that are portrayed as 'normal',' unavoidable' has contributed to the repetitive representation of welfare recipients within the media (Devereux & Power, 2019).
Because of the roles of these media sources at the local and national level (Öhman et al., 2016), they have a conceptual and facilitating function that correlates rightly to what Fairclough claims to be the primary role of discursive practice. The interplay of social representations in online and conventional media is constantly affecting our understanding of social reality (Smets & Bozdağ, 2018). For instance, the public view of immigrants and refugees is affected by their media representation; the way all religious minorities are portrayed in various types of media is therefore definitely one of the most popular issues that interests studies such as the current one. The language used by the mass media in particular, is faced as a place of dominance and social struggle, as well as a place where language is often merely seemingly clear. Even if, media claim to be impartial in that they set public debate, yet, they amplify relationships with social structure disparities (Wodak & Busch, 2004, p. 110).
In short, media are key players in building and communicating, keeping in mind that the discourses articulated by the news media are transmitted to the public, a range of questions surface along with their responses (Öhman et al., 2016, p. 518). Fairclough (1989) underpins that control in discourse eludes to the ability of a powerful entity, such as a person, a government, a social bunch, to prevail over non- powerful members (p. 46). So, indeed, in mass-media discourses there is a power that
Postgraduate Dissertation 49 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. is hidden, vague and darken; this power is highlighted within the control of the information‘s stream and how it is displayed to the public (Fairclough, 1989).
On close analysis, media, and more specifically, press media, on which this research will center, can impact people‘s conclusion and alter the social structures. Wodak & Busch (2004) allege that power, ideology, sex, hierarchy, and society are all essential segments for the investigation of a text (p. 109). Yet, CDA targets at the necessity of an interdisciplinary analysis in order to comprehend the functions of language in transmitting information (Baudrillard, 2000; Fairclough, 2000a). Besides, control is ―always already there‖, within the texts, within the discourse, within the connections, in instruction, and in society, as Foucault & Gordon (1980) claim.
To conclude, the above understandings lead to investigate the depiction of Moria‘s arson in press media. It may enlighten the ways in which Greek and European press media elaborate the examined topic with the possibility of exercising control over the public view about Lesvos‘ s migrants‘ and refugees' actions. To that degree, the present study concerns the language cohesion and structure, which mostly works within the surface-level of linguistic use, and the discourse coherence that works between basic discourse acts (Kumaravadivelu, B., 1999, p. 458).
E. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
I. Critical Discourse Analysis
For a wide range of studies in various fields, the term Discourse Analysis is used for a number of subjects with very different analytical and methodological orientations (Potter et al., 1990). Their common feature is the belief in the study of the discourse, which in different circumstances is articulated by individuals. Yet, there are several different research paths related to the study of the discourse.
A particular branch of discourse analysis that emphasizes the role of language in culture and political mechanisms is Critical Discourse Analysis (hereinafter CDA). Originated from critical linguistics in the late 1970s, the last few years of 1980s, CDA has a great growth in West. Van Dijk (1984) with the Prejudice on Discourse, Norman Fairclough (1989) with his book Language, Power and Ideology, and Ruth Wodak (1989) with the Language and Power, constitute the most influential representatives of this branch of discourse analysis, with me dia discourse having been extensively examined by the first two.
Searching for the theoretical backgrounds upon which CDA‘s methodology is presented, in reality, CDA corresponds to those that examine textual modes of critique in analytical ways. Analysis was founded in Western Marxism, which offers more focus on society cultural aspects, stressing that the neoliberal social relationships are largely formed, sustained and replicated in cultural and ideological basis. Specifically,
Postgraduate Dissertation 50 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Gramsi, School of Frankfurt, Altusser, Foucault or Bakhtin are considered as the starting points for the diverse theoretical methods of CDA (Fairclough & Wodak, 1997). More particularly, as Liu & Guo (2016) refer CDA owes its birth to two factors. The initial factor is the word ―critical‖, since it focuses on the critical nature of situations; the second one is based on the fact that CDA uses the ―discourse analysis‘‘ instead of ―linguistics‘‘. This ―discourse analysis‘‘ part reveals that CDA is not restricted to the conventional SFL paradigm of Halliday, but it approaches language from a critical viewpoint (Liu & Guo, 2016).
In other words, an expository approach that contributes to the examination of these discourses needs to be a critical one. This method that may not be politically unbiased, but critical and politically committed to social change, should point to reveal the part of discursive hone within the support of unequal control relations (Philips & Jorgensen, 2002, p. 64).Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is the approach that centers fundamentally on revealing how power, social imbalances, and overwhelming belief systems are created, maintained, and operationalized through language; CDA analyzes, questions, evaluates how control is communicated through press dialect (Fairclough, 2013). By studying the language used on specific subjects, one can offer assistance to reveal ―opaque as well as straightforward auxiliary connections of dominance, separation, power and control‟‟ (Wodak, 2011, p. 53).
CDA, likewise, is based on how language structures define and form peoples' mental system (van Dijk, 2005). Specifically, the way that words will be structured and topics will be presented, it may affect how an occasion is characterized in terms of a "favored" mental demonstration. In any case, if controlling discourse is considered as the first major frame of power, on the other hand, controlling people's minds is the other principal way for dominance and authority to be duplicated (van Dijk, 2005, p. 357).
More precisely, CDA sets questions of power and ideology to the study of media coverage in an effort to go beyond a typically ―descriptive‘‘ linguistic practice. The links between texts and social structures, as well as the relationships between interpretation and the practices explored, are a notable consideration of CDA scholars. Discourse is regarded as a mode of practice in society; to the degree that discourses and society are determined and formed by social events, each discursive case is conceptually bound to society (Fairclough, 1995). A quest for aspects or dimensions of truth that are hidden by a seemingly normal and straightforward use of language is also involved in CDA (Faircough, 1995).
All in all, CDA is an approach upon which, texts, discourse practice and socio- cultural reality are interacting and are being profoundly investigated. Texts enclose ideologies of societies; and, ideologies involve power and domination. Ideologies and power are the main objectives of CDA that are represented and reproduced in socia l imprinted texts. For this reason, and as Fairclough (1995) suggests, discoursal and institutional practices cannot be discarded from a text analysis when referring to CDA. They are an integral part of CDA, and an essential ―principle‘‘ (Faircough,
Postgraduate Dissertation 51 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. 1995, p. 9). In the framework of CDA, the researcher, thereby, is attentive to discourse-based power relations and attempts to transcend the natural obscurity of social practices imprinted in texts (Fairclough, 1995, p. 54). The researcher intends to reveal the causes and implications of various discourses and to condemn their social, cultural and political flaws. CDA is, therefore, a reflexive and dedicated approach of social theory, aware of its possible social and political consequences (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999).
Significantly, Fairclough notes another premise that each researcher who deals with CDA, should take into account. That is to say, he argues that the historical frame of a society is a crucial component for data analysis (Faircough, 1995). The historical lines influence the social life represented in texts; these changes are included in discourse practices that are examined in CDA (Fairclough, 1995, p. 19). With these in mind, text analysis, analysis of the procedures of text production and the socio-cultural analysis of each specific discursive situation examined compose the CDA (Fairclough, 1989). Hence, in the present study, the attention is concentrated on CDA that was elaborated by van Dijk (1991, 1993) through four crucial key concepts; power, hegemony, sovereighty, power elits. He specifically examined the ways in which the relationships of superiority, control and inequality are created, replicated and questioned through the discourse process and the derivatives of this process (van Dijk, 1993). In this regard, sovereignty is characterized as the exercise by elites, institutions and groups of social power, resulting in social inequality; an aspect which implies inequality at the political, cultural, class, national, racial and other levels (van Dijk, 1993).
In fact, this mechanism of reproduction of social injustice includes, among other things, multiple types of power-speech interactions, such as promoting, creating, reflecting, legitimizing, rejecting, minimizing or concealing the dominant role in a more or less direct or open manner. Language users, indeed, are identified as members of communities, associations or organizations and under a certain social status they are expected to speak and communicate, write and interpret (van Dijk, 1993).
a) Research method
CRITICAL DICSOURSE ANALYSIS BY VAN DIJK
Teun van Dijk (1991, 1998) is well known for his work investigating racism in news reports that relies on a systematic description of textual semantic and syntactic characteristics. According to him (1991, 1993), prejudices and social discrimination are cognitive and social phenomenona, forms of representation, which are socially acceptable; repetitive views on a topic that they generalize and result in more complex social attitudes. For critical discourse researchers, such as van Dijk is, the key argument is that discourse is related to authority and social preferences; he argues that
Postgraduate Dissertation 52 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. supporting and organizing the goals of a party and commenting that dominated groups still need ideologies as a base for opposition is a core feature of ideology (1998).
In the current study, special focus has been laid on his Socio-cognitive Approach, which reflects on the relationship between discourse systems and ideological structures using an analytical tool called Ideological Analysis of Discourse (van Dijk, 1991). Van Dijk‘s socio-cognitive CDA (1993) has been chosen for this research as it connects society, language, discourse, psychology and racism. Van Dijk (1993, 2011) supports that the most damaging forms of contemporary racism are those of the … [p]olitical, bureaucratic, corporate, media, educational, and scholarly elites that control the most crucial dimensions and decisions of the everyday lives of immigrants and minorities: entry, residence, work, housing, education, welfare, health care, knowledge, information, and culture (p. 145). The Ideological Analysis of Discourse is treated as a particular category of Socio-Political Analysis of Discourse by setting the research aims in a wider context (van Dijk, 1995). The Ideological Discourse Analysis explores what ideology is officially correlated with each social position, since such ideological discourse may seek to protect or oppose social positions in relations of dominance.
In general, the Socio-cognitive Theory of van Dijk is a cognitively based approach that uses the triad of the Discourse - Knowledge - Society, to explain how personal and social knowledge mediates between social systems and the framework of the discourse (van Dijk, 2001). The Discourse is used in this Trinitarian form (see Figure 4) in the broadest sense of the communicative occurrence found in the written texts, the debates, the facial expressions, the gestures, the pictures, the typographic compositions, and all of the discourse's multimedia and semiotic aspects in general (van Dijk, 2001). Knowledge requires values, goals, assessments and emotions individually and socially, whereas the definition of Society is related to the microstructures of human experiences and the wider social and political systems associated with communities and differential relationships within them (van Dijk, 2001).
Postgraduate Dissertation 53 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Discourse
Knowledge Society
Written texts, discussions, facial expressions, gestures, images
Beliefs, goals, Interpersonal knowledge, group evaluations relations and feelings
Figure 4: The Trinitarian relation of Discourse-Knowledge-Society in van Dijk’s socio-cognitive theory
Postgraduate Dissertation 54 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Continuing, through the ideological frame of van Dijk (2000), or otherwise as it is widely known ―ideological square‘‘, he (2011) proposes discourse mechanisms in which text and speech portray both in-groups and out-groups relations. The definition of the ‗‘ideological square‘‘ (see Figure 5) has four central components and is related to the constructive self-presentation and negative other-presentation; ―Emphasize the positive things about Us‘‘, ―Emphasize the negative things about Them‘‘, ―De- emphasize the negative about Us‘‘ and ―De-emphasize the positive things about them‖ constitute its main principles (van Dijk, 2000, p. 44).
IDEOLOGICAL SQUARE
Emphasis on positive Emphasis on negative things about Us things about Them
IDEOLOGICAL SQUARE
De-emphasis on De-emphasis on positive negative about Us about Them
Figure 5: The ideological square of van Dijk
Among these four foundations of the system, semantic macro-strategies of positive self-presentation and negative presentation of others co-exist; the first one focuses on the beneficial qualities of one's community and is used for individual self-keeping or jointly, whereas the negative one exploits dismissive terms on other out-group individuals (van Dijk, 2000). Thus, the above schema he advocates shows the emphasis on the out-derogatory group's features and is used as a phenomenon's empirical lens. However, there are also typical micro-strategies that are quickly recognized in news articles that form the core of this study, with the exception of macro-strategies (van Dijk, 2000).
Hence, the purpose of the study of discourse dynamics is not only to explore the comprehensive characteristics of one mode of discriminatory soc ial activity, but also to develop a deeper understanding of how discourses communicate and influence our minds. Indeed, and as far as ethnic discrimination is concerned, Wodak (2015) also explores how it expresses itself by discursive methods and how many discussions about immigration and national identity are tied to a position and philosophies; ―our‘‘ land and ―here‘‘ within the territory of general the European Union, or exclusively of a European, homogeneous country do not match with the strangers, the ― foreigners‘‘.
Postgraduate Dissertation 55 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Racial discrimination and ―severe‘‘ national identities through the terms 'our' and 'here', represent the nature and core of the speaker, and thus are related to a national- centered. So, van Dijk‘s socio-cognitive model of racist discourse (2011) emphasizes one‘s ability to comprehend this subtle bond of discourse–cognition, as it is the key to explain how ethnic prejudices and ideologies are conveyed and reproduced in a community (p. 148).
II. Methodology of the study
a) Aim and research questions
In the CDA discursive patterns are considered to lead to the development and replication of unequal power social relations groups; such discursive patterns could be social roles, such as the dipole of women and men, or even ethnic minorities and the majority (Philips & Jorgensen, 2002, p. 63). Since the CDA does not perceive itself as politically impartial, but as a critical approach politically oriented to social reform, this approach attempts to expose the role of discursive activity in preserving unequal power ties (Philips & Jorgensen, 2002, p. 64).
Indeed, by employing a CDA during this five-month-long research, the overall aim of the study was to explore how communication is in fact embedded in discourses of power through the articles of the selected newspapers. The news, nonnegotiably, becomes more stereotyped and biased and, as diverse discourses are imprinted through it, it might probably be characterized more ideologically framed. Complementary, journalism and other mass media comprise the normative force that retains the hegemonic institutions of society. In relation to otherwise not-talked-about norms, stereotypes, and perceptions, this pattern is especially evident. An instance could be the migrant people‘s experiences that it is possible to be set negatively and be viewed as passive victims rather than aggressive agents (Vergeer, Lubbers, & Scheepers, 2000; Voorhees, Vick, & Perkins, 2007), or the contrary.
Based on the aforementioned, the main aim of our study was to examine how the use of language can convey and form specific perceptions and views to the broader society about a topic or, more specifically, about a minor group of people, such as refugees. Through this achievement, three more objectives were explored which are the following:
1. to determine the main position taken by mainstream press concerning the debate on Moria's arson. 2. to clarify the positions of the participants of the arson and their attitudes towards the case. 3. to analyze the form and function of the language discourses in the texts of the articles so as finally to be able to comprehend extensively how the arson of Moria was developed through the press media and why.
Postgraduate Dissertation 56 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In the end, we analyzed the discursive representations about the arson at Moria. At a first level, we categorized each relevant thematic pillar in columns according to the socio-cognitive ideological analysis (van Dijk, 2003, p. 62). Further, in order to comprehend the functions of language in news texts, we studied the linguistic discourses from our data and came to conclusions.
As far as the research questions is concerned, the ways in which the Greek and European press established the suffering of the refugee to the reader, intensively occupied us. In tandem with the mediating role of the media, as well as their practices, the portrayal of the refugee as a sufferer or a threat posed important concerns about the broader position of the media, particularly in crucial current events.
The arson at Moria and the way that it was presented by the newspapers both at European and at national level, addressed issues that are of great significance to the modern Greek reality. The conditions in the reception and integration system of the country and the precautionary measures the government has chosen to provide or not, emerged on the surface of the issue. As a result, the current research attempted to provide the reader with answers of crucial importance to the following questions:
How Greek and European press use language to present the arson to the reader? What was the response of the participants (national government, European Union, local society) to the arson? What were the reasons that led refugees to set the fire in the campus? Were these reasons evident in the newspapers- Greek and European-? Yes or not, and why? What is the discursive representation of the refugees? Where do dominant discourses emerge from? Is it possible to define repetitive language structures that promote the perpetuation of hierarchical power relationships by a systemic study of media content? If yes, what needs, by their very nature, are served? Do these discourses determine social change or passivity?
III. Data Selection
a) Research Sample
Starting with, we would like to mention that the study has centered on the media's role, and specifically on newspapers' role, in ideological debates and how diverse forms of perception can be embodied in the portrayal of events. The reasons that we opted to examine newspapers articles were pragmatic, that is newspapers‘ availability and their possibility to do word searches. We were interested in how language was connected to larger social structures and how tension and divisions within society as a whole were related to human definitions and communications; that is, the language
Postgraduate Dissertation 57 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. and meanings used became the arena for opposing parties at one stage of the arson at Moria. The challenge then was not merely to remain at the descriptions given in a single text of the corpus of the material, but to research the social connections that underpinned the development of these depictions.
Based on van Dijk‘s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach, we developed our exploration of newspaper articles both from Greek and from European territory upon the arson at Moria‘s refugee camp. The framework of the research was to analyze, question and, finally criticize how power was expressed through textual language. Meticulous reading and re-reading of each chosen article was used in the coding process of data. The data extracted was then re-read, arranged, and synthesized into tentative themes reflecting the discursive representation of the camp's arson by the newspapers This interpretation led us to assume that the newspaper's discursive representation of the camp's arson and refugee would provide an insight into the ways in which Greek and European institutions contributed to the image of refugee community at Moria's camp and asserted control over them.
We searched for Greek and European news articles on arson at Moria‘s refugee camp; the articles‘ search covered the period from the 9th September of 2020 (that is the time period that coincides with the outburst of the arson), to 26th September 2020. The search was conducted exclusively on the web database using the following keywords: Moria‘s immigrant, Moria‘s refugee, arson at Moria, refugee camp in Moria, and Moria of Lesvos. All of the articles were accessible online though the Google platform, or any other internet database and the access to articles were not demanding a specific license. The article search was completed in the middle of November of 2020 with an amount of 160 articles that met the inclusion criteria.
For the analysis, in total 160 articles about the arson at Moria were used as meaningful sources. More concretely, of the 160 news items, 107 were published in national press from centered, right and left newspapers (see Figure 5);
- fifteen (15) articles from Rizospastis (of left background), - seventeen (17) from Avgi (of left background), - twenty three (23) from To Vima (of the centered background), - twelve (12) from EFSYN(of the centered background), - fifteen (15) from Kathimerini (of the right political side) and - twenty five (25) from Proto Thema (of the right political side)
Respectively, the corpus of the European press included fifty three (53) articles;
- eleven (11) from BBC news, - eight (8) from Die Welle (DW), - eleven (11) from euronews, - eleven (11) from Politico,
Postgraduate Dissertation 58 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - and twelve (12) from The Guardian (see Figure 6).
NEWSPAPERS NUMBER OF ARTICLES Rizospastis 15
GREEK Avgi 17 To Vima 23 EFSYN 12 Kathimerini 15 Proto Thema 25 BBC News 11 Dw 8 EUROPEAN Euronews 11
Politico 11 The Guardian 12 TOTAL 160
Figure 6: The number of the articles in newspapers
At this point, we would like to note that as far as Greek newspapers‘ choice is concerned, each one maintains a specific reasoning policy regarding the content of the agenda. Therefore, the selection of the above broadsheets was intentionally made, as they have unsimilar profiles. So, each one of them can provide the readers with a different perspective to the discussion about the representation of the refugee in the area of Moria and the arson in the camp. In general, according to the posted data of the ARGOS agency28 during the examined and the earlier year, the chosen newspapers were of the most circulated newspapers of their own scale and this was a main criterion for their selection; these were the best representatives of Greek reader scale both from pro-government and anti-government. Hence, it should be mentioned that it was difficult to trace the traffic rates of KATHIMERINI, as the newspaper for a long time did not allow the publication of traffic data because it did not believe that it was reliable 29. Nevertheless, according to the independent internet traffic provider
28 ΔΝΩΗ ΙΓΙΟΚΣΗΣΩΝ ΗΜΔΡΙΙΩΝ ΔΦΗΜΔΡΙΓΩΝ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ. Retrieved from https://www.eihea.gr/eihea.php?contentid=164&code=1583486572
29 TO PONTIKI, Καη ε «Καζεκεξηλή» θαηαγγέιιεη όηη νη θπθινθνξίεο ησλ εθεκεξίδσλ είλαη πιαζηέο, https://www.topontiki.gr/2017/01/08/ke-i-kathimerini-katangelli-oti-i-kiklofories-ton-efimeridon-ine- plastes/
Postgraduate Dissertation 59 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. SimilarWeb, the website of KATHIMERINI news is ranked as the 23rd most visited news website in Greece, attracting more than 3 million visitors on a monthly basis 30.
Specifically, the newspapers of RIZOSPASTIS and Avgi were chosen because they represent an overly critical stance towards the ruling government that is more conservative and challenge the official positions; Rizospastis in its daily edition for years came in the top positions in sales and since 2012, either itselt or Avgi appear in first places31. Thus, the newspapers of TO VIMA and EFSYN have a more classically liberal outlook. Finally, the last two newspapers were chosen as they elaborate a strongly pro-government position publishing reports on current affairs in Greece and abroad, economy, business, as well as opinion articles and having the most problematic representations of Moria‘s immigrants.
Respectively, as far as the European press‘ articles are concerned, their selection was based mostly on two criteria. The first criterium is referred to the language that they were written; it was important the texts to be published in English or at least this language to be available as a translation choice. Additionally, the second criterium is related to the ability to find the newspapers‘ articles online. So, some of the examined newspapers provide the possibility of reading their articles online whereas in the case of BBC and euronews, they have, correspondingly, a website with news articles. Initially, the POLITICO, BBC and euronews were the first appearances in internet search as they dealt extensively with the subject under consideration. According to campaign agency, the newspapers of Die Welle and The Guardian are ranked in the list of the Europe‘s top papers 32. Therefore, as far as the Politico is concerned, it is the European version of the American news organization Politico behind the European Union. As the annual ComRes/Burson-Marsteller survey among EU experts notes, the POLITICO Europe is the most dominant publication on European associations 33. The BBC news, also, is an internet news website that covers world news and it is one of the most famous news portals in the UK3435, while the euronews intends to face world news from a pan-European perception36. Finally, the sorting of the publications was
30 Retrieved from https://www.similarweb.com/website/kathimerini.gr/
31 Retrieved from https://el.wikipedia.org/wiki/%CE%A1%CE%B9%CE%B6%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%80%CE%AC% CF%83%CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82
32 Retrieved from https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article/european-newspapers-europes-top- papers/164161
33 Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politico_Europe
34 Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BBC_News
35 Retrieved from https://www.similarweb.com/top-websites/united-kingdom/
36 Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euronews
Postgraduate Dissertation 60 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. done with an effort to maintain a relative balance between the articles that belong to the respective newspaper.
Ending, the analysis was carried out on the text of each publication separately, taking into account the space-conference that chose to publish the respective article, but also the content itself. In terms of the topics, the themes were sketched from a detailed reading of the articles. Within the scope of the research, the total of the 160 news items have been classified according to their topic. From both Greek and European newspapers emerged thematic pillars that are already presented in the Figure 3.
b) Research Methods
The present study is, therefore, based on CDA which according to van Dijk (1984, 1987, 1991, 1993) can be divided into two parts:
A. structural analysis of the text, which includes the surface structure (lexical choices) and underlying meanings of the text, and B. contextual analysis, a process of decoding information.
So, in the present research, lexicographic choices in texts of Greek and European newspaper journalism are examined as well as and their ability to reproduce and promote social phenomena in the light of CDA proposed by van Dijk. Using the methodological tool of CDA, the social practices of Discourse in the texts of each newspaper can be highlighted.
As already mentioned, the analysis is focused mainly in two levels. The first level regards the surface structure; the focus is shifted to the creation of the main themes through the detailed reading of the articles and the lexical choices. The imprinted thematic axes will reveal the components that this study will focus on and further, analyze based on the way that they are presented. While in the second stage, contextual analysis is mainly considered, that is to study the lexicographical elements used, such as active-passive syntax, person choices, nouns-shells naming and how their choice influence the reader to elaborate of a specific topic. In addition, the second level is also aimed at the possibility of the specific lexicographic elements to reveal the ideology of the author and lead to the shaping of its aspects reality.
In this framework, a comparative study (Esser & Vliegenthart, 2017) takes place which aims at the comparison among distinctive macro-level units, such as social frameworks, societies, language zones and social settings, at one subject or more in time (p. 2). On the other hand, and in contrast to the prevailing views and perspectives of the macro-level, elements of the micro-level are pointed out which refer, for example, to a linguistic attitude of the Prime Minister or the Chief of Police, as they are perceived through his words, or a speech. These micro-textual choices tend to dominate the dominant perceptions that have been crystallized at the macro-level (van Dijk, 2011).
Postgraduate Dissertation 61 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Firstly, the present comparative study will center on the comparison among 160 articles of Greek newspapers belonging to different political stances and on their investigation and presentation of the arson at Moria. In addition, the comparison endeavors to come to broader conclusions and results beyond single cases clarifying contrasts and similarities between the parts of examination and relations between factors against the scenery of their contextual circumstances (Esser & Vliegenthart, 2017, p. 2). For this reason, this study will realize the analysis of a second parameter, that is the comparison between the way the event was presented by the Greek and European press based on different topics, such as their reference to the definition of the camp, the refugees who set the fire, the camp‘s living conditions, the measures that Greek government set etc.
The Greek articles that are examined amount to 107 compared to the European articles that are 53; the Greek articles are borrowed from the newspapers:
a) Rizospastis b) Avgi c) To Vima d) EFSYN e) Kathimerini f) Proto Thema, and the European articles from the newspapers:
a) BBC b) Dw c) Euronews d) Politico e) The Guardian
Alongside, the integration of the attitude of locals in the research will help in the comprehensive examination of all the involved actors and in the more thorough critical analysis of the issue regarding how society and its ideologies are coordinated with the use of language in the press.
Simultaneously, using the CDA method, the study sorts out not only the language, power, and ideology of the discourse itself, but also it pinpoints the social issue which is accruing on during that period and to the social power that impacts the community's ideology (Fairclough, 1989). It aims at analyzing the press media through selected articles, capturing their relevant information, decoding the language used and revealing the ideologies and power that can be enclosed about the fire at Moria‘s refugee and immigrant camp. The CDA of van Dijk is the particular CDA method that is introduced as the basis for this thesis in view of the political dimension of the issue and also, in order to study the ―role of discourse in the re-production and challenge of
Postgraduate Dissertation 62 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. dominance‘‘ (van Dijk, 1993, p. 249) and the ―role of social representations in the minds of social actors‘‘ (p. 250). This CDA might expose how particular groups use anti-refugee rhetoric to maintain a system and lead to segregation and re-production of injustice (van Dijk, 1993) by generating social superiority of one group over other groups (van Dijk, 2009, p. 63).
To conclude, the approach of van Dijk (1991) is to identify the dispute in the document initially and then to endeavor to address it by reinterpreting the text. From this point of view, initially a conceptual list-scheme of the different thematic pillars which were surfaced from the examination of the articles was constructed (see Figure 7). Using this, we could further examine better the way that different parts of the arson-debate were featured in the news texts through language.
THEMATIC PILLARS
Characterizations of Moria refugee camp
Characterization of Moria‘s refugees Assignment of responsibilities to the Greek government Government and state mechanism attitude (actions, declarations)
Assignment of responsibilities to the European union European union attitude (actions, declarations)
Assignment of responsibilities to the previous Greek government
The attitude of the locals of Moria
Attitude, statements and actions of humanitarian organizations
The voice of refugees
Greek church attitude Characterizations of the new camp
Characterizations of the arson How the situation is described after the arson on the island Descriptive articles
Articles only with images
Figure 7: The thematic pillars of the articles in the examined newspapers (Greek and European)
Postgraduate Dissertation 63 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In addition, this thesis is focusing upon another dimension of the method which van Dijk describes and this is referred to the quantitative demonstrations' value. Van Dijk (1993) highlights that the quantitative demonstration is crucial for the elaboration and establishment of whether there are total strategies for the formation of differential representations of social groups. In this study, thus, quantitative analysis is used to show the relative prominence of casual linkages explaining action and motive covered by press media coverage that could stigmatize the identities of out-groups that are the refugees reside in the camp of Moria (Philo & Beattie, 1999). The below figure (Figure 8) shows the number of articles related to each pillar and are presented in the examined texts. The first two columns of the following figure include the number of the articles in the Greek newspapers and in the European press, correspondingly, whereas the third column presents the total number of articles of each category.
Postgraduate Dissertation 64 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
Thematic Pillars Greek Press European Greek Press Articles Press Articles and European Press Articles Characterizations of 25 30 55 Moria refugee camp Characterization of 26 9 35 Moria‘s refugees Assignment of 51 6 57 responsibilities to the Greek government Government and state 53 20 73 mechanism attitude (actions, declarations) Assignment of 25 16 41 responsibilities to the European union European union attitude 21 21 42 (actions, declarations) Assignment of 6 0 6 responsibilities to the previous Greek government The attitude of the 38 17 55 locals of Moria Attitude, statements and 11 13 24 actions of humanitarian organizations The voice of refugees 22 27 49
Greek church attitude 1 0 1
Characterizations of the 6 13 19 new camp Characterizations of the 15 9 24 arson Descriptive articles 20 5 25
Articles only with 2 0 2 images TOTAL 107 53 160
Figure 8: The frequency of each thematic pillar in Greek and European newspapers
Postgraduate Dissertation 65 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Finally, at this point and before the detailed description of objectives, questions and sample of this research, we would like to mention further criteria that facilitated the CDA of the aforementioned articles: i) the choice of titles and subtitles, as they are always the first to read and are responsible for gaining the interest of the reader, ii) the choice of topics regarding the current events in question so that through the frequency of their presentation in the newspapers, we can be led to the conclusion of more complex conclusions, iii) the selection of the protagonists whose always, according to the respective journalist, their contribution to the article becomes necessary for a ―complete‖ interpretation of the article, iv) the choice of the presentation angle of a topic as a topic can be presented in diverse ways. The columnist is the one who is called to choose in which points more emphasis will be given and in which not, v) the syntactic structures and how they can affect the rendering of meaning, vi) vocabulary choices as the placement of any word in a sentence can affect the overall impact of the meaning it carries, vii) implied conclusions, as each article is linked to a multitude of many conclusions that are motivated and not expressed and x) semantic tricks to which belong a series of expressions that have the synonymy to give special importance to the meaning of the article without this being perceived by the reader.
To conclude, as already stated, van Dijk (1998) is related to issues of ideology and chiefly with the case of the regeneration of racism in discourse, illustrating that a discourse analytical approach needs to go beyond conventional language studies that concentrate on lexical terms that might indicate a value assessment, such as racial, terrorist, extremist and so on. He claims that these perspectives can be conveyed in a context and discourse in several indirect ways that are headlines, statements, graphical, syntactic and story structures (van Dijk, 1998, p. 31). Based on these, headlines, statements and syntactic position of words were included and taken into consideration in the analysis of the following news texts.
IV. Importance of the study
The arson dominated the headlines for a long time and, as Ophir (2018) states, news media during emergencies appears to be more stereotyped and skewed. This provides the opportunity to research contemporary society's fundamental values and discourses through press analysis of the Moria‘s arson. Moreover, a vital understanding of language will provide the tools to reveal or challenge the process of control by language use. In a social and historical context, such as that of the arson at Moria , this analysis is essential as it discloses that language is not a neutral contact mechanism, but rather a way of expressing ideology and a platform for social change drawn up in each post (Sonderling, 1994).
Apart from the above, this work is, also, insightful due to the fact that it is related to larger discussions on the status of refugees and the arson in media in addressing issues concerning their relocation, support, and integration into local society systems, that is of Moria‘s at Lesvos. By all means, this research serves as a microcosm for the wider
Postgraduate Dissertation 66 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. field of national and European reporting of camps and their inappropriate conditions, by analyzing frames in Lesvos region as regards the Moria's camp, the living conditions and the reasons that led refugees to set the fire.
Finally, the additional value of this research is reflected on its contribution to the global study of the discursive representation of refugees during the pandemic period. Moria is of particular importance in the sense of space-time in which the narrative discourse of the newspapers is used; not only in terms of forming the portrayal of the refugee, but also in terms of achieving or not the closeness of the audience to the suffering of the 'other' (Fairclough, 1995). At the same time, media holds a special semantic force, strength, to depict events in particular ways (Fairclough, 1995).The fire in Moria and the living conditions of the refugees there, is a crucial, contemporary issue that plagues the society allowing the researcher to approach it critically from many angles. Thus, it is anticipated the study to intrigue the readers and query whether and how ideologies and power are involved with the language through the texts and how ideologies are created and transformed in real discursive situations (Fairclough, 1989).
V. Limitations
Time was a fundamental restriction for the study, as the coding preparation included cautious reading and meaning's extraction of each chosen article in order to guarantee quality and thoroughness, exactness and completeness. The extracted data must, at that point, be re-evaluated, sorted out, and synthesized into subjects reflecting the representation of the arson at Moria. In this synthesis, the fact that the arson at Moria has been recently evolved, the minimum presence of relevant studies that could fortify similar or different authors' views about their depiction of Moria‘s arson, was an additional difficulty.
F. RESULTS
In this part of the study, the results from the examination of the articles are presented and then, an analysis of the results according to the grammatical structures follows. It is considered important to note that in the framework of this thesis, it was feasible to examine merely a part from the axes that emerged. However, it is proposed all the rest thematic categories to be studied for further investigation of the Moria issue so as to result in a deeper comprehension of the discursive representation of the arson in press. The thematic categories presented below are:
1. The characterizations of Moria 2. The characterizations of refuges 3. The attitude of government and state mechanism
Postgraduate Dissertation 67 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. 4. The performance of responsibilities of the government 5. The local society 6. The voice of refuges
I. The characterizations of Moria camp
To begin with, the first axis that emerged from the examination of the 160 articles was that of the characterization of the camp of Moria. In Greek newspapers, the Moria‘s characterizations exist in 25 articles of the 107 examined compared to 30 articles of European newspapers out of the 53. As regards the absence of newspapers PROTO THEMA and KATHIMERINI, it was noticed no characterization of the camp. Finally, we would like to note that the elaboration of the results starts with the two categories of characterizations both of Moria camp and refugees. We believe that they can assist readers to comprehend the discursive representation of camp and refugees and to lead them to initial conclusions in relevance with the topic of this study.
a) Greek newspapers
In the articles that have emerged there has been a strong characterization of the refugee camp that is mainly described by nominal sets, which is either a noun with a noun, or an adjective with the noun it describes. These are lexical elements that refer to similar semantic concepts and that all together lead to a cohesive link and semantic correlations. As Halliday & Hasan (1985) note, the repetition of words constantly restores the same meaning in the text resulting in achieving coherent synapses (p. 81). Through the examination of the articles concerning the characterizations of the refugee camp, three sub-axis have emerged. The first one concerns the inhuman conditions prevailing in Moria and can be seen from the following examples: a. θνιαζηήξην37/hellhole b. ζηξαηόπεδν - «απνζήθε» αλζξώπσλ»38/ camp - "warehouse" of people c. ρηηιεξηθά ζηξαηόπεδα ζπγθέληξσζεο39/ Hitler concentration camps
As regards the pattern of hell, it dominates the Greek articles and this is reflected in the use of metaphors:
37 RIZOSPASTIS, Δπαηζζεζίεο, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923383&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91
38 RIZOSPASTIS, Απεηιέο ζηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο κε ζηόρν λα ηνπο βάιεη ζηε λέα θπιαθή – θνιαζηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10928897&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE %A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3
39 Avgi, Ζ κειαλή θειίδα πνπ δελ ζα θαζαξίζεη πνηέ, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366211_i-melani- kilida-poy-den-tha-katharisei-pote
Postgraduate Dissertation 68 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
- θόιαζε- δηαξθέο έγθιεκα40/ hell- a crime - «θνιαζηήξην» ηεο Μόξηαο41/ a "hellhole" of Moria - Κόιαζε42/ Hell - <<πξνζσξηλό θνιαζηήξην>>43/<
The investigation of metaphors has always been part of the CDA (Fairclough, 1995). The respective conceptual nouns hell, hellhole and fiery hell provide the reader with aesthetic and emotional principles that control the analysis of the words. This conceptual complex of hell assists the reader to efficiently exercise the meanings in a seemingly straightforward way. Moreover, as we can see from the instances given, is the third one, that is the example of Κνιαζε45/ Hell, its first letter is in capital form. The particular name is located in the middle of the article, but also in the titlte replacing the name of Moria with that of Hell (Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο /Hell was burned by its fires). The author emphasizes the negative status of Moria to attract the reader's attention and give a special weight-meaning to this word.
At the same time, according to Archakis (2005), the above lexical expressions are systematically found in such semantic relations that can establish a cohesive bond of co-extension, as metaphorically speaking, they extend into the same semantic field. The words κολαζηήπιο-κόλαζη/hellhole-hell are also considered as a repetition, as they restore the same meaning, the misery in Moria and the difficult situations, in appearances of different morphological types of the same lexical unit.
40 RIZOSPASTIS, Γηαξθέο θαη όρη ηηγκηαίν ην Δγθιεκα Μόξηα, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924483&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 41 EFSYN, «Θέινπκε λα θύγνπκε, αθήζηε καο ειεύζεξνπο» θσλάδνπλ νη πξόζθπγεο έμσ απ' ην Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259400_theloyme-na-fygoyme-afiste-mas-eleytheroys- fonazoyn-oi-prosfyges-exo-ap-kara
42 EFSYN, Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο, https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi- kaike-apo-tis-foties-tis
43 RIZOSPASTIS, Βξήθε «επθαηξία» γηα λα ζηήζεη έλα λέν κόληκν θνιαζηήξην!, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10926734&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3
44 Avgi, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα. Σα ρεηξόηεξα πέξαζαλ;, https://www.avgi.gr/entheta/enthemata/367130_fotia-sti-moria-ta-heirotera-perasan
45 EFSYN, Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο, https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi- kaike-apo-tis-foties-tis
Postgraduate Dissertation 69 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. In addition, based on the first example, θόιαζε- δηαξθέο έγθιεκα46/ hell- a crime, the use of copulative compounds (Anastasiades-Simeonides, 1986) is present; by the term copulative compounds we mean the dictionary nomenclature consisting of two homogeneous nouns lined up. Most of the time between the two names lies a hyphen. It is therefore a formation of two essentials which constitutes an editorial unit, has a particular semantic value and can as a whole attribute an autonomous property to an essential.
The same element is found on the second axis with the use of the copulative compound ζηξαηόπεδν - «απνζήθε» αλζξώπσλ47/ camp - "warehouse" of people mentioned by G. Bournus in the left newspaper of Rizospastis. These copulative compounds with the combination of two nouns reflect the whole environment inside the camp. According to Anastasiades-Symeonides (1986), through the editorial relationship of these two nouns, the accused's accusation is distinguished. This happens when, between the two nouns, the connecting verb ―is‖ is omitted. In this way, the second component acts syntactically as a defendant of the first component. In this particular case, Moria's camp is accused of being a warehouse of souls; Moria is not just a warehouse containing simple objects, but a storage space for people who treat them like objects and not as human beings.
In the third category, ρηηιεξηθά ζηξαηόπεδα ζπγθέληξσζεο48/ Hitler concentration camps, Hitler's main name has been converted into an adjective to describe the hotspots in general and in particular that of Moria. This change of grammatical category from noun to adjective is called suffixation (Anastasiades-Symeonides, 1992): Hitler- hitrerikos
Σhe left-wing newspaper of Avgi, in which the example is spotted, approaches the subject in a sharper way and describes Moria with the nominal sets of an adjective and noun. As an adjective it has been chosen to characterize Moria giving a charge to the camp while at the same time transmits some ideological significance. It is clearly the case that its use indicates a characteristic which is represented as more permanent and intrinsic. In this instance, because of the historical connotations of the name Hitler, the adjective directs the reader directly to possible conclusions about how people lived in these spaces. At the same time, it parallels the Moria camp with those
46 RIZOSPASTIS, Γηαξθέο θαη όρη ηηγκηαίν ην Δγθιεκα Μόξηα, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924483&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 47 RIZOSPASTIS, Απεηιέο ζηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο κε ζηόρν λα ηνπο βάιεη ζηε λέα θπιαθή – θνιαζηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10928897&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE %A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3
48 Avgi, Ζ κειαλή θειίδα πνπ δελ ζα θαζαξίζεη πνηέ, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366211_i-melani- kilida-poy-den-tha-katharisei-pote
Postgraduate Dissertation 70 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. of Auschwitz (see theoretical part) and thus removes any trace of responsibility from the refugees concerning the arson.
Then another finding regarding the importance of Moria's characterizations is the premeditated crime, which assigns responsibilities. This is attributed mostly by the strategic of nominalization that is the major lexico-grammatical feature of the most languages (Simon-Vandenbergen et al., 2003). Nominalization is a particular technique that leads to bond long sentences to a noun or noun phrases condensing more information in a clause. As a consequence, some fundamental aspects of the process or valuable information are left unspecified; so, the reader does not know about what or who. Halliday (1985) pinpoints that nominalization characteristically happens in syndromes, where each constituent has undergone a metaphoric modification:
<<ελόο δηεζλνύο εγθιήκαηνο «κέζα ζην ζπίηη καο»>>49/ <
These inferences expose that even if the agent can be easily recoverable by inference, yet the agents are deleted via nominalization. This fact requires the generation of inferences by readers, as the subject-agent is missing. Analytically, in the first example Moria is said to be a crime international. However, another dimension is added and it is that of the phrase in our house. So, it is recorded with ambiguity and implicity that Moria is a foreign body, a crime that lies within our house. One could therefore wonder whether it is a crime ultimately for whom, either for us as residents of Greece, or for the island of Lesvos or for the refugees themselves and by whom. In the second instance, the MP of Lesvos of SYRIZA talks about a «Πνιηηηθά πξνκειεηεκέλν έγθιεκα»51/ <
With regard to the third finding, the characterisations revolve around the condemnation of European practices the given instances testify the aforementioned through the repetition of the noun phrase the shame of Europe. They highlight that
49 EFSYN, Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο, https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi- kaike-apo-tis-foties-tis
50 Avgi, ηάρηε θαη απνθαΐδηα ε Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto-dromo-hiliades-prosfyges
51 Avgi, ηάρηε θαη απνθαΐδηα ε Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto-dromo-hiliades-prosfyges
Postgraduate Dissertation 71 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. the result camp of refugees is not only the responsibility of the Greek government, but also the shame of Europe and its politics:
<<ε ληξνπή ηεο Επξώπεο, ήηαλ ε λέα πνιηηηθή ηεο: θξαηάκε ηνπο πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο «έμσ» κελ αιιά ιίγν «κέζα» από ηα επξσπατθά ζύλνξα52>>/<< Europe's shame was its new policy: we keep refugees and migrants 'out' but a little 'inside' European borders>> <<ληξνπή γηα ηελ Ε.Ε - κηα δηαξθήο θαηαδίθε ησλ ειιεληθώλ θπβεξλήζεσλ πνπ ηε ρηίζαλε θαη ηελ κεηαηξέςαλε ζε ζηξαηόπεδν ζπγθέληξσζεο - θαηαδίθε ηεο Άλγθεια Μέξθει θαη ησλ κηζαλζξσπηθώλ ζπκθσληώλ ηεο κε ηνλ Δξληνγάλ>>53/<< shame on the EU - a constant condemnation of the Greek governments that built it and turned it into a concentration camp - condemnation of Angela Merkel and her misanthropic agreements with Erdogan>>
According to Baker (2006), to examine the relationship between words, collocations are a helpful implement; they arise when a word repeatedly appears next to another word, such as shame- Europe. This relationship is signifcant as the meaning of the first noun, shame, is infuenced by the second word, Europe. It is obvious that there is a strong linkage between these two words that are direct collocates. Moria is characterized as a shame and the responsible for this outcome is the European Union. Concluding, by analyzing the characterizations at a second level, it is immediately apparent that the newspapers of Rizospastis and TO VIMA aimed through the substantive phrases to blame Europe for its political practices. These collocations disclose a political responsibility for:
- απαξάδεθηεο ζπλζήθεο δηαβίσζεο ησλ πξνζθύγσλ54/ unacceptable living conditions of refugees. - απάλζξσπεο ζπλζήθεο ζε ζηξαηόπεδν όπνπ είλαη αδύλαηε αθόκα θαη ε πην ζηνηρεηώδεο «θνηλσληθή απόζηαζε» αλαθέξεη ην ΜέΡΑ25(ΒΖΜΑ, 09/09, ΜΔΡΑ 25…)
Finally, we have already noted from the beginning of this category that newspapers KATHIMERINI and PROTO THEMA do not exist on the list of ratings. This in itself is an additional finding, as both of these newspapers are ideologically subject to the right-wing political arena. So, describing the Moria camp would probably be an acceptance of the responsibility of other actors, such as the government and the European Union. The responsibility of the European Union is even attested by the above findings in the other newspapers. So itcan be a universal presumption.
52 RIZOSPASTIS, Ζ Μόξηα ην εκβιεκαηηθό απνηέιεζκα ηεο απάλζξσπεο πνιηηηθήο ηεο ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923360&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3
53 TO VIMA, ΜέΡΑ25: Ήηαλ αλαπόθεπθηε ε ηξαγσδία ζηε Μόξηα – πόζν κάιινλ ελ κέζσ παλδεκίαο, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/mera25-itan-anapofeykti-i-tragodia-sti-moria-poso-mallon- en-meso-pandimias/
54 TO VIMA, Μόξηα : Σα μέλα ΜΜΔ γηα ηε θσηηά ζην ΚΤΣ, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/world/moria-ta-ksena-mme-gia-ti-fotia-sto-kyt/
Postgraduate Dissertation 72 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp.
However, as regards the Greek government‘ perspective, the aforementioned could not be possible, as it clearly does not recognize any political responsibility. Instead, it accuses the refugees of not respecting the foreign country (Greece) in which they were and burned down their camp in a form of reaction as what they wanted, did not happen. The following findings shed more light on the arson case.
b) European newspapers
Analogous findings are observed in the European press as regards Moria‘s characterizations which appear in 30 of the 53 examined articles. In the European press, the designations identified can be categorised as follows:
1. The living conditions in Moria 2. The performance of responsibilities of the EU and 3. The obsolescence of EU policy
Initially, the living conditions of the camp are represented with the lexico- grammatical elements; they are based on the adjective and noun type (i.e <
Moreover, as far as the performance‘s responsibilities of EU, in European articles the camp is reflected as <
5555 Euronews, New fire at overcrowded migrant camp on Greek island of Lesbos, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/10/new-fire-at-overcrowded-migrant-camp-on-greek-island-of- lesbos 56 POLITICO, Greek refugee camp blaze highlights EU‟s migration failure, https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-migration-failure-lit-up-by-greek-moria-lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/
57 BBC, Moria migrants tear-gassed by Greek police in protest over new camp, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54131212 58 BBC, Moria migrants tear-gassed by Greek police in protest over new camp, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54131212 59 DW, End of Moria camp highlights refugee trauma, https://www.dw.com/en/end-of-moria-camp- highlights-refugee-trauma/g-54947181
60 BBC, Moria migrants: Greek ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683
Postgraduate Dissertation 73 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. point out the human rights organizations. Refugees living there face a lifetime <
Continuing, nouns and adjectives appear functionally similar. However, according Carnaghi et al. (2008), nouns have stronger potential than adjectives and make a greater impression on reading by enhancing the creation of perceptions. Illustratively, Howden describes the environment in Moria and the camp as an anti-shelter64 (noun), The Guardian refers to Moria migrant camp <<…as an 'insult' (noun) to European values>>, while the newspaper POLITICO states that <
Finally, in addition to the circumstances described in Moria, there is still a similarity with the references in the Greek articles and this is the dimension of Europe's responsibility. In general, in the words of Howden who writes in the newspaper POLITICO, the refugee center of Moria was the product of political figures in Brussels and European capitals and that calculus has not changed; <
61 DW, End of Moria camp highlights refugee trauma, https://www.dw.com/en/end-of-moria-camp- highlights-refugee-trauma/g-54947181
62 BBC, Moria fire: Migrants arrive at new tent camp on Lesbos, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world- europe-54134738
63 DW, Σν ρακέλν εζηθό πιενλέθηεκα ηεο Δπξώπεο, https://www.dw.com/el/%CF%84%CE%BF- %CF%87%CE%B1%CE%BC%CE%AD%CE%BD%CE%BF- %CE%B7%CE%B8%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C- %CF%80%CE%BB%CE%B5%CE%BF%CE%BD%CE%AD%CE%BA%CF%84%CE%B7%CE%B C%CE%B1-%CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82- %CE%B5%CF%85%CF%81%CF%8E%CF%80%CE%B7%CF%82/a-54901812
64POLITICO, Misery in Moria is Europe‟s migration policy, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe- migration-policy-moria-fire-misery/
65 POLITICO, Misery in Moria is Europe‟s migration policy, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe- migration-policy-moria-fire-misery/
66 POLITICO, Misery in Moria is Europe‟s migration policy, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe- migration-policy-moria-fire-misery/
Postgraduate Dissertation 74 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. , <
II. The characterizations of refuges
In this category, it is intended to examine the way refugees are characterized in every newspaper, both Greek and European. Each characterization is clearly defined by the political ideology that every newspaper follows. However, the common feature of all designations is the fact that the most are expressed in the form of a passive participle which acts as an adjective to the noun of refuge/ refugees. Broadly speaking, Halliday (2000) notes the key resource to generate high lexical density is the nominalization, which has the characteristics of simplified details, succinct language, compact form and powerful logic. Yet, nominalization and passive voice are listed together, as they are considered to operate in tandem: both have the ability to conceal the role of social agents in clauses, which is seen as vital to their ideological underpinnings and reader impact (Halliday, 2000).
In our case, as it has already been raised, passive particiles are used as adjectives to transmit a property to the noun, i.e. to refugees. However, in several points analyzed below, passive particiles come from verbs. They are used to effecticely attribute properties to the noun. In fact, it is found that the noun is missing, and the passive voice of the verb is transformed into a passive participle by taking the place of the noun (i. e. << Με απεηιέο πξνο ηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο, ….>>70/<< With threats to the uprooted, …>>).
Below, there is a table (see Table 1) which individually encloses the most representative newspapers characterizations. Excerpts from the articles are listed in ascending order. They are also presented in the series based on the respective
67 The Guardian, Moria‟s only success has been to turn inhumanity into policy, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/sep/13/morias-only-success-has-been-to-turn- inhumanity-into-policy
68 DW, Μόξηα, ην ζύκβνιν απνηπρίαο ηεο Δπξώπεο, https://www.dw.com/el/%CE%BC%CF%8C%CF%81%CE%B9%CE%B1-%CF%84%CE%BF- %CF%83%CF%8D%CE%BC%CE%B2%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%BF- %CE%B1%CF%80%CE%BF%CF%84%CF%85%CF%87%CE%AF%CE%B1%CF%82- %CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82-%CE%B5%CF%85%CF%81%CF%8E%CF%80%CE%B7%CF%82/a- 54874118 69 Euronews, Moria migrant camp an 'insult' to European values, insists MEP Philippe Lamberts, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/11/moria-migrant-camp-an-insult-to-european-values -insists-mep- philippe-lamberts
70 RIZOSPASTIS, Απεηιέο ζηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο κε ζηόρν λα ηνπο βάιεη ζηε λέα θπιαθή – θνιαζηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10928897&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE %A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3
Postgraduate Dissertation 75 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. newspaper in which they are placed. This has been realized to make it easier for the reader of this thesis to draw to conclusions. It is also essential to add that the grammatical categories that exist in the table are mainly passive participles, but also nouns- and adjectives. The present work was based on the analysis of words that appear in bold. At this point, it should be clarified that the participles repeated within the newspaper itself, have been omitted.
Title of newspaper Articles
1. RIZOSPASTIS Με απεηιέο πξνο ηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο, …./ With threats to the uprooted 2. RIZOSPASTIS Από ην βξάδπ ηεο Σξίηεο πνπ μέζπαζε ε θσηηά , θνηκνύληαη όπνπ βξνπλ εληειώο εθηεζεηκέλνη θαη απξνζηάηεπηνη, …/ Since Tuesday night when the fire broke out, they've been sleeping where they find themselves completely exposed and unprotected,… 3. RIZOSPASTIS Δλα πξνζσξηλό θνιαζηήξην έσο όηνπ θηηαρηεί ην λέν κόληκν ΚΤΣ ζηε Λέζβν , όπνπ ζα βξίζθνληαη εγθισβηζκέλνη πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο/ A temporary hell shop until the new permanent KYT is built on Lesvos, where refugees and migrants will be trapped 4. RIZOSPASTIS Κη όηη όινη καδί νη θαηαηξεγκέλνη δνπλ ηελ ίδηα θόιαζε ζηα ζηξαηόπεδα ζπγθέληξσζεο πνπ ζηήλνπλ ε ΔΔ θαη νη θπβεξλήζεηο ηεο, ../ And that all together the persecuted are living the same hell in the concentration camps set up by the EU and its governments. /… 5. Avgi <<Ση κπνξεί λα γξαθηεί ζήκεξα, μεζθνλίδνληαο ηηο ζηάρηεο ηεο Μόξηαο, ζθνππίδνληαο ηα δάθξπα ησλ ρηιηάδσλ παηδηώλ θαη καλάδσλ πνπ κέζα ζηε λύρηα έθπγαλ θπλεγεκέλνη από κηα αθόκε θσηηά πνπ ηνπο "μεζπίησζε" θαη ηνπο άθεζε ρσξίο νύηε ην ζπίηη "ζθελή…>>/<
7. Avgi <<Σελ επόκελε κέξα, θαη ελώ ζηα θαλάιηα έπαηδαλ ηηο ηξαγηθέο εηθόλεο ηεο θαηαζηξνθήο κε ηνπο αλζξώπνπο εγθαηαιειεηκκέλνπο ζηνλ δξόκν… >>/< Postgraduate Dissertation 76 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. day, while playing the tragic images of the catastrophe on the canals with people abandoned on the street…>> 8. Avgi <<…, όπνπ βξίζθνληαλ ρηιηάδεο εγθισβηζκέλνη αηηνύληεο άζπιν ιόγσ ηεο ζπκθσλίαο Δ.Δ. - Σνπξθίαο ζε εγθαηαζηάζεηο πνπ δελ ρσξνύζαλ ηνπο κηζνύο.>>/<< … ,where thousands of asylum seekers were trapped due to the EU agreement. - Turkey in facilities that could not fit hal,>> 9. Avgi <,<Ζσληαλνί πνπ πεζαίλνπλ θάζε κέξα. , νύηε ζα νπξιηάμνπλ ζαλ ηα ζθπιηά >>/<< Alive who die every day. , nor will they scream like dogs.>> 10. TO VIMA <<«Οη εκπξεζηέο ηεο Μόξηαο θξαηνύληαη», ηόληζε ν θ. Υξπζνρντδεο>>/ <<"The arsonists of Moria are being held", stressed Mr. Chrysochoidis>> 11. TO VIMA «Κιεηδσκέλνη ζε απάλζξσπεο ζπλζήθεο ζε ζηξαηόπεδν όπνπ είλαη αδύλαηε αθόκα θαη ε πην ζηνηρεηώδεο «θνηλσληθή απόζηαζε»/<< Locked in inhumane conditions in a camp where even the most basic "social distance" is impossible >> 12. TO VIMA <<Δλ κέζσ παλδεκίαο κηα ηέηνηα εμέιημε είλαη ηξαγηθή, θαζώο απηή ηε ζηηγκή 12.000 άλζξσπνη είλαη ζηνηβαγκέλα επί ηεο εζληθήο νδνύ θαη άιια έρνπλ θύγεη κέζα ζηα βνπλά» είπε ν θ.Κπηέιεο>>/< Postgraduate Dissertation 77 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. limits.>> 17. PROTO THEMA <<«Εθεί βνκβαξδηζκέλνη, εδώ θπιαθηζκέλνη, νη κεηαλάζηεο είλαη ηεο γεο νη θνιαζκέλνη»,…. νξηζκέλα από ηα ζπλζήκαηα πνπ αθνύζηεθαλ, ζηελ πνξεία όπνπ έγηλε ξίςε δαθξπγόλνπ.>>/ <<"There they are bombed, here they are imprisoned, the immigrants are the damned on earth",…. some of the slogans heard during the tear gas canister.>> 18. KATHIMERINI <<Από ηελ άιιε πιεπξά ηνπ δξόκνπ, ε πξόζβαζε δελ είλαη δπλαηή αθνύ εθεί βξίζθνληαη νη ππξόπιεθηνη>>/<< On the other side of the road, access is not possible since that is where the fire-fighting >> 19. BBC < Table 1: The characterizations of refugees a) Greek newspapers Ιnitially, 26 articles among 107 characterize the refugees. Specifically, the left-wing newspapers of Avgi and Rizospastis present refugees as: - μεξηδσκέλνπο/ uprooted 71 - εθηεζεηκέλνη θαη απξνζηάηεπηνη72/ exposed and unprotected 71 RIZOSPASTIS, Απεηιέο ζηνπο μεξηδσκέλνπο κε ζηόρν λα ηνπο βάιεη ζηε λέα θπιαθή – θνιαζηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10928897&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE %A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 72 RIZOSPASTIS, Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE Postgraduate Dissertation 78 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - θαηαηξεγκέλνη73/ persecuted - θπλεγεκέλνη 74/ hunted - θπιαθηζκέλνη θαη εγθισβηζκέλνη75/ imprisoned and trapped (see the full paradigms on the table) Passive participles reflect the tragic situation experienced by refugees who are once again trapped because of the new camp that the government intends to construct (i. e. <<Έλα πξνζσξηλό θνιαζηήξην έσο όηνπ θηηαρηεί ην λέν κόληκν ΚΤΣ ζηε Λέζβν, όπνπ ζα βξίζθνληαη εγθισβηζκέλνη πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο>>76/<< A temporary hell shop until the new permanent KYT is built on Lesvos, where refugees and migrants will be trapped>>). With the passive share εγκλωβιζμένοι/ trapped, the newspaper is placed contrary to the government's political practice by commenting that refugees will lose their freedom. Continuing, they stand against every type of camp and then of that of Moria, as it is a policy of the European Union and of the governments that follow it, describing as persecuted the people who stay inside (i. e. <<Κη όηη όινη καδί νη θαηαηξεγκέλνη δνπλ ηελ ίδηα θόιαζε ζηα ζηξαηόπεδα ζπγθέληξσζεο πνπ ζηήλνπλ ε ΔΔ θαη νη θπβεξλήζεηο ηεο, ...>>77/ < At the same time, as shown in the examples in the Table 1 (1, 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7), the subject of refugees, is absent. In this way, passive participles dominate the text by focusing on an ideological criticism. Their presence reveals that there is a desire to draw public‘s attention to an image of refugees that is resulted due to the negative political action. They also show a hidden ideological conflict over the state‘s action after the event of arson (see paradigm 2 of the Table 1). Of course, it is crucial to pinpoint that in the present cases, in addition to the noun, the perpetrator is also absent. Most likely through the nominalization of verbs and their conversion into %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 73 RIZOSPASTIS, Γειεηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10932412&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 74 Avgi, Ζ θαηαζηξνθή ηεο Μόξηαο ήηαλ ζέκα ρξόλνπ.., https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366067_i- katastrofi-tis-morias-itan-thema-hronoy 75 Avgi, Ζ κειαλή θειίδα πνπ δελ ζα θαζαξίζεη πνηέ, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366211_i-melani- kilida-poy-den-tha-katharisei-pote 76 RIZOSPASTIS, Βξήθε «επθαηξία» γηα λα ζηήζεη έλα λέν κόληκν θνιαζηήξην!, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10926734&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 77 RIZOSPASTIS, Γειεηήξην, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10932412&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 79 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. passive participles, the newspapers aim at setting aside the perpetrator. Probably, this might be such because through the whole article it is easily comprehended from the reader or even the columnists of the articles might focus on the situation in which the refugee population is currently exposed and not in the act that led them to it. The following example <<Ζσληαλνί πνπ πεζαίλνπλ θάζε κέξα.…, νύηε ζα νπξιηάμνπλ ζαλ ηα ζθπιηά >>78/<< Alive who die every day. , nor will they scream like dogs. >> is one of the five examples found in the Greek newspapers in which passive participles are not used. By measure, it is about an oximoron figure that the adjective alive is used at the beginning of the sentence to raise the awareness of the reader. According to the excerpt of the article, refugees are alive but due to the situations experienced, they die every day; it therefore indirectly indicates a slow death. Subsequently, the columnist uses the metaphor of dogs (like dogs). With this linguistic figure, the article‘s purpose is to describe with glitz and to reveal as eloquently as possible the mental and physical situation of refugees. Tsakiri (2006) expresses that with the similes- belonging to the wider shape of metaphors, we have the rendering of human characteristics in inanimate objects, abstract concepts, institutions, phenomena and ideas. Hence, in the aforementioned instance, one can notice that happens the opposite; refugees –who have human features- receive the characteristics of an animal. This metaphor helps the negative presentation of refugees by reinforcing readers to discern the meaning and identify themselves with the interpretation of the word scheme. In addition, the centrist newspapers TO VIMA and EFSYN appear to be more moderate in their designations using passive participles, adjectives and nouns (see the Table 1). The refugees are described as to the current situation they experience in the camp and on the road after the arson. As in the aforementioned left-wing newspapers, the present newspapers use passive participles without referring to the perpetrator, pointing out more about the situation experienced by refugees. Moreover, although the agents can be addressed anywhere in the article and therefore can be retrieved by inference from the reader, their absence is also seen as valuable for their role in reference with their reducing of the number of occasions to which they are directly referred: «Κιεηδσκέλνη ζε απάλζξσπεο ζπλζήθεο ζε ζηξαηόπεδν όπνπ είλαη αδύλαηε αθόκα θαη ε πην ζηνηρεηώδεο «θνηλσληθή απόζηαζε»79/<< Locked in inhumane conditions in a camp where even the most basic "social distance" is impossible >> In the light of it , in the quote of the article 78 Avgi, Ζ κειαλή θειίδα πνπ δελ ζα θαζαξίζεη πνηέ, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366211_i-melani- kilida-poy-den-tha-katharisei-pote 79 TO VIMA, ΜέΡΑ25: Ήηαλ αλαπόθεπθηε ε ηξαγσδία ζηε Μόξηα – πόζν κάιινλ ελ κέζσ παλδεκίαο, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/mera25-itan-anapofeykti-i-tragodia-sti-moria-poso-mallon- en-meso-pandimias/ Postgraduate Dissertation 80 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. <<Γνλείο θαη παηδηά, άηνκα θάζε ειηθίαο, αδπλαηνύλ πιένλ λα θαιύςνπλ αθόκα θαη ηηο βαζηθέο ηνπο αλάγθεο. Μόλνη, αβνήζεηνη θαη απειπηζκέλνη>>80/<< Parents and children, people of all ages, are no longer able to meet even their basic needs. Alone, helpless and desperate. >> the names parents and children, people of all ages precede. Therefore, because of the position of the nouns which precedes the position of the adjectives, the adjectives highlight the human dimension of these sensitive social groups. Moreover, an elliptical proposal is used to emerge the characterizations of refugees. The columnist sets the three adjectives in the foreground without using any noun after them. This positioning of adjectives may be highly revealing. Their feelings are expressed and the conditions in which they find themselves; the agent who is responsible for their situation is absent. An explanation is given by Fowler & Kress (1979) that develop the theory that in case of adjectives being inserted after the words, they seem to declare that the expression is the arbitrary opinion of the writer / columnist. In comparison, if the adjectives arrive before the nouns, they are inserted into the nominal phrases as a kind of attributive. What adjectives and verbs represent, according to Xin (1997), does not last indefinitely. Adjectives and verbs typically express complex, transient, and changeable characteristics. Nouns, on the other hand, have an ability to attribute permanent qualities to the individuals or objects being addressed. In the following examples of newspapers, they have been used nouns so as the refugees to be qualified: <<«Οη εμππηζηέρ ηεο Μόξηαο θξαηνύληαη», ηόληζε ν θ. Υξπζνρντδεο>>81/ <<"The arsonists of Moria are being held", stressed Mr. Chrysochoidis>> <<ε κηα αλάξηεζε 5 γξακκώλ έζεζε ην δήηεκα ηεο ππεξάζπηζεο ησλ λεαξώλ Αθγαλώλ θησρνδηαβόισλ πνπ θαηεγνξνύληαη γηα ηε θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα.>>82/<< In a 5-line post, he raised the issue of defending young Afghan poor devils accused of the Moria fire. >> The noun is a central component in sections of speech (Zheng, 2015). In the first case, the columnist has chosen to incorporate in his article one of Mr. Chrysochoidis' statements. This automatically implies that the reader can unconsciously create a generalized picture of the population under consideration. On the other hand, in the second excerpt, through the full reading of the article, it appears that author‘s writings maintain a critical view against the government. Hence, with the word poor- devils, 80 TO VIMA, Μόξηα : ε λεθξνηαθεία θνηκνύληαη νη πξόζθπγεο, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/10/society/moria-se-nekrotafeia-koimountai-oi-prosfyges/ 81 TO VIMA, Μόξηα: ύιιεςε θαη έθηνπ αηόκνπ γηα ηελ θαηαζηξνθηθή ππξθαγηά, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/15/society/moria-syllipsi-kai-ektou-atomou-gia-tin-katastrofiki- pyrkagia/ 82 EFSYN, Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο, https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi- kaike-apo-tis-foties-tis Postgraduate Dissertation 81 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. the general public is assisted by the columnist to come to wrong conclusions and generalizations. That might happen, as these simple terms, nouns, contain too many secret nuances that help authors accomplish their objectives. On the other hand, unlike the other newspapers of the other ideological sites that highlighted the human dimension of refugees, in the right-wing newspapers, the characterizations of refugees are reduced. Specifically in the newspaper of KATHIMERINI the examination of 15 articles revealed that only one was found to be related to it: <<Από ηελ άιιε πιεπξά ηνπ δξόκνπ, ε πξόζβαζε δελ είλαη δπλαηή αθνύ εθεί βξίζθνληαη νη ππξόπιεθηνη>> 83/ << On the other side of the road, access is not possible since that is where the fire-fighting >> In fact, as it turns out, an adjective is used to describe refugees, which simply gives a status to refugees who are subject to objective facts. The newspaper KATHIMERINI is a right-wing newspaper that supports the state's political practices regarding arson and avoids providing characterizations that may orient the reader positively towards the refugees of Moria. Additionally, the newspaper of PROTO THEMA complies with the view presented by KATHIMERINI. In PROTO THEMA only two references are identified in relation to the characterisations of refugees. In the first example , the article describes the slogans heard during a march by left-wing organizations: <<«Εθεί βνκβαξδηζκέλνη, εδώ θπιαθηζκέλνη, νη κεηαλάζηεο είλαη ηεο γεο νη θνιαζκέλνη»,…. νξηζκέλα από ηα ζπλζήκαηα πνπ αθνύζηεθαλ, ζηελ πνξεία όπνπ έγηλε ξίςε δαθξπγόλνπ.>>84/ <<"There they are bombed, here they are imprisoned, the immigrants are the damned on earth",…. some of the slogans heard during the tear gas canister.>> The article simply refers to the slogan without any further explanation. In this, in more detail, three passive shares are used which reflect the situation of refugees both at their homeland and in Greece. Because they are written in the context of the slogan, the naming of verbs into passive shares serves to directly transfer their meaning and to condense their essence. This called overlexicalization that, according to Fowler & Kress, ―is the provision of a large number of synonymous or near-synonymous terms for communication of some specialized area of experience‖ (1979, p.211). In CDA overlexicalization is vital, as it refers to aspects of the group's experience and beliefs that produce extreme preoccupation. 83 KATHIMERINI, Μόξηα: Κάηνηθνη εκπνδίδνπλ ηνλ θαζαξηζκό ηνπ θακέλνπ ΚΤΣ, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073135/moria-katoikoi-empodizoyn-ton-katharismo-toy- kamenoy-kyt/ 84 PROTO THEMA, Πνξεία δηακαξηπξίαο ζην θέληξν ηεο Αζήλαο γηα ηε Μόξηα, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043543/poreia-diamarturias-sto-kedro-tis-athinas-gia-ti- moria/ Postgraduate Dissertation 82 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Finally, in the second instance, the newspaper represents the refuges as «νκάδα ηεο θσηηάο group of fire >>85. In this case, the refuges are imprinted through a nominal set that constitutes by two nouns. Yet, the second noun, that is the fire, is in the position of the predicate. It therefore gives a property to the first noun, that is the group, and indirectly characterizes the subject, that is the refugees. As a result, with the operation of the accused, the columnist characterizes the refugees and attributes to them the status of the perpetrator and the person responsible for the arson. b) European newspapers Similar to the right-wing newspapers, the European press identifies the refugee population in only 8 articles among 53. Refugee descriptions are defined with both adjectives and passive participles. In the table above the examples given are considered the most representative: < In most of the above articles, the use of adjectives is obvious. The overview of European articles reveals that the European press maintains a more neutral attitude towards refugees. This can be identified by the use of adjectives which do not impart permanent properties to the noun they characterize. Finally, the choice of the passive participle in the second example, sidelined the role of the perpetrator, who is now 85 PROTO THEMA, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Έμη ζπιιήςεηο γηα ηνλ εκπξεζκό ηνπ ΚΤΣ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044567/fotia-sti-moria-exi-sullipseis-gia-ton-ebrismo-tou- kut/ 86 BBC, Moria migrants tear-gassed by Greek police in protest over new camp, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54131212 87 DW, After Moria, EU to try closed asylum camps on Greek islands, https://www.dw.com/en/after- moria-eu-to-try-closed-asylum-camps-on-greek-islands/a-55032182 88 Euronews, Moria migrant camp an 'insult' to European values, insists MEP Philippe Lamberts, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/11/moria-migrant-camp-an-insult-to-european-values-insists-mep- philippe-lamberts 89 The Guardian, Greek riot police fire teargas at refugees campaigning to leave Lesbos, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/12/greek-riot-police-fire-teargas-at-refugees- campaigning-to-leave-lesbos Postgraduate Dissertation 83 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. marginalized, is not committed to the implementation of the action nor it is limited in time by the way the verbs do, such as the statement of the person and the tense. III. Government and state mechanism attitude and the performance of its responsibilities The present category is divided into two parts; one is related to the attitude of the Greek government and state mechanisms, such as the police, towards the arson and its subsequent developments, while the other is referred to the attribution of responsibilities to the government in relation to the events described. Σhese topics were selected to be presented together as they are inextricably linked. On the one hand, the attitude of the government through its statements is revealed. On the other hand, we present how this attitude is evaluated by other participants, such as the local people of Lesvos, the European Union, the Greek society. Thus, a table is figured that shows the frequency of presence of the examined lexico-grammatical elements in each category in both Greek and European newspapers. In the Greek articles, there are many statements of the protagonists, that is, of the prime minister and the chief of police who, through the language they use, indicate the way they treat both the immigrants and the local community of Lesvos. Also, due to the differently oriented examined newspapers, the attitude of the government is interpreted differently each time. At the same time, regarding the attribution of responsibilities, in many articles it is obvious that the opinion presented by each newspaper corresponds to the respective political ideology that it advocates. a) Greek newspapers i. Active voice Initially, the active voice is used by state people to indicate the role of the agent in each case. In the examined articles, the active voice is captured 52 times to the total 53 times (see Table 2). In all the national newspapers, the statements of those involved have common features. Especially in the right-wing newspapers, state representatives use active voice to address responsibilities to refugees and the local community. Firstly, the agent seems to be the refugees who are fully responsible for the arson but also for the real causes that led to the arson; for instance, the Minister of Development and Investment in a relevant statement states that: Postgraduate Dissertation 84 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - «Γελ αηζζάλνκαη θαζόινπ ππνρξεσκέλνο θάζε θνξά πνπ θαίλε απηνί ηα ζπίηηα πνπ ηνπο ρηίδνπκε, λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξγηα»90/<> - «Πνιύ ζηελαρσξηέκαη πνπ ηνπο βιέπσ έηζη αιιά δελ κπνξνύκε λα κελ ζπλππνινγίζνπκε όηη νη άλζξσπνη απηνί έθαςαλ ηνλ θαηαπιηζκό κόλνη ηνπο»91/<> The Prime Minister is moving in the same direction with his statements, emphasizing that Moria was burned and there are clear responsibilities for this fact without leaving space for questioning the causes of the situation. In fact, in an interview he states that Moria «….. . Κάεθε από θάπνηνπο «ππεξδξαζηήξηνπο» κεηαλάζηεο θαη πξόζθπγεο. Θέιεζαλ κε απηόλ ηνλ ηξόπν λα εθβηάζνπλ ελδερνκέλσο ηελ θπβέξλεζε απαηηώληαο ηελ άκεζε κεηαθίλεζή ηνπο»92/ «… ... It was burned by some "hyperactive" immigrants and refugees. In this way they wanted to possibly blackmail the government by demanding their immediate removal. ». At the same time, a KATHIMERINI‟s article begins with <<Σε θσηηά πνπ θαηέζηξεςε ην Κέληξν Τπνδνρήο θαη Σαπηνπνίεζεο (ΚΤΣ) Μόξηαο έβαιαλ κεηαλάζηεο από ηνλ θαηαπιηζκό σο αληίδξαζε ζηα έθηαθηα πεξηνξηζηηθά κέηξα πνπ είραλ ηεζεί ζε ηζρύ ιόγσ COVID-19>> 93/<< The fire destroyed by the Reception and Identification Center of Moria was set by immigrants from the camp in response to the emergency restrictive measures that had entered into force due to COVID-19 >> emphasizing fire as a catastrophic event of which the agents are to blame - the refugees who set it only as a reaction. Typically, the newspaper ΣΟ VIMA reports that the Greek government addressed to: - << Σηνπο κεηαλάζηεο πνπ αξλνύληαη λα εηζέιζνπλ ζηε λέα δνκή…94>>/ < 90 PROTO THEMA, Γεσξγηάδεο γηα κεηαλάζηεο ζηε Μόξηα: Γελ είκαζηε ππνρξεσκέλνη αλ θαίλε ηα ζπίηηα λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξγηα, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1043263/georgiadis-gia-metanastes-sti-moria-den- eimaste-upohreomenoi-an-kaine-ta-spitia-na-tous-htizoume-kainourgia/ 91 PROTO THEMA, Γεσξγηάδεο γηα κεηαλάζηεο ζηε Μόξηα: Γελ είκαζηε ππνρξεσκέλνη αλ θαίλε ηα ζπίηηα λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξγηα, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1043263/georgiadis-gia-metanastes-sti-moria-den- eimaste-upohreomenoi-an-kaine-ta-spitia-na-tous-htizoume-kainourgia/ 92 ΔFSYN, Πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο κηα θξαπγή: «Δελ ζέινπκε λέα Μόξηα», https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259627_prosfyges-kai-metanastes-mia-kraygi-den-theloyme-nea-moria 93 ΚΑTHIMERINI, Αληίδξαζε ζηα κέηξα ε θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561072706/antidrasi-sta-metra-i-fotia-sti-moria/ 94 TO VIMA, Μόξηα: Οηαλ ην επξσπατθό ηδεώδεο ζθνληάθηεη, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/society/moria- otan-to-eyropaiko-ideodes-skontaftei/ Postgraduate Dissertation 85 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - <<….πέξαλ ησλ αζπλόδεπησλ αλήιηθσλ πξνζθπγόπνπισλ, θαλέλαο δελ ζα θύγεη από ην λεζί>>95/<<…apart from the unaccompanied refugee minors, no one will leave the island>>. Hence, the Greek government stresses that refugees must follow the options offered by the government, as they <<…. έρνπλ ζπκθέξνλ λα απνδερζνύλ ηηο πξνηάζεηο καο θαη ηελ πξαγκαηηθόηεηα ηεο λέαο δνκήο...>> 96/ <<…. they have an interest in accepting our proposals and the reality of the new structure ... >> In the aforementioned instances, the Greek government appears to be in control of the situation and setting the conditions for refugees to deal with the problem. Additionally, the verb αξλνύληαη/deny is essential. It indicates a deeply negative meaning and. as Fairclough (2014) refers, it is crucial as it urges the reader in a different direction and an intertextual context of a text (p.141). In other words, the government uses the active voice in its statements to target refugees. It puts them as the main offender- subject emphasizing with verbs of negative importance their attitude. This, of course, is aimed at disorienting the reader from the principals and directing them to another subject, relevant to the case but not of major importance. Secondly, state statements do not indicate that the refugees are solely responsible for the arson. At the same time, the government places the responsibilities on the locals of Lesvos who prevent the creation of a new refugee camp: << Αζθαιώο θαη θηαίλε νη θάηνηθνη…>>97 /< «είζηε θαη εζείο ππαίηηνη κε ηηο πξαθηηθέο ζαο γηα ηελ όιε θαηάζηαζε θαη κε ηα δειηία Τύπνπ πνπ ζηέιλεηε»98/ < 95 Avgi, Ζ θαηαζηξνθή ηεο Μόξηαο ήηαλ ζέκα ρξόλνπ..., https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366067_i- katastrofi-tis-morias-itan-thema-hronoy 96 PROTO THEMA, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Έμη ζπιιήςεηο γηα ηνλ εκπξεζκό ηνπ ΚΤΣ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044567/fotia-sti-moria-exi-sullipseis-gia-ton-ebrismo-tou- kut/ 97 Avgi, Ά.Γεσξγηάδεο: Oη θάηνηθνη θηαίλε πνπ δελ έγηλαλ θιεηζηέο δνκέο ζηα λεζηά (video), https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366116_ageorgiadis-oi-katoikoi-ftaine-poy-den-eginan-kleistes-domes-sta- nisia-video 98 EFSYN, «Αλ ππνρσξήζνπκε, ζα θαλεί όηη έρνπκε εηηεζεί», https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259293_ypohorisoyme-tha-fanei-oti-ehoyme-ittithei Postgraduate Dissertation 86 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. A typical example is the statement of Mr. Mitarakis who said that «απηή ηε ζηηγκή έρνπκε δύν κέησπα, ην κέησπν ησλ κεηαλαζηώλ, νη νπνίνη εθβηάδνπλ γηα λα θύγνπλ, θαη δπζηπρώο δελ ππάξρεη ε απαξαίηεηε επζύλε πνπ ρξεηάδεηαη ζηα δύζθνια από ηνπο ηνπηθνύο άξρνληεο ζπλνιηθά. >> 99/< <<… ε θπβέξλεζε, από ηελ πιεπξά ηεο, θαηεγνξεί ηνπο δύν δεκάξρνπο ηνπ λεζηνύ (Μπηηιήλεο θαη Γπηηθήο Λέζβνπ) όηη ηήξεζαλ κε επνηθνδνκεηηθή ζηάζε θαη δελ ππέδεημαλ θαλέλα ζεκείν γηα λα κεηαθεξζνύλ νη 12.000 άζηεγνη ηεο Μόξηαο.100>>/ <<….the government, for its part, accuses the two mayors of the island (Mytilene and West Lesvos) of taking an unconstructive stance and pointing out no point in relocating the 12,000 homeless people of Moria.>> In contrast, the use of the active voice with the government in the position of the subject is equally evident in a plethora of articles in all newspapers. What is remarkable, however, is the dual interpretation of the government's attitude as a subject. On the one hand, the government and the police are portrayed as agents with their attitude declaring a negative connotation, such as <<….. κε ηελ Αζηπλνκία λα πξνρσξά ζε αλαίηηνπο μπινδαξκνύο θαη ρξήζε ρεκηθώλ θαηά πξνζθύγσλ ην Σάββαην αιιά θαη λα εκπνδίδεη ηε δεκνζηνγξαθηθή πξόζβαζε γηα αξθεηέο ώξεο ηελ Κπξηαθή ζηελ πεξηνρή όπνπ έρνπλ εγθισβηζηεί ρηιηάδεο άλζξσπνη101>>/ << …with the Police proceeding with unnecessary beatings and use of chemicals against refugees on Saturday but also obstructing journalistic access for several hours on Sunday in the area where thousands of people have been trapped >> In fact, at this point, so much emphasis is given by the columnist that while the word police is within the sentence, it is inversely capitalized. Therefore, from what can be seen from the data, in its statements the government puts itself in the position of a subject in order to exalt its attitude towards the situation. The following excerpts are found in right-wing newspapers and can be interpreted as the state's attempt to present an active role in grinding the problem: 99 EFSYN, Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα - Υσξίο θαγεηό θαη λεξό πνιύο θόζκνο, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259209_nea-fotia-sti-moria-horis-fagito-kai-nero-polys-kosmos 100 TO VIMA, Σν ηέινο ηεο Μόξηαο θαη ν πόιεκνο γηα ηε «λέα Μόξηα», https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/politics/to-telos-tis-morias-kai-o-polemos-gia-ti-nea-moria-2/ 101 ΔFSYN, Πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο κηα θξαπγή: «Δελ ζέινπκε λέα Μόξηα», https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259627_prosfyges-kai-metanastes-mia-kraygi-den-theloyme-nea- moria Postgraduate Dissertation 87 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. <<…. Η αζηπλνκία δνύιεςε κεζνδηθά, έβαιε ηέινο ζε ζελάξηα θαη αβάζηκεο ππνζέζεηο», ηόληζε ν θ. Υξπζνρντδεο>>102/<<…. The police worked methodically, put an end to scenarios and unfounded cases", stressed Mr. Chrysochoidis>> <<….. ε θπβέξλεζε ηνπο πξνεγνύκελνπο κήλεο δελ ήζειε λα ζπγθξνπζηεί κε ηνπο θαηνίθνπο πνπ αληηδξνύζαλ γηα λα γίλνπλ νη θιεηζηέο δνκέο.>>103/ <<…the government in recent months did not want to clash with the residents who reacted to make the closed structures>> << …ε Κπβέξλεζε απεπζύλεη θάιεζκα ελόηεηαο …>>104/<<….… The Government is calling for unity…>> Moreover, as far as the performance of government‘s responsibilities, the active voice is present in 28 articles (see Table 2). As can be seen from the examples, it is noted in the left-wing newspapers that have focused mainly on the responsibilities of the state. In each article is totally clear that the columnists attempt to emphasize at the negative action of the government: << ηελ Διιάδα, κε ηελ ηξαγσδία ηεο Μόξηαο, ην «επηηειηθό θξάηνο» ηεο Ν.Δ. έρεη πξνζδώζεη ζην θαηλόκελν απηό ηξαγηθέο ώο εγθιεκαηηθέο δηαζηάζεηο>>105 / << In Greece, with the tragedy of Moria, the "staff state" of N.D. has given this phenomenon tragic as criminal dimensions. >> From the examination of the articles, the government is always in the subject position <<ε θπβέξλεζε βξήθε ηελ επθαηξία όρη κόλν λα ζπεθνπιάξεη ελάληηα ζηνπο λεζηώηεο…>>106/<< the government took the opportunity not only to speculate against the islanders…>>) or in the position of the object << Ζ δξακαηηθή εηθόλα ζην Κέληξν Τπνδνρήο θαη Σαπηνπνίεζεο θέξλεη ηελ θπβέξλεζε πξν ησλ επζπλώλ ηεο…>>107/ << The dramatic picture at the Reception and Identification Center 102 TO VIMA, Μόξηα: ύιιεςε θαη έθηνπ αηόκνπ γηα ηελ θαηαζηξνθηθή ππξθαγηά, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/15/society/moria-syllipsi-kai-ektou-atomou-gia-tin-katastrofiki- pyrkagia/ 103PROTO THEMA, Γεσξγηάδεο γηα κεηαλάζηεο ζηε Μόξηα: Γελ είκαζηε ππνρξεσκέλνη αλ θαίλε ηα ζπίηηα λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξγηα, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1043263/georgiadis-gia- metanastes-sti-moria-den-eimaste-upohreomenoi-an-kaine-ta-spitia-na-tous-htizoume-kainourgia/ 104PROTO THEMA, Πέηζαο γηα Μόξηα: Κάπνηνη δελ ζέβνληαη ηε ρώξα πνπ ηνπο θηινμελεί - Γελ πξόθεηηαη λα θύγνπλ εμαηηίαο ηεο θσηηάο, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1042926/petsas- gia-moria-kapoioi-den-sevodai-ti-hora-pou-tous-filoxenei-kai-ekmetalleuodai-kathe-lusi/ 105 EFSYN, Ζ Μόξηα θαη νη «εκπξεζηέο», https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260697_i-moria-kai-oi- empristes 106 RIZOSPASTIS, Δπαηζζεζίεο, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923383&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 88 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. brings the government to its responsibilities…>> by being displayed negatively by the journalists. ii. Passive voice The syntactic structure of the sentences and the conscious or subconscious choice of one or the other by the author of the text can play a decisive role in promoting positive and negative actions. In the passive voice construction of sentences, which occurs 21 times, the role of the agent is weakened and mitigated. In this way, actors that are responsible for unpleasant events, are intentionally hidden (Politis, 2008). Specifically, the following reports seem to hide the agent that is the government and the Greek police. Of course, it is worth noting that these statements are those of the government itself, which means that they try to hide or mitigate their role, when it is responsible for unpleasant incidents: <<… δελ απνθιείεηαη ηηο επόκελεο εκέξεο λα ππάξμεη θαη θάπνηα αζηπλνκηθή επηρείξεζε – «ζθνύπα» γηα λα καδεπηνύλ νη πξόζθπγεο.>>108/<<… It is not excluded that in the next few days there will be a police operation - "broom" to gather the refugees <<….αζθαιώο λα «απειαζνύλ νη δξάζηεο ηεο θαηαζηξνθηθήο ππξθαγηάο ζηε Μόξηα»…>>109/ << "Certainly to" expel the perpetrators of the catastrophic fire in Moria >> «Οη εκπξεζηέο ηεο Μόξηαο θξαηνύληαη, ε πξνζσξηλή δνκή είλαη έηνηκε, ηα ηεζη γηα covid19 γίλνληαη.>>110/<<"The arsonists of Moria are being held, the temporary structure is ready, the tests for covid19 are being done.>> At the same time, passive syntax is used again in their statements, giving a general impression to the reader, as if they do not want to target themselves in the event that their words do not materialize: <<…εληόο ηεο εκέξαο ζα πξαγκαηνπνηεζνύλ όιεο νη απαξαίηεηεο ελέξγεηεο γηα ηελ άκεζε ζηέγαζε αξρηθά ησλ επάισησλ θαη ησλ νηθνγελεηώλ ηεο Μόξηαο ζε εηδηθά δηακνξθσκέλνπο ρώξνπο…>>111/ <<… during the day all the necessary actions will 107 EFSYN, Οιηθή θαηαζηξνθή ζηε Μόξηα - Κπβεξλεηηθό θιηκάθην ζηε Λέζβν, https://www.efsyn.gr/politiki/kybernisi/259004_oliki-katastrofi-sti-moria-kybernitiko-klimakio-sti- lesbo 108 TO VIMA, Μόξηα: ύιιεςε θαη έθηνπ αηόκνπ γηα ηελ θαηαζηξνθηθή ππξθαγηά, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/15/society/moria-syllipsi-kai-ektou-atomou-gia-tin-katastrofiki-pyrkagia/ 109 Avgi, Ά.Γεσξγηάδεο: Oη θάηνηθνη θηαίλε πνπ δελ έγηλαλ θιεηζηέο δνκέο ζηα λεζηά (video), https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366116_ageorgiadis-oi-katoikoi-ftaine-poy-den-eginan-kleistes-domes-sta-nisia-video 110 PROTO THEMA, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Έμη ζπιιήςεηο γηα ηνλ εκπξεζκό ηνπ ΚΤΣ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044567/fotia-sti-moria-exi-sullipseis-gia-ton-ebrismo-tou-kut/ 111 Avgi, ην δξόκν κε ηα ππάξρνληά ηνπο ζηα ρέξηα γηα δεύηεξν βξάδπ νη πξόζθπγεο ζηε Μόξηα, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366103_sto-dromo-me-ta-yparhonta-toys-sta-heria-gia-deytero-brady-oi-prosfyges-sti- moria Postgraduate Dissertation 89 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. be carried out for the immediate housing initially of the vulnerable and the families of Moria in specially designed areas…>> <<Θα πξέπεη ακέζσο λα απεγθισβηζηνύλ νη πξόζθπγεο από εθεί. Να παξζνύλ όια ηα πγεηνλνκηθά κέηξα θαη ηα απαξαίηεηα πξσηόθνιια γηα πξνζσξηλή κεηαθίλεζή ηνπο…..>>112/ << The refugees must be released immediately. All the sanitary measures must be taken and the necessary protocols for their temporary movement…. >>. Billig (2008) refers to that circumstance that the agent is missing explaining that one‘s statement that is the government‘s, may be transformed and have defined acting agents into agentless claims that express fewer details. In addition, the passivization is found once again in the statements of the Minister of Civil Protection, Michalis Chrysochoidis, who states that <<….ε ειιεληθή πνιηηεία δελ εθβηάδεηαη, απαληώληαο ηόζν ζηελ ηνπηθή απηνδηνίθεζε πνπ δεηά ηελ απνκάθξπλζε κεηαλαζηώλ θαη πξνζθύγσλ ζηελ ελδνρώξα, αιιά θαη ζηνπο πξόζθπγεο, μεθαζαξίδνληαο…. >>113/< With this statement, the Greek state becomes a subject and by putting it in the foreground, it takes on the role of the victim who is being blackmailed, but without mentioning the agent. This case is more related to the state's show of force against refugees and the local community. In fact, it contradicts the remarks in the previous descent of the active pension, where the government was the one that blackmailed the local community through an active voice, while now it declares the opposite (see active voice). Equally, during the examination of the articles, some verbal expressions were identified that address the attitude of the government and its policy. On the one hand, these verbal expression explicitly silence the actor, but pinpoint the power of government.To clarify, Minister Michalis Chrysochoidis warned that: - «δελ ζα γίλεη αλεθηή θακία παξαβαηηθή ζπκπεξηθνξά, όπσο ζπλέβε ζηε Μόξηα114>>/< 112 RIZOSPASTIS, Σεξάζηηεο νη επζύλεο ηεο θπβέξλεζεο, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10920834&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F 113 KATHIMERINH, Νέα ππξθαγηά ζηε Μόξηα, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073576/nea- pyrkagia-sti-moria/ 114 ΔFSYN, Πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο κηα θξαπγή: «Δελ ζέινπκε λέα Μόξηα», https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259627_prosfyges-kai-metanastes-mia-kraygi-den-theloyme-nea- moria Postgraduate Dissertation 90 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - <<Ζ ζπδήηεζε ζπλερίδεηαη, αιιά ζην ηέινο, είλαη ππνρξέσζε ηεο πνιηηείαο λα κπνπλ όινη κέζα. Είλαη ππνρξεσκέλνη όζνη έξρνληαη ζηε ρώξα καο λα ζέβνληαη ηελ ειιεληθή λνκνζεζία.>> 115/< The use of the words tolerated and obliged in the aforementioned circumstances provide the subject with a property; with other words, they attribute to the subject with a stable characteristic by testifying- in our example- that the behavior of refugees at Moria cannot be tolerated. So, the government has not other solution rather than to force everyone to enter in the camp, as it is state‘s obligation to do so. More analytically, from the choice of the bolded words that, it is understood that the government creates through its statements the impression of an unpleasant situation on the island, blaming the refugees as its culprits. The repetition of the verb endings shows the power that the government wants to impose. In this way, it defines its own attitude and actions and while using the word obligation-obligated, it emphasizes that the facts delimit it so that to undertake certain actions, whether the government wants to or not. At the same time, the government notes the fact that just as it is obliged to take the necessary measures, so the refugees who come to our country are obliged to respect the Greek legislation116. In the category of the attribute to government‘s responsibilities, the passive voice is presented to 11 articles. Halliday (1994) notes that the theme of a sentence can be altered in a passive voice; this can occur by shifting the goal to a subject position and the agent to a less thematic position, or actually taking the agent out of the context. According to Hart (2014), thus, the absence of the agent-actor defines the agent unspecified and allows readers to put them in semantic backgrounds, such as in the same manner as nominalizations. - << Δλα πξνζσξηλό θνιαζηήξην έσο όηνπ θηηαρηεί ην λέν κόληκν ΚΤΣ ζηε Λέζβν , όπνπ ζα βξίζθνληαη εγθισβηζκέλνη πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο, εηνηκάδεη ε θπβέξλεζε ζηε Λέζβν ζε ζπλεξγαζία κε ηελ ΔΔ>>117/ << The government in Lesvos is preparing a temporary hell until the construction of the new permanent KYT in Lesvos, where refugees and migrants will be trapped, in cooperation with the EU>> - << κε ηηο νπνίεο δηαησλίδεηαη θαη θιηκαθώλεηαη ε πνιηηηθή ηνπ δηπινύ εγθισβηζκνύ, όζν θη αλ πξνζπαζνύλ λα παξνπζηάζνπλ ζαλ «απεγθισβηζκό» ηε 115 PROTO THEMA, Μεηαλαζηεπηηθό - Μεηαξάθεο: Αλ νη πξόζθπγεο δελ κπνπλ κε ζπδήηεζε ζηε λέα δνκή, ζα ηνπο βάιεη ε αζηπλνκία, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1044503/metanasteutiko-mitarakis-an-oi-prosfuges- den-boun-me-suzitisi-sti-nea-domi-tha-tous-valei-i-astunomia/ 116 PROTO THEMA, Μεηαλαζηεπηηθό - Μεηαξάθεο: Αλ νη πξόζθπγεο δελ κπνπλ κε ζπδήηεζε ζηε λέα δνκή, ζα ηνπο βάιεη ε αζηπλνκία, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1044503/metanast eutiko-mitarakis-an-oi-prosfuges- den-boun-me-suzitisi-sti-nea-domi-tha-tous-valei-i-astunomia/ 117 RIZOSPASTIS, Βξήθε «επθαηξία» γηα λα ζηήζεη έλα λέν κόληκν θνιαζηήξην!, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10926734&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9 C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE% 99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 Postgraduate Dissertation 91 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. κεηαθνξά κεξηθώλ εθαηνληάδσλ αζπλόδεπησλ ζε άιιεο ρώξεο ηεο ΔΔ118>>/<< which perpetuates and escalates the policy of double entrapment, no matter how much they try to present as "release" the transfer of a few hundred unaccompanied to other EU countries.>> From the use of the passive voice in these examples it is clear that left-wing newspapers are opposed to the proposed policy. They highlight the policy of refugee confinement, thus attributing responsibility to the government and the EU with the policy of double detention. iii. Pronoun choices As van Dijk (1991) argues, the choice of grammatical pronoun in journalistic texts is not accidental. On the contrary, it identifies the identity of the community and the group, while the inequality between ―us‖ and the ―others‖ is often projected and a distinction is made between the inner group and the outer group, respectively. This intra-group and extra-group polarization is based on the projection of our own good and their own negative points or in mitigating our own bad and their own positives. In our study, of the 107 Greek articles examined, 17 are referred to the refugees who make up the out-group in the third person plural, that is the pronoun ―they‘‘ and its relative forms (them). The instance provided shows that through the use of pronouns the contrast of the in-group and out-group is revealed: <<….θάπνηνη δε ζέβνληαη ηε ρώξα πνπ ηνπο θηινμελεί θαη παζρίδνπλ λα απνδείμνπλ όηη δελ ςάρλνπλ δηαβαηήξην γηα κηα θαιύηεξε δσή…>>119/ <<...some people do not respect the country that hosts them and strive to prove that they are not looking for a passport for a better life… >> On the contrary, the 1st plural that is the pronoun ―we‖, is reflected in 9 points out of the 31 within the articles concerning the government‘s attitude. More particularly, - <<Υζεο ν ίδηνο-Κνπκνπηζάθνο- δήισζε ζηνλ ΚΑΪ επζαξζώο όηη «πάληα ε πνιηηηθή καο ήηαλ θιεηζηνύ ηύπνπ θέληξα>>120/< 118 RIZOSPASTIS, Σνπο βόιεςε, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10930807&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9 C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE% 99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 119 EFSYN, Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα - Υσξίο θαγεηό θαη λεξό πνιύο θόζκνο, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259209_nea-fotia-sti-moria-horis-fagito-kai-nero-polys-kosmos 120 Αvgi, Ολεηξεύνληαη Ακπγδαιέδεο θαη μεξνλήζηα, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366187_oneireyontai- amygdalezes-kai-xeronisia Postgraduate Dissertation 92 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Πξνηεξαηόηεηά καο παξακέλεη ε πγεία θαη ε αζθάιεηα όισλ.>>121/<< Once the damage in Moria has been assessed, and in consultation with the European Commission, we will take concrete initiatives. Our priority remains the health and safety of all>> As shown in the given examples, the 1st plural pronoun denotes the inner group of the government or the Greek population and it is depicted using either verb in the plural or with the weak form of the personal pronoun. In fact, in the articles there is the use of the first singular person which gives immediacy to the speech, since the narration contains the element of personal testimony, confessional tone and emotional charge to the receiver, after reading and experiencing personal experiences of the transmitter. Corresponding examples are: - <<… Mήλπκα έζηεηιε ν πξσζππνπξγόο Κπξηάθνο Μεηζνηάθεο: «Δθθξάδσ ηε ιύπε κνπ γηα ηα γεγνλόηα. Αλαγλσξίδσ ηηο δύζθνιεο ζπλζήθεο….>>122/<< The Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis sent a message: "I express my regret for the events. I recognize the difficult conditions….>> - <<Γελ αηζζάλνκαη θαζόινπ ππνρξεσκέλνο θάζε θνξά πνπ……., είπε ν ππνπξγόο Αλάπηπμεο θαη Δπελδύζεσλ, Άδσληο Γεσξγηάδεο,.«Πνιύ ζηελαρσξηέκαη πνπ ηνπο βιέπσ έηζη αιιά ……>>123/<> The above examples reflect the feelings of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Development and Investment aiming firstly to capture readers‘ intentness, as it is rare Greek Ministers to express how they feel, and secondly to strengthen the ethos of the politicians who express them. They use political discourse with specific syntax and lexical choice and focus on intrigueing the readers emotionally and directing their view. In detail, Searle (1969) refers to them as expressive speech acts that show the feelings of the writer and express the psychological situations in which he/she is found (as cited in Ronan, 2015). With this, therefore, the writer declares his/her psychological state towards the content of his/her reasons by indirectly betraying the receiver for an upcoming act. 121 TO VIMA, Μεηζνηάθεο γηα Μόξηα : Ζ θαηάζηαζε δελ κπνξεί λα ζπλερηζηεί – Δθηαθηα κέηξα, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/mitsotakis-ektakta-metra-sti-lesvo-i-katastasi-den-mporei- na-synexistei/ 122 PROTO THEMA, Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Ζ επόκελε εκέξα ηεο θαηαζηξνθήο - Σν ζρέδην γηα ηνπο κεηαλάζηεο, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042800/fotia-sti-moria-i-epomeni-imera-tis- katastrofis-to-shedio-gia-tous-metanastes/ 123 PROTO THEMA, Γεσξγηάδεο γηα κεηαλάζηεο ζηε Μόξηα: Γελ είκαζηε ππνρξεσκέλνη αλ θαίλε ηα ζπίηηα λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξγηα, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1043263/georgiadis-gia-metanastes-sti-moria-den- eimaste-upohreomenoi-an-kaine-ta-spitia-na-tous-htizoume-kainourgia/ Postgraduate Dissertation 93 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Finally, the use of personal pronouns in the category of the performance of government‘s responsibilities that is noted in 20 out of 51 articles is of special interest. The first fact is the representation of the inner group; it defines the local people of Moria, the people in Greece in general, but it excludes the government compared to the aforementioned results. Through linguistic choices of the columnists, the government seems to be the perpetrator of the situation created by the arson in Moria and it is referred merely using the third singular pronoun. Therefore, with respect to the third plural person, a characteristic similarity can be observed with what has already been analyzed; the refugees constitute the out-group versus the inner- group of people from Greece. Below there is an instance that encloses all the personal pronouns used in the present axis: <<Ζ θπβέξλεζε καο παξαπιάλεζε. Αιιά καο έιεγε ρζεο [ζ.ζ. ηελ Πέκπηε], όηη ζα ηνπο πάεη καθξηά από ηελ πόιε.»124/<< The government misled us. But he was telling us yesterday [s.s. on Thursday], that will take them away from the city>>. iv. Nominal sets In this category, the nomηnal sets are placed in 11 articles both on the thematic axis of the government's attitude and on the attribution of its responsibilities (see Table 2). More specifically, on the basis of the reports under consideration, these serve either to blame the government mainly by left-wing newspapers or by right-wing newspapers for statements by government officials trying to reduce their responsibility or reverse the accusations. The choice of nominal sets attempts to eliminate the agent that is reinforced by the use of substantiated phrases such as: - <<… ήηαλ απνηέιεζκα ελόο θαιά νξγαλσκέλνπ θαη πξνκειεηεκέλνπ ζρεδίνπ εκπξεζκνύ.125>>/<< …it was the result of a well-organized and premeditated arson plan. >> - <<Ζ θπβέξλεζε – απνθαζηζκέλε λα κε κεηαθέξεη ηνπο ρηιηάδεο αηηνύληεο άζπιν εθηόο Λέζβνπ, κε ην καραίξη ζηνλ ιαηκό θαη ππό ηελ απεηιή εκπξεζκώλ 126>>/ << The government - determined not to transport the thousands of asylum seekers out of Lesvos, with a knife to the throat and under the threat of arson >> As it can be seen from the above examples, right-wing newspapers indirectly shift the responsibility for the arson to the refugees by supporting the government statements that strongly point to the refugees as the main culprits for the arson of the camp. 124 TO VIMA, Σν ηέινο ηεο Μόξηαο θαη ν πόιεκνο γηα ηε «λέα Μόξηα», https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/politics/to-telos-tis-morias-kai-o-polemos-gia-ti-nea-moria-2/ 125 KATHIMERINI, Αληίδξαζε ζηα κέηξα ε θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561072706/antidrasi-sta-metra-i-fotia-sti-moria/ 126 TO VIMA, Σν ηέινο ηεο Μόξηαο θαη ν πόιεκνο γηα ηε «λέα Μόξηα», https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/politics/to-telos-tis-morias-kai-o-polemos-gia-ti-nea-moria-2/ Postgraduate Dissertation 94 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Continuing, Fairclough (1992) defines nominalization as a way of ―conversion‖ that allows the deletion of agency (as cited in Billig, 2008). To succeed nominalization, the uses of passive forms, either passive voice and participles or nominalization, are necassary. For Faiclough (2003) nominalization is the synonym of the exclusion of participants in clauses; it is, thus, a process that tends linguistically to conceal the processes and then, converts them into nominals. The conversion is presented in the existing instance where nominalization turns the processes into states and objects leading to the mitigation of the presence of participants-agents: <<«Δπηρείξεζε κε ηελ νπνία πεξλάκε από ηελ αλαζθάιεηα ζηελ πγεηνλνκηθή αζθάιεηα θη από ηελ αηαμία ζηελ ηάμε» ραξαθηήξηζε Ο θ. Υξπζνρνΐδεο ραξαθηήξηζε «αλζξσπηζηηθό θαζήθνλ» ηελ επηρείξεζε"127>>/< Additionally, in the axis about the responsibilities of the government, the choice of nominal sets exists in 33 of the 51 examined articles (see Table 2). However, in the most instances, the agent of the nominal sets is the government which is accused for refugee confinement in the closed camp of Moria 128, its inaction without taking protective measures129, and its effort to establish dangerous plans to set up camps - prisons for refugees and migrants 130. The following examples show that the nominalization comes mainly from left-wing newspapers. This finding reveals the attribution of responsibilities to the Greek government by consolidating its political practices as existing: - <<Σν θόκκα ηεο αμησκαηηθήο αληηπνιίηεπζεο κηιά γηα εγθιεκαηηθέο επζύλεο ηνπ πξσζππνπξγνύ θαη ηνπ ππνπξγνύ Μεηαλάζηεπζεο θαη Αζύινπ>>131/<< The main opposition party talks about criminal responsibilities of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Immigration and Asylum>> 127 PROTO THEMA, Υξπζνρνΐδεο: Με ηελ επηρείξεζε ζην Καξά Σεπέ πεξλάκε από ηελ αηαμία ζηελ ηάμε, https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1045362/hrusohoidis-me-tin-epiheirisi-sto-kara-tepe-pername-apo-tin- ataxia-stin-taxi/ 128RIZOSPASTIS,Σνπο βόιεςε, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10930807&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9 C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE% 99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 129 RIZOSPASTIS, Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE% 99%CE%91+%2B%CE %A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE %9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE %99%CE%91 130 RIZOSPASTIS, Δπαηζζεζίεο, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923383&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9 C%CE %9F%CE %A1%CE % 99%CE%91+%2B%CE %A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE %91 131 EFSYN, ΤΡΗΕΑ: «ηελ παλδεκία ε θπβέξλεζε άθεζε ηηο πξνζθπγηθέο δνκέο ζηελ ηύρε ηνπο», https://www.efsyn.gr/node/259011 Postgraduate Dissertation 95 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - <<…παξάιιεια δνύιεςε κε ηαρύηεηα ν πξνπαγαλδηζηηθόο - εθβηαζηηθόο κεραληζκόο όηη όπνηνο δελ κπεη δελ πξόθεηηαη λα εμεηαζηεί γηα άζπιν>> 132/<<… At the same time, the propaganda-extortion mechanism worked quickly that whoever does not enter will not be considered for asylum>> In this regard, nominalization serves a range of ideological roles, including deleting agency, reifying, asserting reified ideas as agents, and preserving unequal power relations (Billig, 2008, p.792). The writers in our examples used nominalization to transform statements into agentless statements that communicate less knowledge. Reifying helps writers to transmit that the entities have a genuine and essential existence. In the same way, in the particular paradigms, an adjective provides a single property to the object through the adhective + noun structure (Wierzbicka, 1986). Moreover, the Greek government is characterized as a government with a failed policy: - <<….θαηλόκελν απηό ηξαγηθέο ώο εγθιεκαηηθέο δηαζηάζεηο>>133/<<… this phenomenon tragic to criminal dimensions>> - <<…..απνηξόπαηε θαη απνηπρεκέλε θπβεξλεηηθή πνιηηηθή ζην κεηαλαζηεπηηθό>>134/<<…disgusting and failed government policy on immigration>> Indeed, the second example highlights the blame game against the government by left-wing newspapers. The use of adjectives serves to identify an identity or specific characteristics in the actual policy of the government. In general, the national newspapers impute responsibilities to the government using adjectives with great negative dynamic and strong inferences: - <<Τελ επηθίλδπλε πνιηηηθή δηαηώληζεο ηνπ εγθισβηζκνύ ρηιηάδσλ αλζξώπσλ ζηα λεζηά ηνπ Αηγαίνπ…>> 135/<< The dangerous policy of perpetuating the confinement of thousands of people in the Aegean islands… >> - 132RIZOSPASTIS, Σνπο βόιεςε, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10930807&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9 C%CE %9F%CE %A1%CE % 99%CE%91+%2B%CE %A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE %91 133 EFSYN, Ζ Μόξηα θαη νη «εκπξεζηέο», https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260697_i-moria-kai-oi-empristes 134 EFSYN, Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο θσηηέο ηεο , https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi- kaike-apo-tis-foties-tis 135RIZOSPASTIS, ε πιήξε εμέιημε νη επηθίλδπλνη ζρεδηαζκνί θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10934230&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 96 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. - <<Εγθιεκαηηθέο επζύλεο ζηελ θπβέξλεζε Μεηζνηάθε γηα ηηο ηξαγηθέο εμειίμεηο ζηε Μόξηα>> 136/ < GOVERNMENT PERFORMANCE OF GOVERNMENT PERFORMANCE OF AND STATE GOVERNMENTS AND STATE GOVERNMENTS MECHANISM RESPONSIBILITIES MECHANISM RESPONSIBILITIES ATTITUDE ATTITUDE Greek Articles European Articles LEXICOLOGICAL ELEMENTS ACTIVE VOICE 36 30 10 3 PASSIVE VOICE 25 16 9 4 CHOISE OF 1st 6 2 2 - GRAMMAR person singular PERSONS st 1 4 - person 9 4 7 1 20 plural 32 3rd 17 14 1 1 person plural NOMINAL SETS 11 33 11 6 PREDICATE - - 3 5 TOTAL 53 51 20 11 Table: The presence of lexico-grammatical elements in both Greek and European newspapers b) European press To start with, a first result that accrues from the reading of the above table is the fact that the two government‘s categories are in 20 and 11 articles, correspondingly; this means that compared to the Greek press dealing with the responsibilities and attitude of the government, the relevant European articles do not show the same frequency. This incremental difference is further intensified in the axis referring to the 136 Avgi, ηάρηε θαη απνθαΐδηα ε Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto-dromo-hiliades-prosfyges Postgraduate Dissertation 97 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. government's responsibilities in the event of arson (11); it is therefore shown that the European newspapers have not paid as much attention to the responsibilities of the government as thoroughly as the Greek ones. In this framework, Oktar (2001) states that news events are not merely recorded by the press, but otherwise they are reformed on the basis of their own ideological relations. So, these results in themselves are an important piece of information on how the issue of arson is approached by the European press and through which axes is developed. i. Active voice As regards the use of the active voice of verbs, there are no differences compared to the Greek newspapers. In fact, the statements of all those involved and presented in all articles are identified, resulting in similar results. More specifically, including active voice enables newspapers not to cover incidents in a neutral manner; in other words, the choice is politically based on the assumption that the portrayal of ideology is formed and in turn, forms the society, taking into account the fact that the use of active voice is not subjective (Söğüt, 2018). In the statements of the protagonists, the active voice is manifested in 10 of 20 articles. < In terms of the preference of active voice, it seems that the active sentence is the preferred voice as it permits to the protagonists to analyze the development of the events in a more direct way. This fact serves the government to transmit the desired information in a specific way in order to orient the public's view of the audience. With other words, the readers are enabled to comprehend much more easily the meaning of the statements. In addition, out of the 9 articles, 3 articles express a common perception about the arson which is repeated by the protagonists (aforementioned examples). This strategy helps in the stressing of ideologies, as repetition can be a significant key in the transition of the information. Hence, in relevance with the responsibilities of the government, the active voice is used 3 times among 11. In two of these examples, the Greek government has the role of the agent attempting to rebuild the open reception camp of Moria establishing a closed reception center. Moreover, while the position of the subject in both proposals 137BBC, Moria migrants: Fire destroys Greek camp leaving 13,000 without shelter, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54082201 138 BBC, Moria migrants: Greek ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683 Postgraduate Dissertation 98 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. is not particularly surprising, the fact that the adjective Greek is used in the beginning emphasizes at greater level the role of the Greek government along the events. << Greek officials are urging those made homeless to move into newly-erected temporary shelters>>.139 < Moreover, the active voice is also found in the following example in which it appears that the columnist with the anti-opposition proposal emphasizes the fact of fire by placing it as a subject. Continuing, it is claimed that it was an act of freedom from the entrapment of refugees in the camp (i. e <<"He did not say, however, that the fires were a deliberate act of arson aimed at destroying the camp.>>)141 . The writer of the BBC article opposites to the statement of Mr Mitarachis that the fires started with the asylum seekers because of the quarantine imposed and the refusal of some of those infected with the virus to move into isolation with their families. The writer expresses through the use of active voice that the fire had a deeper meaning. Concluding, all three examples, when they come from different newspapers, are oriented to the same concept, the government's ultimate desire to set up closed refugee centers. ii. Passive voice Generally, the use of passive voice blurs the agency act and is usually accomplished through the use of the passive voice and nominalization (Kazemian & Hashemi, 2014). As far as the frequency of passive voice in the attitude of government and state mechanism (in 9 points among 20) is concerned, this reflects the choice of the writer to completely deactivate the agent. Simpson (1993) refers that the passive clause in which there is not the agent, is called an agentless passive construction (Simpson, 1993). More concretely, considering the following example < 139 DW, Moria: refugees fear they‟ll be stuck on Lesbos forever, https://www.dw.com/en/moria- refugees-fear-theyll-be-stuck-on-lesbos-forever/av-54927269 140 POLITICO, Misery in Moria is Europe‟s migration policy, https://www.politico.eu/article/europe- migration-policy-moria-fire-misery/ 141 BBC, Moria migrants: Greek ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683 142 BBC, Moria migrants tear-gassed by Greek police in protest over new camp, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54131212 Postgraduate Dissertation 99 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. The same is noted in the use of the second passive which does not present the agent, i.e. by whom the camp was burned. As van Dijk (2000) argues, the agency may be considered less crucial, and the use of passive voices is attributed to the fact that the result of the action is far more relevant than the actor. Indeed, in the text of Euronews the same information is transmitted diversely in comparison to the aforementioned news-information of BBC (i.e < The above is also certified in the category related to the attribution of responsibilities to the government. On this axis, the passive voice appears in 4 articles. It is therefore important to mention one example which presents the point of view of the former mayor of Lesbos Spyros Galinos. He argues that << The chaos and degradation of Moria,..., seemed to have been deliberately engineered by officials in Athens and Brussels to send a message to potential new migrants that ―the path across the Aegean isn‘t worth it‖.>>144. With his sayings, Spyros Galinos primarily turns the reader's attention to the event, i.e. the chaos in Moria, and then refers to the perpetrator , that is Greek government and the European Union. iii. Personal pronouns In political discourses, the strategic employment of we-groups (we, our and us) serve to establish a unified relationship between politicians and the public. To present to the general public its attitude towards the on-going events of arson, as shown in the table, the government uses the first plural face ‗‘we‘‘ in 4 articles to create a sense of intimacy and by extension of a group (i.e << Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis told reporters following the Med7 meeting that "Europe must move from words of solidarity to a policy of acts of solidarity. We must put the migration crisis at the heart of our discussions and be much more concrete". >>)145. In the example, 143 Euronews, New fire at overcrowded migrant camp on Greek island of Lesbos, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/10/new-fire-at-overcrowded-migrant-camp-on-greek-island-of- lesbos 144 The Guardian, Moria‟s only success has been to turn inhumanity into policy, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/sep/13/morias-only-success-has-been-to-turn- inhumanity-into-policy 145 Euronews, Moria camp fire: France and Germany urge EU states to welcome migrants, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/10/moria-camp-fire-france-and-germany-urge-eu-states-to- welcome-migrants Postgraduate Dissertation 100 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. while the Greek Prime Minister addresses the European Union regarding its active participation, he uses the ‘‘we‘‘ which is determined by both the European Union and the Greek state, as a European union. All in all, it should be noted that the protagonists of the government and the state mechanism use the we-strategy for identifying themselves in the Greek society and for employing cohesivation and solidarity with the people-receiver. In addition to only two references in relation to the 6 examined in the articles of the Greek newspapers, there is the use of the first singular of ―I‘‘. In one of these examples the Prime Minister tries to express his compassion and sympathy to the victims by invoking emotion using a deeply emotional word, that is sorrow (i.e <>146). In conclusion, as far as the third plural person ―they‘‘ is concerned, there is a valuable difference in frequency compared to that in Greek newspapers. More specifically, in the Greek articles both in the category of government attitude and in the attribution of responsibility to it, the third plural person appears in 17 and 14 excerpts of articles respectively. With regard to this, therefore, its presence is single (1) in number in both the present axis and the attribution of responsibilities. Of course, in any case, the function of its use varies. More thoroughly, in the first category it is alleged the Greek authorities attempt to convince former refugees of the camp to move to a new temporary site. In this report, the refugees, or them as they are reflected, are they- the outside group which is described negatively. According to the officials, the refuges hamper the government‘s action to infer a solution in the tradegy created (i. e < Similarly, considering the example of the thematic axis of government‘s responsibilities, the person ‗‘they’‘ is referred again to the refugee group: < Firstly, the newspaper columnist refers to the Greek government as Greek officials. The above name is found in the plural and indirectly indicates an external group, the 146 The Guardian, Thousands need aid after fire destroys Europe‟s largest refugee camp, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/09/thousands-need-aid-after-fire-destroys-europes- largest-refugee-camp 147 POLITICO, Greek refugee camp blaze highlights EU‟s migration failure, https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-migration-failure-lit-up-by-greek-moria-lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/ 148 DW, Moria: refugees fear they‟ll be stuck on Lesbos forever, https://www.dw.com/en/moria- refugees-fear-theyll-be-stuck-on-lesbos-forever/av-54927269 Postgraduate Dissertation 101 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. others. However, he uses the pronoun those to refer implicitly to refugees who constitute a distinct group of people from the broad society. Under the criterion of pronouns, the pronouns used in the news texts are exclusive to marginalize the parties as outsiders for diverse reasons (Fatin et al., 2017). iv. Nominal sets Simon-Vandenbergen et al. (2003) note that the major lexico-grammatical feature of languages is nominalization through which facts can be imprinted as things and not as happenings; nominalization is the transformation of a subject, verb and object into a much simplified entity or a noun phrase. In both of the two examined thematic pillars, 11 and 6 articles out of 20 and 11 correspondingly, use nominal sets, as follows: << "First of all, as an opportunity to reactivate Europe in the direction of solidarity to Greece, and to adopt a common immigration and asylum policy at a European Commission level, …>> << "The second opportunity out of this tragedy is to create on Lesbos a new permanent reception and identification centre that will not carry the negative aspects and problems of Moria - which is identified, and rightly so, with the mismanagement of the refugee issue." >>149 The use of nominal sets helps long sentences to be changed to a noun or noun phrases and provides more information in a clause. This procedure assists, as well as, some information to be left unspecified (i. e << But he said this could be an opportunity to improve how the EU handles a key challenge>>150), and as a result peoples‘ attention from crucial questions (who? what? From whom? e. t. c) to be distracted. Last but not least, parallelism is the re-occurrence in syntactic and lexical components leading to similarity and is found along sentences or phrases (Cuddon, 2012). It is important to testify that the below example reveal a parallel processing linking the words casualties and loss; in the context of the attribute of government in the events of Lesvos, these words bring awareness to the reader highlighting a specific subject, that is there were not eventually. <<"Witnesses have told the BBC that three people died in the fire but the Greek migration minister said there had been "no casualties, no loss of life". >>151 149 BBC, Greece to build permanent migrant centre to replace Moria, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54141450 150 Euronews, Greece: Lesbos migrants march against new camp facility after Moria fire, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/15/greece-lesbos-migrants-march-against-new-camp-facility- after-moria-fire 151 BBC, Moria migrants: Greek ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683 Postgraduate Dissertation 102 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. v. Predicate Finally, categorizing and paralleling subjects concludes in unification, as it seems that the subjects are related. In our study, in both categories the presence of predicate in texts corresponds to parallel nouns, such as: <<"Announcing his plans, the prime minister said: ""What happened in Moria, which is a tragedy, must be seen as an opportunity. >>152 << The situation in Moria cannot continue because it is an issue of public health, humanity and national security at the same time.”>>153 Upon inquiring into these instances, the general situation in Moria is defined as tragedy and following public and national insecurity. This strategy re inforces the repetition of similar words, lexical identity and ambiguity underscoring the essence of the problems at the camp of Moria and directing readers to a generalized conclusion. IV. The local society of Lesvos a) Greek newspapers i. Active voice The syntactic constructs of sentences, such as the word order or the use of active voice, are closer to the underlying meanings; word order and active voice, correspondingly, might thus convey the significance and function of underlying meanings. Regarding the attitude of the locals to the events that occurred after the arson on the island of Lesvos but also to their attitude towards the camp in Moria, in the newspapers of a left-wing nature, the local community is presented as the perpetrator; it is the agent responsible for the development of Moria camp, as it agreed with all the moves made by the government and led to the arson. With other words, through the excerpts of the articles it is testified that the residents of Lesvos supported the government by justifying its government policies. The active voice and the agent-position highlight the responsibilities of the Local Administration and are revealed upon 18 articles among 38 articles of the Greek press: < 152 POLITICO, Greek refugee camp blaze highlights EU‟s migration failure, https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-migration-failure-lit-up-by-greek-moria-lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/ 153 POLITICO, Greek refugee camp blaze highlights EU‟s migration failure, https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-migration-failure-lit-up-by-greek-moria-lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/ Postgraduate Dissertation 103 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. ηα κάηηα ηεο ζην πξόβιεκα θαη έηξεθε απηαπάηεο,…>>154 /<< The municipal authority is accountable, which, with its attitude throughout the previous period, constantly gave an alibi to government policy, closed its eyes to the problem and was delusional, … >> It is presented as the co-liable agent of the action of arson and it is generally referred to with the expression that is a syntactic subject of the sentence and that appears in first position, for example, in the definition of action. The local society is reflected in the article as a municipal authority, residents, local authorities, or the people of Lesvos and it is located in the position of the subject in the active voice of the sentence. In fact, an article in the newspaper typically mentions an additional reason that shows the responsibility of the local community of Lesvos, and that is the action of the Municipality of Mytilene to close its detection centers of Covid-19. <<…., ν Δήκνο Μπηηιήλεο αλάγθαζε ηνπο Γηαηξνύο Φσξίο Σύλνξα λα θιείζνπλ ηελ δνκή πξώηκεο αλίρλεπζεο covid-19 θαη κεζόδεπζε ην λα κείλνπλ απξνζηάηεπηνη νη 13.000 ηεο Μόξηαο ην θαινθαίξη, πξηλ ην πξώην ζεηηθό θξνύζκα ππξνδνηήζεη ηηο θαηαζηξνθηθέο εμειίμεηο, …>>155/<<…, the Municipality of Mytilene forced Médecins Sans Frontières to close the covid-19 early detection structure and managed to keep the 13,000 in Moria unprotected in the summer, before the first positive case triggered the catastrophic developments,…>> It seems that in this example the local community as the Municipality of Mytilene holds the position of perpetrator and it is stressed at its action that contributed to the non-security of the refugees of Moria in relation to the Covid-19. The most central newspapers use also the local community in the position of the subject, pointing out negatively its position which, this time, makes the role of the government more difficult. Lesvos and its inhabitants disagree with the creation of other closed structures after the destruction of Moria. In fact, with the use of the verb opposed, the local community is represented even more negatively. The placement of the specific verb in present time indicates the continuous operation of the word and therefore the constant attitude of the Lesvos citizens with regard to the construction of new camps: <<Άξρηζαλ ηα όξγαλα ζηε Λέζβν, θαζώο ήδε νη θάηνηθνη αληηηίζεληαη ζηνπο πξνζσξηλνύο θαηαπιηζκνύο πνπ έρνπλ δεκηνπξγεζεί ζηα παιηά ζηξαηόπεδα ζην Κιηηο θαη ζηε Λεκνλνύ, 154 RIZOSPASTIS, Μόλε δίθαηε ιύζε ν απεγθισβηζκόο πξνζθύγσλ θαη κεηαλαζηώλ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924027&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 155 Avgi, Γx: Ζ Μόξηα είρε δνκή πξώηκεο αλίρλεπζεο covid-19 θαη ηελ έθιεηζε ν Γήκνο Μπηηιήλεο (Ζρεηηθό), https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366124_gxs-i-moria-eihe-domi-proimis-anihneysis-covid-19- kai-tin-ekleise-o-dimos-mytilinis Postgraduate Dissertation 104 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. θαζώο θαη γύξσ από ην ρσξηό ηεο Μόξηαο.>>156/<< The institutions began in Lesvos, as the residents are already opposed to the temporary camps set up in the old camps in Klic and Lemonou, as well as around the village of Moria >> At the same time, the following example of the same newspaper indicates that while local society is accused of its attitude towards the government, it is also justified as its inhabitants can no longer stand the presence of refugees on the island. So there is a moderate attitude towards the role of the local community. More particularly, in the first example the use of the active participle reveals the reason for the residents to have reached their limits while in the second report the refusal not is used to reflect the situation in which they are mentally, financially and culturally. The verb of the second main sentence (showed) that shows the attitude of the inhabitants in the previous years is in the past tense, revealing that now this attitude has reached to a dead end. <<Σελ ίδηα ώξα, θαη ε ηνπηθή θνηλσλία είλαη ζηα όξηά ηεο, έρνληαο δερζεί δπζαλάινγν βάξνο ζην πξνζθπγηθό ηα ηειεπηαία ρξόληα >>/< On the basis of the above examples, it is important to note that again the local community acts as an offender- the subject of the proposal. At the same time, the refusal of the inhabitants to re-create closed camps monopolises the subjects of articles in the right-wing newspapers. Through the examination of the corpus, it is claimed that they emphasize the behavior of the inhabitants with regard to the government. This is achieved once again through the active syntax. The difference, however, lies in the identification of the inhabitants as outgroup that do not collaborate with the Greek government: 156 TO VIMA, Λέζβνο: Αληηδξάζεηο θαηνίθσλ γηα ηε κεηεγθαηάζηαζε ησλ πξνζθύγσλ από ηε Μόξηα, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/lesvos-antidraseis-katoikon-gia-ti-metegkatastasi-ton- prosfygon-apo-ti-moria 157 TO VIMA, Απνζηνιή MEGA ζηε Μόξηα : ε ηξαγηθή θαηάζηαζε νη πξόζθπγεο, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/12/society/apostoli-mega-sti-moria-se-tragiki-katastasi-oi-prosfyges/ 158 TO VIMA, Μόξηα : O Υξηζηόο μαλαζηαπξώλεηαη, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/11/opinions/moria-o-xristos-ksanastayronetai/ Postgraduate Dissertation 105 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. <<Σελ ίδηα ζηηγκή, θάηνηθνη ηεο πεξηνρήο επηρεηξνύλ λα κπινθάξνπλ ηελ επαλαδεκηνπξγία ρώξσλ θηινμελίαο. >>159/ << At the same time, local residents are attempting to block the re- creation of shelters. >> ii. Personal Pronouns Personal pronouns are faced only 8 times among 38 articles that develop tha action of the local society. The collective pronoun we that it is examined in the current category is semantically complex. Its representation in the newspapers reveals several conclusions; it is recognized that the voice of Lesvos citizens is delimited and it is present only in left-wing and centrist newspapers. The right-wing newspapers do not represent Lesvos community‘s views on their articles. To give an illustration, the personal pronoun we is inclusive, as it encloses all the society of Lesvos and its citizens. Yet, it is also exclusive as excludes them, the out-group. More especially, in the first example the excluding them/they are referring both to the government and the refugees; instead of, in the second eone, the excluding them concerns exclusively the group of the refuges. So, it is inferred that the in-group is related to the Lesvos community and the out-group is separated in subgroups; the first one is the government due to its political decision to bulilt closed camps on the island and the second one is the refuges that constitute the host body of their society. - <<Γελ κπνξνύλ λα καο μεγειάζνπλ. Ξέξνπκε όηη κε ηελ ππξθαγηά ζα καο παξνπζηάζνπλ σο θαιύηεξε ιύζε ην θιεηζηό hot spot. Λνηπόλ, δελ πξόθεηηαη λα δερηνύκε νύηε αλνηρηό νύηε θιεηζηό ηέηνην θέληξν. Να ην πάξνπλ απόθαζε», αλέθεξε έλαο απηναπαζρνινύκελνο κε γπλαηθεία είδε, ελώ ιίγν πην θάησ κία αθόκα ηδηνθηήηξηα εκπνξηθνύ θαηαζηήκαηνο ζα πεη «ζίγνπξα πξέπεη λα γίλεη θάηη. Εκείο δελ έρνπκε ηίπνηα κε ηνπο πξόζθπγεο θαη ηνπο κεηαλάζηεο θαη ην έρνπκε απνδείμεη. Αιιά δελ κπνξνύλ λα ηνπο έρνπλ έηζη ζε ηέηνηεο ζπλζήθεο.»>>160/<< They can not deceive us. We know that with the fire they will present us as the best solution the closed hot spot. Well, we are not going to accept such an open or closed center. To make a decision ", said a self-employed woman, while a little further down another shop owner will say" something must be done. We have nothing to do with refugees and migrants and we have proven it. "But they can not have them like that in such conditions." >> - <<Σν κείγκα παξακέλεη εθξεθηηθό, κε ηελ παλδεκία λα θαηνηθεί ζην λεζί, ηηο θσλέο θαη ηηο αληηδξάζεηο "δελ ηνπο ζέινπκε εδώ" λα κελ ιέλε λα εζπράζνπλ νύηε κπξνζηά ζηελ θαηαζηξνθή.>>161/<< The mixture remains explosive, with the pandemic dwelling on the 159 PROTO THEMA, Λέζβνο: Δληζρύνληαη νη δπλάκεηο ηεο αζηπλνκίαο - Έθηαζαλ θαη «Αίαληεο» (θσηνγξαθίεο), https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043234/lesvos-enishuodai-oi-dunameis-tis- astunomias-eftasan-kai-aiades-fotografies/ 160 RIZOSPASTIS, Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 161 Avgi, Ζ θαηαζηξνθή ηεο Μόξηαο ήηαλ ζέκα ρξόλνπ…, https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366067_i- katastrofi-tis-morias-itan-thema-hronoy Postgraduate Dissertation 106 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. island, the voices and reactions "we do not want them here" not saying to calm down even in the face of disaster.>> iii. Passive voice As regards the passive voice it is spotted in 11 articles amont the 38 (see Table 3) that are related to the local society. As we have already mentioned, when the writers focus on the mitigation of the negative actions of one group, then they tend to use the agent of the clause less prominent, by expressing the agent role later in the sentence or even by not referring to it. The given instances are related to both the left-wing newspapers and the centrist ones. The reaction of the local society for the resettlement of refugees in Moria is a fact. Hence, the agents-refugess of the actions are limited. From the examination of the corpus it was noted that the passive voice there is not in any article of the right-wing newspapers. This implies (if we consider the results based on the active voice- see active voice) that the newspapers of PROTO THEMA and KATHIMERINI represent clearly the refuges for the outcome on Lesvos. <<Υπήξμαλ αληηδξάζεηο από ηελ ηνπηθή θνηλσλία, σζηόζν ζην κεηαμύ δελ βξέζεθαλ άιιεο ιύζεηο γηα ηνπο επάισηνπο.>>162/ There have been reactions from the local community, but in the meantime no other solutions have been found for the vulnerable .>> <<Οη ίδηεο πιεξνθνξίεο αλαθέξνπλ όηη από κεξηάο ηεο δεκνηηθήο αξρήο Μπηηιήλεο ηέζεθε βέην ζηε ιεηηνπξγία ηόζν ηνπ ζηξαηνπέδνπ ζην Κιηηο όζν θαη ζην άιιν ζηε Λεκνλνύ σο πξνζσξηλνί θαηαπιηζκνί.>>163/ The same information indicates that the municipal authority of Mytilene vetoed the operation of both the camp in Klic and the other in Lemonou as temporary camps >> <<Ο θαηαπιηζκόο από ην πξσί είλαη απνθιεηζκέλνο από θαηνίθνπο πνπ δηακαξηύξνληαη, κε ηε ζπκπαξάζηαζε ηεο δεκνηηθήο αξρήο Μπηηιήλεο, γηα ηελ επαλεγθαηάζηαζε πξνζθύγσλ ζηε Μόξηα.>>164/<< The camp since the morning has been blocked by residents who are protesting, with the support of the municipal authority of Mytilene, for the resettlement of refugees in Moria.>> iv. Nominalization Continuing from the previous lexico-grammatikal category of passive voice, the nominalization is based on the same results. Even though the sentences in the articles 162 Avgi, Οδνηπνξηθό ηεο «Απγήο» ζηε Λέζβν / Σηκσξία αληί γηα ιύζεηο, https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366468_timoria-anti-gia-lyseis 163 TO VIMA, Λέζβνο: Αληηδξάζεηο θαηνίθσλ γηα ηε κεηεγθαηάζηαζε ησλ πξνζθύγσλ από ηε Μόξηα, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/lesvos-antidraseis-katoikon-gia-ti-metegkatastasi-ton- prosfygon-apo-ti-moria/ 164 EFSYN, Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα - Υσξίο θαγεηό θαη λεξό πνιύο θόζκνο, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259209_nea-fotia-sti-moria-horis-fagito-kai-nero-polys-kosmos Postgraduate Dissertation 107 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. are written in a number of diverse ways to form the meaning the writers want, passive voice and nominalization are based on the same principle. What the writer opts to use depends on the agents and the receivers of the action; with other words, the form of the verb in the sentence can generate several effects. Analytically, in the Greek press only 6 articles embody the use of nominalization (see Table 3) and the articles are referred solely to the left-wing and centrist newsapers. The right-wing press follows a specific point of view regarding the local society that it is imprinted also with the use of the technique of nominalization (see passive voice). Nominalization establishes a more abstract writing providing more concise meanings. Moreover, as the examples illustrate, it allows readers to confer more conceptual concepts by taking the focus off the action and making the action into a concept or idea. - <<Ζ Νίθε Σζηξηγώηε αλέδεημε ηηο επζύλεο ηεο Τνπηθήο Δηνίθεζεο, «ηα ζηειέρε ηεο νπνίαο εθιέρζεθαλ κε ζεκαία ην Πξνζθπγηθό Niki Tsirigoti highlighted the responsibilities of the Local Administration, "whose officials were elected under the flag of the Refugee.165 >> - <<Καη θαζώο εθηόο από ηελ νξγή ησλ πξζθύγσλ, ππάξρνπλ θαη αληηδξάζεηο ζηελ ηνπηθή θνηλσλία αιιά θαη επαλεκθάληζε θαζηζηνεηδώλ,….>>166/<< And as in addition to the anger of the refugees, there are also reactions in the local community and the re-emergence of fascists, …>> v. Nominal sets This chapter includes the elaboration of the nominal sets that are located in 7 articles, according to the table (see Table 3). Mostly the relationship expressed is noun+noun association. The current instance given uses a nominal set (Cross of Martydom) and explains the meaning of their use in the rest articles. Particularly, the nominal phrase is located chronologically many years ago and it is intertwined with an aspect of the orthophoxic history. Christ lifted the cross and testified until he was crucified. In this case, the meaning of first noun is enhanced and enriched by using another noun and providing a more expressive report for the audience. The words, also, have context-dependent use and their syntaxtical position signals vast underlying complexes of contextual significance: << Οη θάηνηθνη ζηα λεζηά δελ αληέρνπλ άιιν ηνλ ηαπξό ηνπ Μαξηπξίνπ, κε ηεξάζηηεο ζπλέπεηεο ζηελ ςπρηθή πγεία, ηελ νηθνλνκία θαη ηνλ πνιηηηζκό ηνπο. Υξόληα έδεημαλ πινπζηνπάξνρα ηελ αγάπε, ηε θηινμελία θαη ηελ αιιειεγγύε ζηνπο πξόζθπγεο θαη ηνπο 165 RIZOSPASTIS, Μόλε δίθαηε ιύζε ν απεγθισβηζκόο πξνζθύγσλ θαη κεηαλαζηώλ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924027&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE% A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 166 EFSYN, «Θέινπκε λα θύγνπκε, αθήζηε καο ειεύζεξνπο» θσλάδνπλ νη πξόζθπγεο έμσ απ' ην Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259400_theloyme-na-fygoyme-afiste-mas-eleytheroys- fonazoyn-oi-prosfyges-exo-ap-kara Postgraduate Dissertation 108 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. κεηαλάζηεο.>>167/ < As can be seen from the example, the columnist of the central newspaper uses a phrase that is essentially emotionally charged in order to achieve the identification of the readers with the inhabitants of Moria. Previous grammatical categories have revealed a moderate attitude of the mainstream newspapers towards the attitude of the local community. They claim that while Lesvos makes the work of the government difficult, at the same time it is being criticized as it can no longer stand it. The phrase Cross of Martydom, which is also used in capitals, associatively leads the recipient of meaning in the history of Christ. Therefore, the authors, using it as a metaphor to describe the difficulties faced by the inhabitants, tend to liken the life of the inhabitants to that of someone, such as Christ, who has suffered martyrdom. Lexico-grammatical Greek newspapers European newspapers elements Active voice 18 9 Personal Pronouns 8 1 Passive voice 11 6 Nominalization 6 1 Nominal sets 7 3 TOTAL 38 17 Table 3: The presence of the attitude of the local society of Lesvos in articles b) European newpapers The findings concerning the local community in the European press do not present great differences in relation to those in the Greek newspapers. Both the active and the passive voice are displayed in a correspondence always proportional to the total number of articles (see Table 3). Nevertheless, the difference in the total number of articles is noticeable, which comes to 17 compared to the 38 Greek articles. Also vital is the absence of the voice of the refugees through their statements, as the personal pronoun we appear only once in the articles. Analytically, the active voice is spotted in 9 among the 17 articles. In this lexico- gramatical element the perception that is dominant is that Lesvos community reacts to the construction of a new camp in the area without mentioning whose act is the 167 TO VIMA, Μόξηα : O Υξηζηόο μαλαζηαπξώλεηαη, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/11/opinions/moria-o-xristos-ksanastayronetai/ Postgraduate Dissertation 109 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. establishment of the camps. In comparison with the Greek press, that the local society was presented as a co-liable agent of the arson or as a participant that deteriorated government‘s policies, the European press emphasizes only at one role of the citizens. Lesvos inhabitants are those that desire refuges to remote from their island and those that are opposed with the construction of new camps. The presence of Greek government and the manner that local society and government correlate with each other –as co-responsible actors- is mitigated. - < - < As regard as the passive voice that it appears in 6 articles, it is used so as to conceal the agent of the action. In the below instances, the agent is missing; the reader tries to imagine or to infer from the reading of the entire article, who concerns about the reactions of locals or from whom Lesvos residents are called. - < Finally, the strategy of nominalization (1) and nominal sets (3) (see Table 3) is voticeable in the following example. In the above case, the attitude of the inhabitants of Lesvos is projected, but through the words of Mr. Mitarachis. There is a frequent use of adjectives before each noun in a speech period consisting of two sentences. Adjectives help to give a quality to the feature they describe and to tell the reader the seriousness of the situation. In addition, fibrosis aims to emphasize the government's difficulty with the people of Lesvos. Surely, the absence of the perpetrator raises 168 BBC, Moria migrants: Fire destroys Greek camp leaving 13,000 without shelter, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54082201 169 BBC, Moria migrants: European countries agree to take minors after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54116971 170 The Guardian, ‗Moria no more‟: the refugees left to sleep in car parks after escaping blaze, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/11/moria-lesbos-the-refugees-left-to- sleep-in-car-parks-after-escaping-blaze 171 Euronews, Germany to take in 1,500 migrants from Greek islands after Lesbos fire, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/15/germany-to-take-in-1-500-migrants-from-greek-islands-after- lesbos-fire Postgraduate Dissertation 110 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. questions to the receiver; who is the problem of cooperation referring to. In this way, easy conclusions are created that can lead to generalizations. << Notis Mitarachis, said. “There is a serious problem of cooperation with the local administration, which has rejected every alternative proposal that we have made in order for these people to sleep [somewhere] safely.” He admitted relief efforts had been chaotic, describing the situation as “especially difficult”. >> 172 V. The voice of refuges In this axis, the voice of refugees is presented and its level of frequency both in the national newspapers and in the European ones. The Table 4 shows the lexico- grammatical structures that use the columnists so as to elaborate refugees‘ perspective about the camp of Moria and the arson, but also how refuges themselves present themselves through their statements. Σhe voice of refugees is examined by both the Greek and European press with lexico-grammatical elements such as the active voice, personal pronouns of ―we‖ and ―I‖, nominal sets, nouns and cmplex propositions. Also, particularly in the European press, the pattern of freedom is intense. a) Greek newspapers i. Active voice Starting with, the active voice is present in only 11 articles (see Table 4) among the 22 articles in total. Van Dijk (1993) states it is used to present agents‘ positive properties. Yet, in terms of the preference of active and the absence of passive voice by the Greek journalists in this category, active voice is the preferred form as it permits writers to portray refuges‘ actions in a manner that is straighter for the recipients and easier to value. So, the result that the active voice is located in the half number of the articles reveals that their voice of refuges in the Greek newspapers was not prevailing. More particularly, in this thematic pillar the subject of the sentence is the refugees and the choice of active voice might reflect the way refugee people think and act: << Η Φνκάηξα Σάθρα, παξά ηελ επάισηε θαηάζηαζή ηεο, έιαβε κέξνο ζηηο δηαδειώζεηο ηνπ πξνεγνύκελνπ αββάηνπ. Μόιηο ηα ΜΑΣ έθαλαλ ρξήζε δαθξπγόλσλ γηα λα απσζήζνπλ ηνπο δηαδεισηέο, εθείλε άξρηζε λα ηξέρεη, νπξιηάδνληαο -όπσο θαη πάξα πνιινί άιινη γύξσ ηεο.>>173/ << Homayra Sakha, despite her vulnerable condition, took part in last Saturday's demonstrations. As soon as the MAT used tear gas to repel the protesters, she started running, screaming - like so many others around her. >> 172 The Guardian, Local anger as Greece tries to shelter refugees after Lesbos fire, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/11/local-anger-as -greece-tries-to-shelter-refugees-after- lesbos-fire 173 PROTO THEMA, Λέζβνο: «Νόκηδα όηη είρε έξζεη ην ηέινο κνπ» ιέεη Αθγαλή έγθπνο 8 κελώλ πνπ δεη ζηνλ Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044710/lesvos-nomiza-oti-eihe-erthei-to- telos-mou-leei-afgani-eguos-8-minon-pou-zei-ston-kara-tepe/ Postgraduate Dissertation 111 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. According to the given example, the subject in this category is oriented to a refugee woman as the perpetrator who belongs to the in-group. The active voice shows the behavior of the refuge in the events on the island and her reactions. The writer presents the actions of the refugee through the active voice in order to emphasize in the way that the refugee woman acts. The active voice targets at highlighting the perpetrator-refugee, a fact that has a decisive role in promoting judgments to the readers. ii. Personal Pronouns Following, data analysis operates at different levels. Yet, regarding the more detailed processes, the Greek press is dominated by the presentation of the collective voice of the refugees. It occurs with the use of the first person plural pronoun ―we‖ and its related forms, such as ―our‖. They are emerged in 8 articles among the 22 of the category so as to addresses the self-presentation of refugees of Moria. <<Μαο ιέλε λα πάκε ζηε Μόξηα, αιιά πνύ είλαη πηα ε Μόξηα; Ζ Μόξηα ηειείσζε. >>174/<< We are told to go to Moria, but where is Moria now? Moria is over.>> As we can see from the instance, the personal proronoun we and us are used instead of the refugees nouns. The use of the personal pronoun of ―we‖ shows the power and solidarity through language inside the refugee population of Moria. In addition, it is used in the refuge speech-statement to be empowered by showing the strength of the group. The refugees of Moria are a group united opposite to the out-group of the government and the European policies. Through the presence of the personal pronoun in the first plural, answers are given to the reader about: - who we are - what are our characteristics - what are the qualities that distinguish us from others - what we do - what others expect of us - what is our social role Its use therefore concerns how members of the group see themselves. Simultaneously, the group is delimited and the self-description of its identity is usually done in a positive way.As van Dijk (1991) argues, the choice of the grammatical person in racist texts of journalistic discourse is not accidental. However, at this point, the aim is to capture the voice of the refugees regarding the arson, to emphasize the identity of the community and at the same time to highlight the inequality between ―us‖ and ―the 174 Avgi, Σν καύξν θάληαζκα ηεο Μόξηαο, https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366183_mayro-fantasma-tis- morias Postgraduate Dissertation 112 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. others‖. Of course, here ―we‘‘ or ―I‘‘ are the refugees who through their testimonies give their own view of the situation: <<«Νόκηδα όηη είρε έξζεη ην ηέινο κνπ» ιέεη ε άθρα ζην Αι Σδαδίξα, αλαθέξνληαο επίζεο όηη «εκείο δελ θάλακε ηίπνηα ζηνπο αζηπλνκηθνύο. Απηνί ήξζαλ από δύν πιεπξέο θαη κεηά έγηλε ράνο».>>175/ <<"I thought my end had come," Sakha told Al Jazeera, adding, "We did nothing for the police. They came from both sides and then there was chaos>>. This example describes the actions of the refugee group in relation to the description of the opponents of the ―we‖ group, emphasizing the violation of the rules by the ―Others‖. In this case, the identity of the group is largely determined by the relationship with the police team. Here we must recognize the description of conflicting relationships with ―others‖ and the tendency of the latters to appear as a threat to the in group that is the refugee-group (van Dijk, 1995). In addition, by studying the internal structure and organization of the particular sentence and evaluating the fact that in the formation of ideologies are involved the relations that one group (refuges) has with the others (police), van Dijk (1995) concludes that people‘s ideologies reveal a bipolar structure between ―us‖ and ―others‖. All in all, at the level of discourse, this bipolar pattern appears with the positive description of the ―we‖ group as opposed to the negative description of the ―other‖ groups. Moreover, in the below instance, the bipolar relationship between us and them is observed as in the previous example. << «Γελ εκπηζηεύνκαη ηελ αζηπλνκία, δελ εκπηζηεύνκαη ηελ θπβέξλεζε θαη ηνπο δηάθνξνπο θαζίζηεο» εμεγνύλ ζε ζπαζηά αγγιηθά δύν 30άξεδεο Αθγαλνί από ηελ Κακπνύι.>> 176/ <<"I do not trust the police, I do not trust the government and the various fascists," two 30-year-old Afghans from Kabul explain in plain English. >> However, in this case the personal pronoun ―I‖ is used; this is to express the views of the refugees and to highlight the concerns and the emotional state in which they find themselves. Of course, as the data in the table show (see Table 4), the use of the first singular of the personal pronoun is found only 4 times among the Greek articles. This is a crucial premise as exposes its use solely where writers choose to enclose them and for what purposes. For this reason, CDA investigates all hidden meanings and ideologies which are imprinted by the newspapers writers. 175 PROTO THEMA, Λέζβνο: «Νόκηδα όηη είρε έξζεη ην ηέινο κνπ» ιέεη Αθγαλή έγθπνο 8 κελώλ πνπ δεη ζηνλ Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044710/lesvos-nomiza-oti-eihe-erthei-to- telos-mou-leei-afgani-eguos-8-minon-pou-zei-ston-kara-tepe/ 176 EFSYN, Πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο κηα θξαπγή: «Γελ ζέινπκε λέα Μόξηα», https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259627_prosfyges-kai-metanastes-mia-kraygi-den-theloyme-nea- moria Postgraduate Dissertation 113 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. iii. Nominal sets In the context of basic features, nouns and corresponding adjectives may have a relevant function describing specific characteristics (Graf et al., 2013). Nominal sets (adjective-noun/ noun-noun) exist in 8 articles, according to the table (see Table 2): <<Ποπεία διαμαπηςπίαρ πξαγκαηνπνηήζαλ ην πξσί ηνπ αββάηνπ…. >>177/ << They held a protest march on Saturday morning>>) Carnaghi et al. (2008) show that nouns have a more powerful impact on the formation of impressions than adjectives. In the above example, the use on nominalization (protest march) reveals the deleting agency. Considering the functions and interpretations of the choice and the employment of nominalization, it is harmless to articulate that it has the potential for ideological uses (van Dijk, 2008); the writer has transformed the identified agents of actions into agentless statements in order to convey less information. In terms of the example‘s investigation, the journalist might have chosen nominalization to focus on the actions rather than on the agents downgrading the negative agency. At the same time, nouns strongly induce stereotype-congruent inferences about the target-subject, and inhibit counter-stereotypical inferences. Furthermore, nouns induce stronger dispositional inferences compared to adjectives and have a stronger dynamic triggering stereotype-congruent and dispositional inferences about the subject-target (Carnaghi et al., 2008), such as: << Xηιηάδεο άλζξσπνη, αλάκεζά ηνπο γπλαηθόπαηδα θαη ειηθησκέλνη, άξξσζηνη θαη αλάπεξνη, ρσξίο θακία πξνζηαζία, θακία βνήζεηα, ςάρλνληαο λα βξνπλ θάπνπ ...>>178/ << Thousands of people, among them women and children and the elderly, sick and disabled, without any protection, no help, looking to find somewhere.>> In the given example, the writer targets at representing the refugee population describing its vulnerable groups. The article comes from a left-wing newspaper and its writer might emphasize at the minority groups of people so as to sensitize the reader and to reinforce an image of compassion and sympathy for the refugees in general. 177 PROTO THEMA, Λέζβνο: Πεηξνπόιεκνο κεηαμύ κεηαλαζηώλ θαη ΔΛΑ ζην Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043627/lesvos-petropolemos-metaxu-metanaston-kai-elas- sto-kara-tepe/ 178 RIZOSPASTIS, Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 114 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. iv. Nouns Additionally, the presence of nouns is imprinted in 8 articles among 22. As the examples reveal, a crucial property of the nouns is the number- singular or plural- in which they are formed. Usually, plural nouns have a general reference, just as they are applied to the entire group. Singular nouns, in comparison, distinguish a particular member of the group; all in all, plural number of nouns produces greater receiver inferences relative to unique singular marks (Rhodes et al., 2012). - << Αξθεηνί Αθγαλνί ζεσξνύλ όηη κέλνληαο έμσ …. .Μηιώληαο ζηελ θάκεξα ηεο ηζηνζειίδαο «ην Νεζί», νηθνγέλεηεο Αθγαλώλ αλέθεξαλ… .Σν πξσί, πξαγκαηνπνηήζεθε μαλά πνξεία γπλαηθώλ θαη παηδηώλ πνπ θσλάδνπλ «Αδαληί - Αδαληί» >> 179/ << Many Afghans believe that staying out…. Speaking on the camera of the website "Sto Nisi", Afghan families reported… .In the morning, there was another march of women and children shouting "Azadi - Azadi">>. - <<Μάλα από ην Αθγαληζηάλ κέζα ζηελ απόγλσζε … .>> 180/<< Mother from Afghanistan in despair >> ) As can be seen from the above reports, the former example contrasts to the latter. In the first case the use of nouns in the plural reveals both a negative attitude (many Afgans) towards the refugee population and a positive one (women and children). The only definite is that with the use of the plural nouns, it is easier for the reader to make generalizations about the refugees in Moria. However, in the second report the use of a name like that of the mother is intended to sensitize the recipient and identify with the person described. In the following examples, the nouns have a primary position in information processing. They are in the beginning of the sentence so as to direct the attention of the reader. Thus, and as Dixon (1997) asserts, nouns define a global word class and they exist in any language. In the second paragraph, the columnist choices to imprint the voice of refugees are imprinted through their sayings (azandi, azandi). The word freedom/azandi is about an emotionally strong word with deep meaning in each community in the first place: - < 179 TO VIMA, Μόξηα: Οηαλ ην επξσπατθό ηδεώδεο ζθνληάθηεη, https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/society/moria-otan-to-eyropaiko-ideodes-skontaftei/ 180 RIZOSPASTIS, Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 181 Avgi, Bye bye, δεκνζηνγξαθία, https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366076_bye-bye-dimosiografia Postgraduate Dissertation 115 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. <<«Azadi, azadi» ζεκαίλεη «ειεπζεξία». Απηό θώλαδαλ θάησ από ηνλ θαπηό ήιην πεξίπνπ πέληε ρηιηάδεο θόζκνο ζηελ πιεηνςεθία ηνπο γπλαίθεο θαη παηδηά, έρνληαο απέλαληί ηνπο ηζρπξέο αζηπλνκηθέο δπλάκεηο,…>>182/<< "Azadi, azadi" means "freedom". This was shouted under the hot sun by about five thousand people, mostly women and children, with strong police forces in front of them, …>>) The above combinations of nouns refer to a set of fixed combinations of two or more words whose meaning is not synthetic and it is repeated. These are lexical combinations that are chosen to be incorporated in the articles as they derive from the words of the refugees themselves. Through their frequency and with the characteristic lack, for example, of the final article, the voice of the refugees is represented with a special tone. Fowler & Kress define these as overlexicalizations (1979); ovelexicalizations are the provision of a large number of synonymous or near- synonymous terms for transmitting a message. Its importance is such that it highlights the parts of strong concern in the experience of the group which generates it. This fact permits the readers to recognize peculiarities in the beliefs of that group. v. Complex propositions Finally, another essential result accrued is the use of complex propositions (see Table 4); they are not constituted only from the main clause, but also there is a second or a third clause embedded which reinforce the meaning of the main clause, such as: <<Σν κόλν πνπ επηζπκνύλ, θαη ην εθθξάδνπλ κε θάζε ηξόπν, αθόκα θαη δηαδειώλνληαο κπξνζηά από ηηο θινύβεο ησλ ΜΑΣ, είλαη λα θύγνπλ από ηελ θόιαζε θαη λα πάςνπλ λα δνπλ ηελ ηξαγσδία, ε νπνία θέξεη ηε ζθξαγίδα ηεο θπβέξλεζεο ΝΓ θαη ηεο ΔΔ, αιιά θαη όισλ ησλ άιισλ θνκκάησλ, όπσο ν ΤΡΗΕΑ, πνπ πινπνίεζε σο θπβέξλεζε ηε πκθσλία Σνπξθίαο - ΔΔ, έθηηαμε ηε Μόξηα θαη ηα άιια ζηξαηόπεδα ζπγθέληξσζεο, θαη ζήκεξα ζπλερίδεη λα ζηεξίδεη ηελ πνιηηηθή ηνπ δηπινύ εγθισβηζκνύ>>183/< Texts typically consist of sequences of sentences that express sequences of propositions. The propositions of such sequences are multiply related among each other; that is, discourses are usually more or less coherent. So in our example, the main sentence refers to what the refugees want and how they manifest it; while the secondary referential sentences complement the meaning of the main one with the 182 EFSYN, «Θέινπκε λα θύγνπκε, αθήζηε καο ειεύζεξνπο» θσλάδνπλ νη πξόζθπγεο έμσ απ' ην Καξά Σεπέ, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259400_theloyme-na-fygoyme-afiste-mas-eleytheroys- fonazoyn-oi-prosfyges-exo-ap-kara 183 RIZOSPASTIS, ε πιήξε εμέιημε νη επηθίλδπλνη ζρεδηαζκνί θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ, https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10934230&textCriteriaClause=%2B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE %A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE%A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%C E%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 116 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. emphasis on the responsibility of the previous governments. In other words, the left- wing Rizospastis columnist uses what the refugees want to hold governments responsible. Further, the additional clauses show that they are written to give an interpretation about refugees‘ behavior; the main clause states a fact which is described in terms of others‘ action (government- EU- Turkey). The additional sentences have not independent role except from to testify the main clause. It is testified by concluding the use of complex sentences that like van Dijk (1983) supports diverse surface structure types exist; they can alter the focus of the meaning of the clauses providing different semantic and pragmatic interpretations. THE VOICE OF REFUGESS LEXICO-GRAMMATICAL NATIONAL PRESS EUROPEAN PRESS ELEMENTS Active voice 11 25 Personal 1st 4 - pronouns Singular 1st 8 9 Plural Nominal sets 8 11 Nouns 8 7 Complex propositions 10 1 TOTAL 22 27 Table 4: The lexico-grammatical elements in reference with the thematic category of the voice of refuges in the national and European press b) European newspapers On the other hand, in the articles of the European press, one can understand that there is more obvious frequency about refugees and their ‗‘voice‘‘. Each of the 25 examined articles constitutes a testimony of refugees describing their livings and the existed condition on the island (i.e <<‟‟We have been here for more than one year,” said Maryam, a 25-year-old mother .There are no toilets, no showers, no water. Nothing. Not any security or safety. We die here every day.‖ 184>>). Thus, it is noted that refugees refer to the responsibilities of European Union, a fact that it was absent in the same category in the national press (i. e <<―We are asking for the European 184 The Guardian, Thousands need aid after fire destroys Europe‟s largest refugee camp, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/09/thousands-need-aid-after-fire-destroys-europes- largest-refugee-camp Postgraduate Dissertation 117 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. community to help. Why are they not listening to us? Where are the human rights? We took refuge in the European Union but where are they? >> 185). The recurring and short questions disclose refugees‘ anxiety about their future. Moreover and in comparison to the complex clauses existed in the Greek newspapers, the European press uses main and short clauses highlighting the essence of each sentence. Due to the fact that in the most articles refugees describe themselves the facts, active voice is located to 25 out of 27 articles. Its frequency is great, as with this way refuges effort to represent the conditions they live and their desperate need to leave the island of Lesvos (i.e <<"Lesbos no good,"" he said. An eight-year-old barefoot Congolese girl told Reuters news agency she was hungry and ""our home burned, my shoes burned, we don't have food, no water"186). Refugees are the subject and the personal pronoun that it is mostly used is the 1st plural ‗‘we‘‘ (i. e << Many asylum seeks had gathered Saturday by the camp as bulldozers cleared the area to prepare for tents to be erected, according to Reuters. Some held signs saying “We don‟t want to go to a hell like Moria again,” and “Can you hear us Mrs. Merkel,” in a reference to German Chancellor Angela Merkel>>187). The example shows the collective identity of refugees with the use of the ―we ‖ and ―us‖. They express the same perceptions and common desires. Their collective identity determines who the refugees are and highlights the concept of belonging which plays a key role in shaping their collective identity. The nouns (7) and the nominal sets (11) are found in many parts in the article tending to crystallization about refugees condition; they attribute the voice pg refugees and their demand. Indeed, this fact is diversified in the national press, as the European newspapers repeat in many articles the same phrases which are common: <<―Freedom, freedom,” “We don‟t need new camp … we want freedom,..”>> 188 <<―Moria much better. Here no food, no water [and it is] very cold,” said one young man>> 189 185 The Guardian, Thousands need aid after fire destroys Europe‟s largest refugee camp, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/09/thousands-need-aid-after-fire-destroys-europes- largest-refugee-camp 186 BBC, Moria migrants: Greek ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683 187 POLITICO, Police fire tear gas during migrant protest on Lesvos, https://www.politico.eu/article/police-fire-teargas-during-migrant-protests-on-lesvos/ 188 The Guardian, Greek riot police fire teargas at refugees campaigning to leave Lesbos, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/12/greek-riot-police-fire-teargas-at-refugees- campaigning-to-leave-lesbos Postgraduate Dissertation 118 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. <<“Moria no good, Moria no more.”>> 190 <<―Please,‖ he says simply, ―this situation is unbearable>>191 <<"We don't want food, we want freedom."" Another banner read: ""Moria kills all lives">>192 <<‘‘We want water, no food, just free us,…" .>>193 Finally, the phrase Freedom, freedom and generally the noun freedom is mostly presented in the European press; it is about a pattern that is followed constantly. Yet, it is translated to the English language compared to the only article of the national press which mentions this phrase. Indeed, it is a noun with strong meaning that condences all the problems of refugees that make them feel trapped on an island, in a camp, or even in a country. Refugees by peacefully clapping and chanting songs 194, they merely ask their freedom to live, <<‗We came [to Greece] for a better situation,” said Madina, an Afghan woman living under a bamboo shelter along the highway with her 18-year-old daughter Rehana. “I‟d rather die than go back to a camp.” As we spoke, women and children marched up and down the road, chanting “No camp, freedom>>195 189 The Guardian, Local anger as Greece tries to shelter refugees after Lesbos fire, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/11/local-anger-as -greece-tries-to-shelter-refugees-after- lesbos-fire 190 The Guardian, ‗Moria no more‟: the refugees left to sleep in car parks after escaping blaze, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/11/moria-lesbos-the-refugees-left-to- sleep-in-car-parks-after-escaping-blaze 191 The Guardian, 'It's unbearable': Lesbos refugees sleep on streets after devastating fire, https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/11/its-unbearable-lesbos-refugees-sleep- on-streets-after-devastating-fire 192BBC , Moria migrants: European countries agree to take minors after fire, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54116971 193 DW, End of Moria camp highlights refugee trauma, https://www.dw.com/en/end-of-moria-camp- highlights-refugee-trauma/g-54947181 194 Euronews, Thousands of migrants, still living on the streets, protest in Lesbos, https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/11/thousands-of-migrants-still-living-on-the-streets-protest-in- lesbos 195 POLITICO, On Lesvos, locals and migrants fear „another Moria‟, https://www.politico.eu/article/on-lesvos-locals-and-migrants-fear-another-moria-migration- coronavirus-greece/ Postgraduate Dissertation 119 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. G. DISCUSSION The present study examined the discursive representation of the arson of Moria and its refugees in news texts. A comparative analysis in order to find out the frequencies and distributions of lexico-grammatical structures along the national newspapers and the European ones based on Critical Discourse Analysis was conducted. As a result, it was revealed that there are common criteria, repetitive language structures being surfaced from the examination of the corpus that are possible to promote or eliminate the perpetuation of hierarchical power relationships. These criteria constitute the structural analysis of the corpus and are the following ones: - active/passive forms - personal pronouns - nominalization - nominal sets - complex propositions They have been listed to facilitate conclusions on how the data have been analyzed. Thus, their use permits us to be oriented from the micro elements of the texts to the macro elements mapping the structures of the texts language in the context of articles‘ needs analysis. All in all, the lexico-grammatical criteria are vital for the comprehension of the discursive representation of the arson and the refuges. Hence, as language is a social semiotic system (Halliday & Ηasan, 1985), the recent study was not practiced only in the examination of the words but also in the interpretation of them. The lexico-grammatical choices proved very helpful in this as they uncovered the hidden meanings of texts. Van Dijk's Sociognostic Theory as a cognitively based approach upon the trinity of Word - Knowledge – Society explained how personal and social knowledge intercedes between social systems and the context of speech (van Dijk, 2001); this was discovered through the elaboration of the language in the Greek and European articles in order to provide the recipient with the intended perception about the arson of the article‘s writer each time. The reader should recognize this subtle link between speech and knowledge, as it is the key to explain how prejudices and ideologies about Moria‘s refugees were reproduced through the press. In the end, it was feasible to discern the power of language, as a means of social practice, to manifest the ideology of each author and to shape aspects of reality. Firstly, in the framework of the aforementioned, the findings from all the articles showed that in the same number of newspapers, the Greek newspapers dealt more with the issue of Moria regarding the European ones (see Figure 8). At the same time, the present work examined the use of language only in six of the themes emerged; these are referred to the characterizations of the Moria camp, to the characterizations of the Moria refugees, the attitude of the government and state mechanisms to the fact of the arson, to the attribution of responsibilities to the government, to the attitude of Postgraduate Dissertation 120 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. the local community of Lesvos and its imprint voice of refugees. As far as the thematic axes are concerned, then, the numerical data of the tables showed that in the Greek newspapers the voice of the refugees is not projected to the same degree as in the European ones; the European press highlights it in 27 of its 53 articles compared to the Greek one in which the voice of refugees is in 22 of the 107 articles. There is, therefore, a disproportion in relation to the issue raised; the European press chooses to incorporate the voice of refugees into half of articles that generally deal with arson in relation to Greek newspapers in which almost a fifth of the articles includes the view of the minority population of Moria. Moreover, the same was observed in the remaining thematic axes in which Greek journalism was more interested and had more rich records compared to those of the European articles. This numerical examination of the articles could lead to conclusions that testify the dominant use of language. In more detail, according to van Dijk, in CDA, discourses re-produce social domination that is the power abuse of one group over others (van Dijk, 2009). In the light of it , although the Greek press faced the description of arson from all angles, it seems to focus on the characterizations of refugees and Moria, the government's view and the performance of its responsibilities. At this point, we would like to stress that this finding does not lead to the erasure of language about the views of refugees, but to the limitation of their exposure and the mitigation of their own side on the development of events. This was not the case in European newspapers where columnists seem to give space to their articles in the view of refugees. Secondly, taking into consideration the language features each article exhibits, the national press reported an inclusive use of syntactic and grammatical structures, a rich use of formal vocabulary and compliance with the syntactical rules of the Greek language. Under this perspective, the words have strong evaluative force (for the Greek standards) into the linguistic techniques used so as to convey the meaning of the language. The most frequent linguistic devices that were found in the Greek newspapers are: - nominal sets (noun + noun, or adjective + noun) - semantic correlations. - repetition of words - co-extensions (Archakis,2005) - copulative compounds (Anastasiades-Simeonides, 1986) - suffixation (Anastasiades-Symeonides, 1992) - metaphors - over-lexicalization - oxymoron structure - nominalization - collocations - active/passive voice (and their forms) - personal pronouns - complex propositions Postgraduate Dissertation 121 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. On the other hand, in European press, even though the language used in each topic area was not expressively neutral, its articles seem to be more moderate in the language use. From this point of view, the linguistic strategies included are: - nominal sets - adjective and noun type (based on their distinction in speech) - parallelism - nominalization - active/passive (and their forms) - predicate - personal pronouns - complex propositions In addition, the structure of the text and the syntactic position of the words reached to critical conclusions in the thematic category of government and provided answers to the present work‘s question about national governments response towards the arson. More specifically, the conscious or subconscious choice of active or passive syntax by the author of the text, the perpetrator as the outside group (minority) or the perpetrator as the inner group (majority group) lead us to similar conclusions. Depending on the ideology of each newspaper, a blame game among government-refuges-locals in which the subject each time goes down the corresponding group is noticeable. In this circumstance, the refugees are the false or the threat for the country. In the majority of right-wings articles the government accuses the refugees of Moria of treating Greece as their host country with disrespect. State representatives use active voice to concentrate on the responsibilities of refugees as the exclusive responsible. By concealing the possible causes that led the refugee population to this act, through their statements they insist on specific claims; they support that the arson was set by refugees in response to the emergency restrictive measures that had entered into force due to Covid-19. Thus, in this context, for government, refugees of Moria are the out- group, the strangers that they intend to harm Greece and the arson was an act of blackmail so as refuges to leave the camp of Moria and to go in another country. In short, the government highlights the events following the arson and is subject to obvious occasions such as the refusal of refugees to enter new camps, in order to create a negative image for them in the general public. In this way, it disorients public opinion from the real reasons that predate arson and justify their behavior. Of course, as far as its role in the arson of Moria is concerned, it does not appear in any article either in Greek or European newspapers to state the reasons why Moria has reached to be the most notorious refugee camp. Nevertheless, the government is expressing its position that it appears to be in control of the situation and setting the conditions for refugees to deal with the problem. Therefore, with the use of the passive voice in its statements, the government intentionally hides the negative impact of their role, when it is responsible for unpleasant incidents. Hence, refugees are not the only responsible according to the national government; in the right-wing newspapers, it accuses the Postgraduate Dissertation 122 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. residents of Lesvos, declaring the residents of Lesvos as foreigners and presenting them negatively as they hamper the governmental practices. Added to, left-wing newspapers blame the government opposing to its policy. With the use of adjectives with negative dynamic and strong inferences, they serve to name specific features in the actual policy of the government imputing responsibilities to it. Also, in the framework of the European newspapers, they have not attributed as much attention to the responsibilities of the government as thoroughly as the Greek ones. Yet, they present government‘s statements about the arson, but they use active voice so as to accuse government for their intention to re-construct closed reception centers. Therefore, in European articles there is a clear reference to the root causes behind the act of arson and the attitude of the Greek government to re-set up closed centers taking advantage of the fact of arson. Continuing, another question that this study aimed to examine is the response of the local society to the arson. The society of Lesvos is a main participant in our study, as it is strongly connected with the camp and the refugees in Moria. Regarding its attitude in the events that took place after the arson, but also towards the camp, the findings both in the Greek press and the European one do not reveal many differences. Specifically, in left-wing newspapers, the local community is presented as the perpetrator. The people of Lesvos are considered co-responsible as they supported the government justifying its government policies and giving an alibi to its actions. Thus, according to one article, the locals are also presented as agents due to the fact that the Municipality of Mytilene closed the detection centers of Covid-19 in Moria deteriorating the unfavorable environment in Moria. Besides, the most central newspapers are placed on the same wavelength. They blame the locals but for a diverse reason; the difference here lies in the fact that the local community makes the work of the government difficult as it can no longer withstand even one more enclosed camp. This relationship is developed in the theoretical part of the study where, in accordance with the Afouxenidis et al. (2017) the inhabitants were not familiar with the presence of the ―other‖ on the island; the presence of such a large arrival of people and in such a short time affected the local population the residents insisted on helping the incoming population without help from the Greek government or the EU (Kolasa-Sikiaridi, 2017). So, while on the one hand the local community is accused for not cooperating with the government, on the other hand it is justified because of the hard conditions it has faced all the previous years on the island. What is more, in all Greek newspapers regardless of political direction, the inhabitants of Lesvos are presented negatively. Of course, it remains characteristic that no right- wing newspaper captures the local community as a group. The society of Lesvos and its citizens through the personal pronoun we is represented only in left-wing and centrist newspapers. In this case, they are held responsible for opposing political practices and not cooperating with the government. Concurrently, the local society comprehends refuges as another out-group that they are no longer familiar on Lesvos. Postgraduate Dissertation 123 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. At the last stage, what has been found is the imprint of the local community by the European newspapers. It emphasizes only one position of the local people, either as a co-liable agent of the arson or as a partner in the degradation of government policies. Residents of Lesvos are characterized between two dimensions; the dimension that residents desire refugees away from their island and that one characterizes residents as people who reject the building of new camps. The role of the Greek government, as well as the way in which local culture and government interact as co-responsible actors, is mitigated. Hence, despite all the above, the main question is how the refugees are discursively represented through the articles. As van Dijk (2005) refers, usually, the critical media studies analytical approaches reveal stereotypical and biased conceptions along texts (p.359). Refugee media representation literature has exposed that refugees are often depicted as security threats, fake or victims (van Dijk, 1995, p.19). This is a presumption that prevails in our study; refugees discursive representation by press media demonstrates the lack of their voice compared to their frequent representation by others with discursive representations such as problem. In the current study, the theory of naked life that human life is trapped in a regime of exclusion of the individual from the community, but without being subject to any punishment or imprisonment (Agamben, 1998) is prominent. With regard to the characterizations of refugees, the left-wing newspapers of Avgi and Rizospastis reflect the refugees as trapped, unprotected, and persecuted. These designations explain as deeply as possible the kind of double exception involving persons who are considered ―sacred‖ in terms of the protection of their human rights but are not considered ―citizens‖. In the light of it, center-wing press portrays refugees as a minority group of persecuted who are unprotected and ballast of political practices. They are ―locked‖ in the camp of Lesvos where no one has the right for freedom (Dalal et al., 2018). In the European articles, the writers represent them with a more neutral way focusing on descriptions that are mainly oriented towards the situation they experience after the arson, being helpless, alone, and suffering. This can be verified by the small congruence of 1 out of 5 refugee designations (8 articles among 53). Adding together, another issue the inquiry attempted to counter was the reasons that led the refugees to set the camp on fire. Through the examination of the corpus, it was found that no article clearly stated the reasons for this act; the reasons, thus, were not evident. This conclusion confirms a feature of news reports that is their indirect privilege to report their mediated discourse (Scollon, 1998). In terms of interdiscursivity what the data interestingly prove is that in mediating the different discourses the news reproduce and facilitate generate the conflicting discourses. Even the statements of the refugees, which precisely captured their feelings and opinions, did not explicitly testify to arson‘s causes. However, through the overall capture of all factors, the reader can conclude what the possible reasons are; Moria's characterizations, accountability to the government, the voice of refugees and even further unresolved thematic axes create an insight into arson‘s reasons. More particularly, Moria's refugees illustrate themselves as a united group against the government's out-group, the security force, and European policies. The group's identity is essentially dictated by its relationships with these three groups in this Postgraduate Dissertation 124 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. situation. Their words reveal the threat that they feel by the other parties on behalf of the conditions they live and their desperate need to leave the island of Lesvos. Moria is an unsafe place for them, a warehouse camp of souls, as the left-wing newspapers allege, where those who live in it experience a hell. In fact, the correlation of the camp in reference to the Hitler camps is characteristic; the living of the refugees in Moria is reflected as eloquently as possible. The portrayal of Moria as fire inferno testifies the dimension that Agamben (1998) gives to the camps, as prisons such as that of Auswitch. In our case, the refuge of Moria is the homo sacer that is the product of violence (Rajaram & Grundy-Warr, 2004) who is exposed to ―inhuman‖ treatment by the policies of the government and the European Union. Moria's references to the world's worst refugee camp and Europe's shame are varied in many articles. Moria is not a shelter rather a crime because of the unintentional long stay of refugees on the island of Lesvos. The designations strongly show that Moria is the result of the enforcement of the decisions and regulations of transnational organizations, such as those of the European Union. Centrist Greek newspapers reflect this point of view representing Moria as a premeditated crime. Europe's policies are those that are condemned and hold responsible for the situation in Moria. Equivalent results are observed in the European press; yet, Moria‘s depiction is more related to the conditions prevailing in the camp with regard to overcrowding and hygiene. European newspapers reflect that the European Union is responsible for the miserable conditions that have prevailed in the hotspot over the last five years, but also due to the inappropriate standards for hosting such a large population volume. With other words, a reader must read behind the words and discover the hidden meanings in relevance with the reasons that led refugees to set the fire. As Agier (2014, as cited in Turner, 2015) notes that one of the three dimensions of camps is exclusion, so in Moria‘s case, refugees are considered not to belong to the host community and society. As shown in the literature review, refugee camps seem to be unsafe areas and they are commonly under-policed (Schmid, 2016); this reality provokes the feelings of fear and anxiety to the refugees, a truth that is present to the articles of European press according to the representation of voice of refugees. Refugees' anxiety about their future, the concern for their families and fear are revealed. All at once, a double situation (Hogg et al., 2017) in which they recognize themselves urges to a greater extent the sentiment of fear and anxiety. They cannot stay in the camp of Moria, but simultaneously the Greek government does not allow them to leave the island of Lesvos. This concludes in another sentiment of detention; they cannot go somewhere, either now or in the near future, even though that they are non in the camp. This negative upshot of fear of detention is culminated in greater anger and hostility. Concluding, the feelings of fear that were examined extensively in the theoretical part of this work prevail in the analysis of the corpus and might lead to conclusions on refugees and arson. Another issue that should be mentioned is the fact that the examination of the corpus showed that the selected newspapers produce shared perspectives and discourses that are identical to political ideologies. So, in the inquiry if the communication of news Postgraduate Dissertation 125 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. events can claim to be objective is negative. Each newspaper elaborated the arson of Moria with its own philosophies, attitudes and linguistic expressions. In all respects, the final analysis of the discursive representation of the arson pointed to the conclusion that the arson was a deliberate act of refugees without clarifying the reasons. The question, then, should be answered here is if present discourses establish social change or passivity; social change, yet, premises from the reader to be totally aware in order to discern all the dominant discourses that elaborated towards the arson and the refugees of Moria. With other words, to be sure, the findings documented that ethnicism and racism were for one more time exacerbated by the press media, as well as by the political elites that power them. Even though in the present study, the voice of refugees or the presentation of another point of view about arson were present, they were not enough to conduct a social change. In conclusion, during the current work, many thoughts were created. These lie in the ability to create different perceptions using the appropriate language types from a newspaper. I never thought that the use of the passive voice, for example, hides behind certain perceptions. Also, the correspondence of the Moria camp or even any camp with a prison was an interesting issue; for instance, I had never before compared a camp to a Hitler detention center. Of course, the capture of a migrant detention center in relation to visible blockades such as the systematic location of these structures, in places outside the residential fabric of cities and settlements, through the re-use of abandoned facilities, without often the new functions being visible in their external environment, was expected. However, Moria's reference to invisible exclusions was something that caught my attention. Immediately, the height of the fencing and the distance of the facilities from the neighboring uses acquire a symbolic importance for society, depending on perceptions of the properties of those held there. The subject of the detained immigrant receives substance in the life of the city, through his/her exclusion from it. The refugee can thus take various forms. He/she could be the dangerous criminal, the carrier of disease, or a victim of war and poverty. Thus, due to the grammatical complexity of the language and the way it works to convey information, an examination of all the thematic categories was not feasible. It is , then, suggested relevant studies to shed further light on the discursive representation of the arson on its whole providing effective, efficient and informative analyses. Through reading, inquiring, interpreting and critiquing social meaning and ideologies expressed in documents, CDA may be the key tool for such an examination like the current on, with the intention of systematically looking at interactions between discursive activities, the systemic structure of expression, and the external social environment (Rogers, 2011). Finally, the present work highlighted the main dimensions of the issue of arson in Moria through the comparative approach of newspaper articles. However, it is considered necessary to carry out more empirical studies on the subject. To exemplify, future research focusing on the other axes that have emerged would be interesting; one of them is the attitude of the European Union and non-governmental organizations. Ιn unison, it would be motivating to examine all thematic axes on the Postgraduate Dissertation 126 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. basis of a grammatical criterion such as that of active-passive voice to discover more specific results. Finally, the participants' statements could only be considered. The subject of work is a multifaceted issue where thorough study and emergence in deeper interpretations presupposes a detailed examination and inclusion of all thematic categories. In this context, it is also proposed to further study corresponding detention centers in order to determine whether the political direction in the creation of refugee camps is similar. Are the conditions prevailing in Moria that led to the refugees setting the fire an isolated case or a matter of major importance that should not in any way be omitted? For an investigation of how detention centers affect this, an analysis would be appealing, which would include a comparison of their evolution and the results of their implementation, between different Western states in the framework of the same historical-political context. Postgraduate Dissertation 127 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. References 1. Adamou, M., T. (2019). As Lesvos Battles Migration Crisis Fatigue, the Value of Centralized Migration Decision-Making Is Questioned. Migration Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/lesvos-centralized-migration-management 2. Afouxenidis, A., Petrou, M., Kandylis, G.,Tramountanis, A., & Giannaki , D. (2017). 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APPENDIX THE CORPUS OF EXAMINED ARTICTES The name of The title of newspapers Link newspapers RIZOSPASTIS Σνπο βόιεςε https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10930807&textCriteriaClause=%2 B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE %A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS Νέα θσηηά ρζεο ην https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10921292&textCriteriaClause=%2 απόγεπκα B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE %A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS Δπαηζζεζίεο https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923383&textCriteriaClause=%2 B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A6%CE %A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS Μόλν δίθαηε ιύζε ν https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924027&textCriteriaClause=%2 απεγισβηζκόο πξνζθύγσλ B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE θαη κεηαλαζηώλ %95%CE%A3% CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 RIZOSPASTIS https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10920871&textCriteriaClause=%2 Κξνθνδείιηα δάθξπα από B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE ηελ ΔΔ %95%CE%A3% CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 RIZOSPASTIS Σεξάζηηεο νη επζύλεο ηεο https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10920834&textCriteriaClause=%2 θπβέξλεζεο B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE %95%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F RIZOSPASTIS Ζ Μόξηα ην εκβιεκαηηθό https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923360&textCriteriaClause=%2 απνηέιεζκα ηεο B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE απάλζξσπεο πνιηηηθήο ηεο %95%CE%A3% CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 ΔΔ RIZOSPASTIS Απεηιέο ζηνπο https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10928897&textCriteriaClause=%2 μεξηδσκέλνπο κε ζηόρν λα B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE ηνπο βάιεη ζηε λέα θπιαθή- %95%CE%A3% CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 θνιαζηήξην RIZOSPASTIS Βξήθε «επθαηξία» γηα λα https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10926734&textCriteriaClause=%2 ζηήζεη έλα λέν κόληκν B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE θνιαζηήξην! %95%CE%A3% CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 RIZOSPASTIS Δπηθίλδπλα παηρίδηα κε ην https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=9042634&textCriteriaClause=%2B Πξνζθπγηθό %CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%9B%CE%9 5%CE%A3%CE%92%CE%9F%CE%A3 RIZOSPASTIS Οη εηθόλεο βαξβαξόηεηαο ζηε Μόξηα θαζξέθηεο ηεο https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10923964&textCriteriaClause=%2 πνιηηηθήο εγθισβηζκνύ B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE θπβέξλεζεο -ΔΔ %A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91 Postgraduate Dissertation 139 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. RIZOSPASTIS «Δκπξεζηήο» ε επηθίλδπλε https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10921695&textCriteriaClause=%2 πνιηηηθή εγισβηζκνύ από B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE θπβεξλήζεηο – ΔΔ %A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS ε πιήξε εμέιημε νη https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10934230&textCriteriaClause=%2 επηθίλδπλνη ζρεδηαζκνί B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE θπβέξλεζεο – ΔΔ %A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS Γειεηήξην https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10932412&textCriteriaClause=%2 B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE %A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91 RIZOSPASTIS Γηαξθέο θαη όρη ηηγκηαίν https://www.rizospastis.gr/story.do?id=10924483&textCriteriaClause=%2 ην Έγθιεκα Μόξηα B%CE%A6%CE%A9%CE%A4%CE%99%CE%91+%2B%CE%A3%CE %A4%CE%97+%2B%CE%9C%CE%9F%CE%A1%CE%99%CE%91 AVGI Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα. Σα https://www.avgi.gr/entheta/enthemata/367130_fotia-sti-moria-ta- ρεξόηεξα πέξαζαλ; heirotera-perasan AVGI ηάρηε θαη απνθατδηα ε https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/365999_stahti-kai-apokaidia-i-moria-sto- Μόξηα: ην δξόκν ρηιηάδεο dromo-hiliades-prosfyges πξόζθπγεο AVGI Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Γηεζλή https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366017_fotia-sti-moria-diethni-mesa- κέζα απνηππώλνπλ ην apotyponoyn-megethos-tis-katastrofis-video κέγεζνο ηεο θαηαζηξνθήο (Video) AVGI ην δξόκν κε ηα ππάξρνληά https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366103_sto-dromo-me-ta-yparhonta-toys-sta- ηνπο ζηα ρέξηα γηα δεύηεξν heria-gia-deytero-brady-oi-prosfyges-sti-moria βξάδπ νη πξόζθπγεο ζηε Μόξηα AVGI Ζ θαηαζηξνθή ηεο Μόξηαο https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366067_i-katastrofi-tis-morias-itan-thema- ήηαλ ζέκα ρξόλνπ... hronoy AVGI Ά.Γεσξγηάδεο https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366116_ageorgiadis-oi-katoikoi-ftaine-poy- : Οη θάηνηθνη θηαίλε πνπ den-eginan-kleistes-domes-sta-nisia-video δελ έγηλαλ θιεηζηέο δνκέο ζηα λεζηά (video) AVGI Πξνο αθύξσζε ην ζρέδην https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366117_pros-akyrosi-shedio-prosorinis- πξνζσξηλήο ζηέγαζεο stegasis-prosfygon-se-ploio-meta-ti-fotia-sti-moria πξνζθύγσλ ζε πινίν κεηά ηε θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα AVGI Bye bye, δεκνζηνγξαθία https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366076_bye-bye-dimosiografia AVGI Γρ: Ζ Μόξηα είρε δνκή https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366124_gxs-i-moria-eihe-domi-proimis- πξώηκεο αλίρλεπζεο covid- anihneysis-covid-19-kai-tin-ekleise-o-dimos-mytilinis Postgraduate Dissertation 140 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. 19 θαη ηελ έθιεηζε ν Γήκνο Μπηηιήλεο (Ζρεηηθό) AVGI Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366129_nea-fotia-sti-moria AVGI Έζβεζε ε ππξθαγηά ζηε https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366153_esbise-i-pyrkagia-sti-moria-sti-lesbo-o- Μόξηα – ηε Λέζβν ν antiproedros-tis-eyropaikis-epitropis-m αληηπξόεδξνο ηεο Δπξσπατθήο Δπηηξνπήο, Μ. ρνηλάο AVGI Ζ επίηξνπνο Γηόραλζνλ https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366223_i-epitropos-giohanson-xekatharizei-i- μεθαζαξίδεη: Ζ ΔΔ δελ ζα ee-den-tha-hrimatodotisei-kleistes-domes-video ρξεκαηνδνηήζεη θιεηζηέο δνκέο (Video) AVGI Σν καύξν θάληαζκα ηεο https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366183_mayro-fantasma-tis-morias Μόξηαο AVGI Ολεηξεύνληαη Ακπγδαιέδεο https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366187_oneireyontai-amygdalezes-kai- θαη μεξνλήζηα xeronisia AVGI Ζ κειαλή θειίδα πνπ δελ https://www.avgi.gr/politiki/366211_i-melani-kilida-poy-den-tha- ζα θαζαξίζεη πνηέ katharisei-pote AVGI Οδνηπνξηθό ηεο «Απγήο» https://www.avgi.gr/koinonia/366468_timoria-anti-gia-lyseis ζηε Λέζβν / Σηκσξία αληί γηα ιύζεηο AVGI 31 αλζξσπηζηηθέο https://www.avgi.gr/arheio/366028_31-anthropistikes-organoseis-pros- νξγαλώζεηο πξνο kybernisi-sebasteite-ta-dikaiomata-ton-prosfygon θπβέξλεζε: εβαζηείηε ηα δηθαηώκαηα ησλ πξνζθύγσλ, κελ αζθήζεηε βία TO VIMA Ζ Γεξκαλία ζα δερηεί https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/world/i-germania-tha-dextei-prosfyges- πξόζθπγεο από ηε Μόξηα apo-ti-moria/ TO VIMA Αλάξηεζε Μαθξόλ γηα https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/anartisi-makron-gia-moria-sta- Μόξηα γηα ηα ειιεληθά ellinika/ TO VIMA Μόξηα: Ση ιέλε ζην MEGA https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/moria-ti-lene-sto-mega-topikoi- ηνπηθνί θνξείο γηα ηελ foreis-gia-tin-katastrofiki-fotia-sto-kyt/ θαηαζηξνθηθή θσηηά ζην ΚΤΣ TO VIMA Απνζηνιή MEGA ζηε https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/12/society/apostoli-mega-sti-moria-se- Μόξηα: ε ηξαγηθή tragiki-katastasi-oi-prosfyges/ θαηάζηαζε νη πξόζθπγεο TO VIMA Μόξηα: ε λεθξνηαθεία https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/10/society/moria-se-nekrotafeia- θνηκνύληαη νη πξόζθπγεο koimountai-oi-prosfyges/ Postgraduate Dissertation 141 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. TO VIMA Ζ Μόξηα ην δείρλεη : Γελ https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/opinions/i-moria-to-deixnei-den- ρσξνύλ θαζπζηεξήζεηο θαη xoroun-kathysteriseis-kai-paraleipseis/ παξαιείςεηο TO VIMA Μόξηα, ε ληξνπή ηεο https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/10/opinions/i-ntropi-tis-morias/ Δπξώπεο TO VIMA Μόξηα: ύιιεςε θαη έθηνπ https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/15/society/moria-syllipsi-kai-ektou- αηόκνπ γηα ηελ atomou-gia-tin-katastrofiki-pyrkagia/ θαηαζηξνθηθή ππξθαγηά TO VIMA Νύρηα αγσλίαο ζηε Μόξηα: https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/10/society/nyxta-agonias-sti-moria-stous- ηνπο δξόκνπο θνηκήζεθαλ dromous-koimithikan-xiliades-prosfyges/ ρηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο TO VIMA https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/ektakti-diypourgiki-sto- Μόξηα: Έθηαθηε maksimou-gia-ti-moria/ δηππνπξγηθή ζην Μαμίκνπ – ηηο θιόγεο ην ΚΤΣ – Υηιηάδεο πξόζθπγεο ζην δξόκν TO VIMA Γηαηξνί ρσξίο ύλνξα: H https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/15/society/giatroi-xoris-synora-i-moria- Μόξηα δελ πξέπεη λα den-prepei-na-yparksei-pote-ksana/ ππάξμεη πνηέ μαλά TO VIMA Καηαζηξνθή ζηε Μόξηα: https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/moria-se-apognosi-xiliades- ε απόγλσζε ρηιηάδεο prosfyges-meta-tin-katastrofi-tou-kyt/ πξόζθπγεο TO VIMA Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα- https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/nea-fotia-sti-moria-feygoun- Φεύγνπλ άξνλ άξνλ aron-aron-oikogeneies-prosfygon/ νηθνγέλεηεο πξνζθύγσλ TO VIMA Μόξηα: Όηαλ ε αζηπλνκία https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/10/society/moria-otan-i-astynomia-pnigei- «πλίγεη» κε ρεκηθά me-ximika-gynaikes-kai-paidia/ γπλαίθεο θαη παηδηά TO VIMA Μόξηα: Γηαγξαθή Ληάθνπ https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/17/politics/moria-diagrafi-liakou-apo- από ΤΡΗΕΑ δεηάεη ε ΝΓ syriza-zitaei-i-nd/ TO VIMA Μεηζνηάθεο γηα Μόξηα: Ζ https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/mitsotakis-ektakta-metra-sti- θαηάζηαζε δελ κπνξεί λα lesvo-i-katastasi-den-mporei-na-synexistei/ ζπλερηζηεί – Έθηαθηα κέηξα TO VIMA Μόξηα: Σα μέλα ΜΜΔ γηα https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/world/moria-ta-ksena-mme-gia-ti-fotia- ηε θσηηά ζην ΚΤΣ sto-kyt/ TO VIMA ΜέΡΑ25: Ήηαλ https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/politics/mera25-itan-anapofeykti-i- αλαπόθεπθηε ε ηξαγσδία tragodia-sti-moria-poso-mallon-en-meso-pandimias/ ζηε Μόξηα – πόζν κάιινλ Postgraduate Dissertation 142 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. ελ κέζσ παλδεκίαο TO VIMA Μόξηα: Όηαλ ην επξσπατθό https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/society/moria-otan-to-eyropaiko- ηδεώδεο ζθνληάθηεη ideodes-skontaftei/ TO VIMA Μόξηα: Ο Υξηζηόο https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/11/opinions/moria-o-xristos- μαλαζηαπξώλεηαη ksanastayronetai/ TO VIMA Λέζβνο: Αληηδξάζεηο https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/09/society/lesvos-antidraseis-katoikon-gia- θαηνίθσλ γηα ηε ti-metegkatastasi-ton-prosfygon-apo-ti-moria/ κεηεγθαηάζηαζε ησλ πξνζθύγσλ από ηε Μόξηα TO VIMA Μόξηα: https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/11/society/moria-eftasan-ta-mat-sti-lesvo- Έθηαζαλ ηα ΜΑΣ ζηε xoris-telos-i-tragodia-ton-prosfygon/ Λέζβν – Υσξίο ηέινο ε ηξαγσδία ησλ πξνζθύγσλ TO VIMA Σν ηέινο ηεο Μόξηαο θαη ν https://www.tovima.gr/2020/09/14/politics/to-telos-tis-morias-kai-o- πόιεκνο γηα ηε «λέα polemos-gia-ti-nea-moria-2/ Μόξηα» EFSYN Νέα θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα- https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259209_nea-fotia-sti-moria-horis- Υσξίο θαγεηό θαη λεξό fagito-kai-nero-polys-kosmos πνιύο θόζκνο EFSYN Πύξηλε θόιαζε ζην ΚΤΣ https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/258965_pyrini-kolasi-sto-kyt-tis- ηεο Μόξηαο – Δθθελώζεθε morias-ekkenothike-o-kataylismos ν θαηαπιηζκόο EFSYN https://www.efsyn.gr/node/259049 Δηθόλεο θαηαζηξνθήο θαη απειπηζίαο ζηε Μόξηα EFSYN Οιηθή θαηαζηξνθή ζηε https://www.efsyn.gr/politiki/kybernisi/259004_oliki-katastrofi-sti-moria- Μόξηα – Κπβεξλεηηθό kybernitiko-klimakio-sti-lesbo θιηκάθην ζηε Λέζβν EFSYN Ζ Μόξηα θαη νη https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260697_i-moria-kai-oi-empristes «εκπξεζηέο» EFSYN Ζ Κόιαζε θάεθε από ηηο https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/260446_i-kolasi-kaike-apo-tis-foties- θσηηέο ηεο tis EFSYN Γεύηεξε λύρηα απόγλσζεο https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259116_deyteri-nyhta-apognosis-sti- ζηε Μόξηα moria EFSYN Πξόζθπγεο θαη κεηαλάζηεο https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259627_prosfyges-kai-metanastes- κηα θξαπγή: «Γελ ζέινπκε mia-kraygi-den-theloyme-nea-moria λέα Μόξηα» EFSYN «Θέινπκε λα θύγνπκε, https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259400_theloyme-na-fygoyme- αθήζηε καο ειεύζεξνπο» afiste-mas-eleytheroys-fonazoyn-oi-prosfyges-exo-ap-kara Postgraduate Dissertation 143 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. θσλάδνπλ νη πξόζθπγεο έμσ απ΄ην Καξά Σεπέ EFSYN «Αλ ππνρσξήζνπκε, ζα https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259293_ypohorisoyme-tha-fanei-oti- θαλεί όηη έρνπκε εηηεζεί» ehoyme-ittithei EFSYN ΤΡΗΕΑ: «ηελ παλδεκία ε https://www.efsyn.gr/node/259011 θπβέξλεζε άθεζε ηηο πξνζθπγηθέο δνκέο ζηελ ηύρε ηνπο» EFSYN Ζ επξσπατθή ππνθξηζία https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/259413_i-eyropaiki-ypokrisia-sto- ζην πξνζθπγηθό «θάεθε» prosfygiko-kaike-sti-moria ζηε Μόξηα KATHIMERIN Αληίδξαζε ζηα κέηξα ε https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561072706/antidrasi-sta-metra-i-fotia- I θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα sti-moria/ KATHIMERIN Λέζβνο: Νέα θσηηά ζηε https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561072463/lesvos-nea-fotia-sti-moria/ I Μόξηα KATHIMERIN Νέα ππξθαγηά ζηε Μόξηα https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073576/nea-pyrkagia-sti-moria/ I KATHIMERIN Κνκηζηόλ: Πξόζζεηε https://www.kathimerini.gr/politics/561077980/komision-prostheti- I βνήζεηα ζηελ Διιάδα κεηά voitheia-stin-ellada-meta-tin-pyrkagia-sti-moria/ ηελ ππξθαγηά ζηε Μόξηα KATHIMERIN Μάξηπξαο γηα Μόξηα: https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561093880/martyras-gia-moria-vale- I «Βάιε θσηηά εδώ, βάιε fotia-edo-vale-fotia-ekei/ θσηηά εθεί» KATHIMERIN Ζ Μόξηα δηράδεη https://www.kathimerini.gr/world/561074434/i-moria-dichazei-kyvernisi- I θπβέξλεζε θαη θόκκαηα kai-kommata-sti-germania/ ζηε Γεξκαλία KATHIMERIN Γεξκαληθόο Σύπνο: Μόξηα, https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073015/germanikos-typos-moria-to- I ην ζύκβνιν απνηπρίαο ηεο symvolo-apotychias-tis-eyropis/ Δπξώπεο KATHIMERIN https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561072487/makron-allileggyi-stin- I Μαθξόλ: Αιιειεγγύε ζηελ ellada-gia-ti-moria/ Διιάδα γηα ηε Μόξηα – Μήλπκα ζηα ειιεληθά KATHIMERIN Γαιιία θαη Γεξκαλία https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073372/gallia-kai-germania- I θαηαξηίδνπλ ζρέδην λα katartizoyn-schedio-na-dechthoyn-anilikoys-prosfyges-apo-ti-moria/ δερζνύλ αλήιηθνπο πξόζθπγεο από ηε Μόξηα KATHIMERIN Πώο ιέλε ηελ ππξθαγηά ζηα https://www.kathimerini.gr/opinion/561073540/pos-lene-tin-pyrkagia-sta- I θαξζί; farsi/ Postgraduate Dissertation 144 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. KATHIMERIN Μόξηα: https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561074284/moria-koyrastike-o- I «Κνπξάζηεθε ν θόζκνο kosmos-tosa-chronia/ ηόζα ρξόληα» KATHIMERIN https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561074677/moria-se-dromoys-kai- I Μόξηα: ε δξόκνπο θαη koimitiria-oi-astegoi-prosfyges-fotografies/ θνηκεηήξηα νη άζηεγνη πξόζθπγεο (θσηνγξαθίεο) KATHIMERIN ε θαηάζηαζε Έθηαθηεο https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561071428/mploka-astynomikon-sto- I Αλάγθεο ε Λέζβνο kyt-tis-morias-kai-sto-kara-tepe-stoys-dromoys-chiliades-metanastes/ KATHIMERIN Κπξ. Μεηζνηάθεο: Ζ https://www.kathimerini.gr/politics/561072133/kyr-mitsotakis-gia-fotia-sti- I θαηάζηαζε ζηε Μόξηα δελ moria-tipota-den-einai-allothi-gia-tetoies-taraches/ κπνξεί λα ζπλερηζηεί KATHIMERIN Μόξηα: Κάηνηθνη https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561073135/moria-katoikoi- I εκπνδίδνπλ ηνλ θαζαξηζκό empodizoyn-ton-katharismo-toy-kamenoy-kyt/ ηνπ θακέλνπ ΚΤΣ KATHIMERIN Έλαο κάξηπξαο https://www.kathimerini.gr/society/561082936/enas-martyras-katonomase- I θαηνλόκαζε πέληε από ηνπο pente-apo-toys-exi-afganoys/ έμη Αθγαλνύο PROTO https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042412/fotia-sti-moria-agonia- THEMA Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Αγσλία meta-tis-terasties-katastrofes-sto-dromo-12000-metanastes-video/ κεηά ηηο ηεξάζηηεο θαηαζηξνθέο – ην δξόκν 13.000 κεηαλάζηεο (Βίληεν) PROTO Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042460/fotia-sti-moria- THEMA Μεηαλάζηεο ηξαγνπδνύζαλ metanastes-tragoudousan-bye-bye-moria/ «bye-bye Moria» PROTO Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Εήζακε https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042478/fotia-sti-moria-zisame- THEMA ζθελέο πνιέκνπ ην βξάδπ skines-polemou-to-vradu-leei-o-proedros-tou-sullogou-ton-katoikon-tis- ιέεη ν πξόεδξνο ηνπ periohis/ ζπιιόγνπ ησλ θαηνίθσλ ηεο πεξηνρήο PROTO https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042753/komma-prasinon-gia- THEMA Κόκκα Πξαζίλσλ γηα moria-i-germania-prepei-amesos-na-proetoimastei-gia-tin-upodohi-ton- Μόξηα: Ζ Γεξκαλία πξέπεη prosfugon-apo-tin-ellada/ ακέζσο λα πξνεηνηκαζηεί γηα ηελ ππνδνρή ησλ πξνζθύγσλ από ηελ Διιάδα PROTO Γηα ηε Λέζβν απέπιεπζε ην https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042749/gia-ti-lesvo-apepleuse- THEMA Blue Star Chios – Θα to-blue-star-chios-tha-filoxenisei-metanastes/ θηινμελήζεη κεηαλάζηεο Postgraduate Dissertation 145 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. PROTO Μήλπκα Μαθξόλ γηα ηε https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1042778/o-makron-sholiazei-se- THEMA θσηηά ζηε Μόξηα ζε aptaista-ellinika-ti-fotia-sti-moria/ άπηαηζηα ειιεληθά PROTO Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Ζ https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1042800/fotia-sti-moria-i- THEMA επόκελε εκέξα ηεο epomeni-imera-tis-katastrofis-to-shedio-gia-tous-metanastes/ θαηαζηξνθήο – Σν ζρέδην γηα ηνπο κεηαλάζηεο PROTO Μόξηα: Αηειείσηεο νπξέο https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043067/fotia-sti-moria-ston- THEMA θαη δηαπιεθηηζκνί γηα ην dromo-hiliades-metanastes-oures-kai-sproximata-gia-to-sussitio/ ζπζζίηην – ηνλ δξόκν ρηιηάδεο κεηαλάζηεο PROTO Πέηζαο γηα Μόξηα: https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1042926/petsas-gia-moria- THEMA Κάπνηνη δελ ζέβνληαη ηε kapoioi-den-sevodai-ti-hora-pou-tous-filoxenei-kai-ekmetalleuodai-kathe- ρώξα πνπ ηνπο θηινμελεί – lusi/ Γελ πξόθεηηαη λα θύγνπλ εμαηηίαο ηεο θσηηάο PROTO Λέζβνο: Δληζρύνληαη νη https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043234/lesvos-enishuodai-oi- THEMA δπλάκεηο ηεο αζηπλνκίαο – dunameis-tis-astunomias-eftasan-kai-aiades-fotografies/ Έθηαζαλ θαη «Αίαληεο» (θσηνγξαθίεο) PROTO Γεσξγηάδεο γηα κεηαλάζηεο https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1043263/georgiadis-gia- THEMA ζηε Μόξηα: Γελ είκαζηε metanastes-sti-moria-den-eimaste-upohreomenoi-an-kaine-ta-spitia-na- ππνρξεσκέλνη αλ θαίλε ηα tous-htizoume-kainourgia/ ζπίηηα λα ηνπο ρηίδνπκε θαηλνύξηα PROTO Πνξεία δηακαξηπξίαο ζην https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043543/poreia-diamarturias-sto- THEMA θέληξν ηεο Αζήλαο γηα ηε kedro-tis-athinas-gia-ti-moria/ Μόξηα PROTO Λέζβνο: Πεηξνπόιεκνο https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043627/lesvos-petropolemos- THEMA κεηαμύ κεηαλαζηώλ θαη metaxu-metanaston-kai-elas-sto-kara-tepe/ ΔΛΑ ζην Καξά Σεπέ PROTO ην λέν θαηαπιηζκό https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1043676/sto-neo-kataulismo-oi- THEMA κπαίλνπλ νη κεηαλάζηεο – metanastes-xekinise-i-katagrafi-sto-pedio-volis-tou-kara-tepe/ Ξεθίλεζε ε θαηαγξαθή ζην Πεδίν Βνιήο ηνπ Καξά Σεπέ PROTO Κπβέξλεζε ζε κεηαλάζηεο https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1044225/kuvernisi-se- THEMA ηνλ Καξά Σεπέ: «Διάηε ζηε metanastes-ston-kara-tepe-elate-sti-domi-an-thelete-na-fugete-apo-ti-lesvo/ δνκή αλ ζέιεηε λα θύγεηε από ηε Λέζβν» PROTO Μέξθει: Ζ ζηήξημε ζηελ https://www.protothema.gr/koronoios-live/article/1044277/merkel-i-stirixi- Postgraduate Dissertation 146 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. THEMA Διιάδα γηα ηε Μόξηα λα stin-ellada-gia-ti-moria-na-organothei-se-europaiko-epipedo/ νξγαλσζεί ζε επξσπατθό επίπεδν PROTO Λέζβνο: «Μνλόδξνκνο» ην https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044384/lesvos-monodromos-to- THEMA Καξά Σεπέ ην κήλπκα kara-tepe-to-minuma-stous-apeitharhous-metanastes/ ζηνπο απείζαξρνπο κεηαλάζηεο PROTO «Bild»: Ζ Διιάδα δελ https://www.protothema.gr/world/article/1044464/bild-i-ellada-den-thelei- THEMA ζέιεη λα αθήζεη ηνπο na-afisei-tous-prosfuges-na-fugoun/ πξόζθπγεο λα θύγνπλ PROTO https://www.protothema.gr/world/article/1044469/i-germania-tha- THEMA Ζ Γεξκαλία ζα ππνδερζεί upodehthei-1500-prosfuges-apo-ta-ellinika-nisia/ 1.500 πξόζθπγεο από ηα ειιεληθά λεζηά PROTO Μνπηδνύξεο (ΘΔΜΑ https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044495/moutzouris-thema- THEMA 104,6): Καιύηεξεο νη 1046-kaluteres-oi-sunthikes-apo-ti-moria-sti-nea-domi/ ζπλζήθεο από ηε Μόξηα ζηε λέα δνκή PROTO https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1044503/metanasteutiko- THEMA Μεηαλαζηεπηηθό – mitarakis-an-oi-prosfuges-den-boun-me-suzitisi-sti-nea-domi-tha-tous- Μεηαξάθεο: Αλ νη valei-i-astunomia/ πξόζθπγεο δελ κπνπλ κε ζπδήηεζε ζηε λέα δνκή, ζα ηνπο βάιεη ε αζηπλνκία PROTO https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044567/fotia-sti-moria-exi- THEMA Φσηηά ζηε Μόξηα: Έμη sullipseis-gia-ton-ebrismo-tou-kut/ ζπιιήςεηο γηα ηνλ εκπξεζκό ηνπ ΚΤΣ PROTO Λέζβνο, βίληεν – https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044704/lesvos-video- THEMA ληνθνπκέλην: Έηζη έβαιαλ dokoumedo-etsi-evalan-oi-afganoi-tis-foties-pou-katekapsan-ti-moria/ νη Αθγαλνί ηηο θσηηέο πνπ θαηέθαςαλ ηε Μόξηα PROTO Λέζβνο: «Νόκηδα όηη είρε https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044710/lesvos-nomiza-oti-eihe- THEMA έξζεη ην ηέινο κνπ» ιέεη erthei-to-telos-mou-leei-afgani-eguos-8-minon-pou-zei-ston-kara-tepe/ Αθγαλή έγθπνο 8 κελώλ πνπ δεη ζηνλ Καξά Σεπέ PROTO Μεηαλαζηεπηηθό: Σειεπηαία https://www.protothema.gr/greece/article/1044795/metanasteutiko- THEMA πξνεηδνπνίεζε ζηνπο teleutaia-proeidopoiisi-stous-metanastes-na-boun-sto-kara-tepe-exi- κεηαλάζηεο λα κπνπλ ζην afganoi-ekapsan-ti-moria/ Καξά Σεπέ – Έμη Αθγαλνί έθαςαλ ηε Μόξηα PROTO Υξπζνρντδεο: Με ηελ https://www.protothema.gr/politics/article/1045362/hrusohoidis-me-tin- THEMA επηρείξηζε ζην Καξά Σεπέ epiheirisi-sto-kara-tepe-pername-apo-tin-ataxia-stin-taxi/ πεξλάκε από ηελ αηαμία Postgraduate Dissertation 147 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. ζηελ ηάμε BBC Moria migrants: Five https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54082201 destroys Greek camp leaving 13,000 without shelter BBC Moria migrants: European https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54116971 countries agree to take minors after fire BBC Moria migrants: Greek https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54094683 ships to help shelter 13,000 after fire BBC Moria migrants: Greece https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54112791 calls for European action after fire at camp BBC Lesbos: Greek police move https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54189073 migrants to new camp after Moria fire BBC Greece arrests five over https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54162812 Lesbos migrant camp blaze BBC https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54178133 Five things from EU chief‟s first State of the Union speech BBC Greece to build permanent https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54141450 migrant centre to replace Moria BBC Moria migrants protest in https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-54126609 front of burnt – out camp BBC Moria fire: Migrants https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-54134738 arrive at new tent camp on Lesbos BBC Moria migrants tear – https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54131212 gassed by Greek police in protest over new camp DW End of Moria camp https://www.dw.com/en/end-of-moria-camp-highlights-refugee-trauma/g- highlights refugee trauma 54947181 DW https://www.dw.com/en/hell-on-earth-greeces-moria-refugee-camp-and-its- Postgraduate Dissertation 148 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. Hell on earth – Greece‟s tortured-history/g-54871628 Moria refugee camp and its tortured history DW https://www.dw.com/en/moria-refugees-fear-theyll-be-stuck-on-lesbos- Moria: refugees fear forever/av-54927269 they‟ll be stuck on Lesbos forever DW After Moria, EU to try https://www.dw.com/en/after-moria-eu-to-try-closed-asylum-camps-on- closed asylum camps on greek-islands/a-55032182 Greek islands DW Σν ρακέλν εζηθό https://www.dw.com/el/%CF%84%CE%BF- πιενλέθηεκα ηεο Δπξώπεο %CF%87%CE%B1%CE%BC%CE%AD%CE%BD%CE%BF- %CE%B7%CE%B8%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C- %CF%80%CE%BB%CE%B5%CE%BF%CE%BD%CE%AD%CE%BA% CF%84%CE%B7%CE%BC%CE%B1-%CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82- %CE%B5%CF%85%CF%81%CF%8E%CF%80%CE%B7%CF%82/a- 54901812 DW Γηαδειώζεηο γηα ηε Μόξηα https://www.dw.com/el/%CE%B4%CE%B9%CE%B1%CE%B4%CE%B7 ζε δεθάδεο γεξκαληθέο %CE%BB%CF%8E%CF%83%CE%B5%CE%B9%CF%82- πόιεηο %CE%B3%CE%B9%CE%B1-%CF%84%CE%B7- %CE%BC%CF%8C%CF%81%CE%B9%CE%B1-%CF%83%CE%B5- %CE%B4%CE%B5%CE%BA%CE%AC%CE%B4%CE%B5%CF%82- %CE%B3%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%BC%CE%B1%CE%BD%CE%B9% CE%BA%CE%AD%CF%82- %CF%80%CF%8C%CE%BB%CE%B5%CE%B9%CF%82/a-54873933 DW Μόξηα, ην ζύκβνιν https://www.dw.com/el/%CE%BC%CF%8C%CF%81%CE%B9%CE%B1 απνηπρίαο ηεο Δπξώπεο -%CF%84%CE%BF- %CF%83%CF%8D%CE%BC%CE%B2%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%BF- %CE%B1%CF%80%CE%BF%CF%84%CF%85%CF%87%CE%AF%CE %B1%CF%82-%CF%84%CE%B7%CF%82- %CE%B5%CF%85%CF%81%CF%8E%CF%80%CE%B7%CF%82/a- 54874118 DW Απάλζξσπεο ζπλέπεηεο https://www.dw.com/el/%CE%B1%CF%80%CE%AC%CE%BD%CE%B κηαο απάλζξσπεο 8%CF%81%CF%89%CF%80%CE%B5%CF%82- πνιηηηθήο %CF%83%CF%85%CE%BD%CE%AD%CF%80%CE%B5%CE%B9%C E%B5%CF%82-%CE%BC%CE%B9%CE%B1%CF%82- %CE%B1%CF%80%CE%AC%CE%BD%CE%B8%CF%81%CF%89%C F%80%CE%B7%CF%82- %CF%80%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%B9%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%BA%C E%AE%CF%82/a-54888391 EURONEWS New fire at overcrowded https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/10/new-fire-at-overcrowded-migrant- migrant camp on Greek camp-on-greek-island-of-lesbos island of Lesbos EURONEWS https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/09/thousands-of-migrants-flee- Thousands of migrants flee massive-fire-at-lesbos-camp- Postgraduate Dissertation 149 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. massive fire at Lesbos camp EURONEWS Moria camp fire: France https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/10/moria-camp-fire-france-and- and Germany urge EU germany-urge-eu-states-to-welcome-migrants states to welcome migrants EURONEWS Moria migrant camp an https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/11/moria-migrant-camp-an-insult-to- ΄insult΄ to European european-values-insists-mep-philippe-lamberts values, insists MEP Philippe Lamberts EURONEWS https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/11/thousands-of-migrants-still-living- Thousands of migrants, on-the-streets-protest-in-lesbos still living on the streets, protest in Lesbos EURONEWS Displaced migrants on https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/12/displaced-migrants-on-lesbos- Lesbos island protest in island-protest-in-wake-of-fire-at-moira-camp wake of fire at Moria camp EURONEWS Greece: Lesbos migrants https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/15/greece-lesbos-migrants-march- march against new camp against-new-camp-facility-after-moria-fire facility after Moria fire EURONEWS State of the Union: What https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/16/watch-live-eu-commission- are the key takeaways from president-ursula-von-der-leyen-delivers-state-of-the-union-speech Ursula von der Leyen΄s speech? EURONEWS Thousands take to streets https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/20/thousands-take-to-streets-in- in Germany to demand EU germany-to-demand-eu-action-over-moria-migrants action over Moria migrants EURONEWS https://www.euronews.com/2020/09/14/migrants-moved-to-new-lesbos- Migrants moved to new camp-as -greek-pm-mitsotakis-demands-more-eu-help Lesbos camp as Greek PM Mitsotakis demands more EU help POLITICO Greek refugee camp blaze https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-migration-failure-lit-up-by-greek-moria- highlights EU‟s migration lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/ failure POLITICO Merkel, von der Leyen, https://www.politico.eu/article/merkel-von-der-leyen-mitsotakis-discuss- Mitsotakis discuss Lesbos lesvos-asylum-project/ asylum project POLITICO Commission to push https://www.politico.eu/article/commission-germany-push-forward- forward „migration pact‟ migration-pact-after-moria-lesvos-refugee-camp-fire/ after refugee camp fire Postgraduate Dissertation 150 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. POLITICO Von der Leyen challenges https://www.politico.eu/article/ursula-von-der-leyen-state-of-the-european- EU capitals to step up union-national-capitals-step-up/ POLITICO Misery in Moria is https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-migration-policy-moria-fire-misery/ Europe‟s migration policy POLITICO Fires destroy Moria https://www.politico.eu/article/moria-refugee-camp-lesvos-fires/ refugee camp on Lesbos POLITICO https://www.politico.eu/article/on-lesvos-locals-and-migrants-fear-another- On Lesbos, locals and moria-migration-coronavirus-greece/ migrants fear „another Moria‟ POLITICO Germany, France lead 10 https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-france-lead-country-pledge-to- country-pledge to host host-moria-camp-children/ Moria children POLITICO https://www.politico.eu/article/brussels-mulls-european-solution-to-moria- EU open to more direct refugee-camp/ role in Greek refugee camp POLITICO https://www.politico.eu/article/thousands-flee-greek-refugee-camp-fire- Thousands flee Greek lesbos-moria-migration-crisis-europe/ refugee camp fire POLITICO Police fire tear gas during https://www.politico.eu/article/police-fire-teargas-during-migrant-protests- migrant protest on Lesbos on-lesvos/ THE UK urged to take in https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/12/uk-urged-to-take-in- GUARDIAN refugees after fire at refugees-after-fire-at-lesbos-migrant-camp Lesbos migrant camp TH Greek police move https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/17/greek-police-move- GUARDIAN refugees to Lesbos tent people-lesbos-migrant-tent-camp-fire camp after fire THE „It‟s unbearable‟: Lesbos https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/11/its- GUARDIAN refugees sleep on streets unbearable-lesbos-refugees-sleep-on-streets-after-devastating-fire after devastating fire THE https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/10/eu-official-says-asylum- GUARDIAN EU official says asylum policy-impasse-part-of-the-problem-at-moria policy impasse „part of the problem‟ at Moria THE Germany and France to https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/10/german-protesters-ask- GUARDIAN take in child refugees from government-to-take-in -moria-refugees Lesbos THE „Moria no more‟ : the https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/11/moria- GUARDIAN refugees left to sleep in car lesbos-the-refugees-left-to-sleep-in-car-parks-after-escaping-blaze parks after escaping blaze Postgraduate Dissertation 151 Zisi Rafaela- Evmorfia, "Βye bye Moria". Critical Discourse Analysis of the Greek and European press concerning the arson at Moria camp. THE Lesbos refugee camp fire https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/09/lesbos-refugee-camp-fire- GUARDIAN forces thousands to forces -thousands-to-evacuate evacuate THE Moria‟s only success has https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/sep/13/morias-only- GUARDIAN been to turn inhumanity success-has-been-to-turn-inhumanity-into-policy into policy THE Refugees demand rescue https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/14/refugees- GUARDIAN from Lesbos after Moria demand-rescue-from-lesbos-after-moria-camp-blaze camp blaze THE Thousands need aid after https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/09/thousands-need-aid-after- GUARDIAN fire destroys Europe‟s fire-destroys-europes-largest-refugee-camp largest refugee camp THE Greek riot police fire https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/12/greek-riot-police-fire- GUARDIAN teargas at refugees teargas-at-refugees-campaigning-to-leave-lesbos campaigning to leave Lesbos THE Local anger as Greece https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/sep/11/local-anger-as -greece- GUARDIAN tries to shelter refugees tries-to-shelter-refugees-after-lesbos-fire after Lesbos fire Postgraduate Dissertation 152