The Sherleys and the Shah

Persia as the Stakes in a Rogue’s Gambit

GarY ScHWarTz

The second of the three sons of the Sussex peer Thomas Sherley (ca. 1542–1612), Sir Anthony Sherley (1565–ca. 1638), suffered from—and made others to suffer even more from—a personality disorder of the kind we encounter in con men. He was a keen judge of men who used his insights only to manip- ulate those who trusted him, in the first place his father, brothers, and protectors. During his wide travels, nearly every move he made left others holding large uncovered loans and debts. His twentieth-century biographers Boies Penrose and Edward Denison Ross were unable to contain themselves when it came to describing Anthony’s character: “He was an inveterate and unscrupulous intriguer, a sententious hypocrite devoid of all real sentiment … He had all the natural devotion of a buccaneer, and his cupidity was only equalled by his extravagance.”1 He was “a self-seeking adventurer pure and simple, a born intriguer, a complete opportunist, a man whose word could never be relied on and whose personal dishonesty leaves us gasping.”2 These judgments are no different from several testimonies from Anthony’s lifetime. His secretary Tomas Pagliarini wrote to the Spanish ambassador in Venice: “Don Antonio is a man who comes running whenever there is an offer of money. He is fickle and corrupt and … mendacious

1 Ross1933,p.86. 2 Penrose 1938, pp. 244–45.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 78 02.09.13 12:56 by nature … He lies awake all night devising schemes to greedy world of old Sir Thomas was more typically Eliza- extract money from princes … He is a man who affects an air bethan than the good fellowship of the Mermaid Tavern.7 of mystery in everything,” and it would be well if “such a pes- And in a postscript to his article “The Sherley Myth,” Roger tiferous weed” be “expelled from the company of illustrious Savory comments: “The following point may be thought not men surrounding the King.”3 James Wadsworth wrote in to be irrelevant: In 1888 the Rev. Scott Surtee, of Dins- 1625: “This Sir Anthony Sherley is a great plotter and pro- dale-on-Tees, published a pamphlet entitled William Shakespeare jector in matters of state, and undertakes by sea-stratagems to of Stratford-on-Avon, in which he assigned to Sir Anthony invade and ruinate his native country, a just treatise of whose Sherley the honour of writing Shakespeare’s plays.”8 actions would take up a whole volume.”4 Like other successful The present article assigns more significance than that to miscreants of his kind, he was able to evoke admiration from the Sherleian adventures. As statecraft and in the history of his victims while robbing them blind or selling them down the diplomacy they may have been insignificant, but had Davies river. The English ambassador in heard in 1606 of his enlarged the scope of his study to include the history of art, stay in Morocco “by one that attended him in Barbary that he travel literature, cultural exchange, and costume, he might hath there played many parts of mountebankery which I fear have arrived at a less dismissive conclusion. some merchant factors in London will bitterly taste of; that What, then, could be the reasons for the prominent those of Lisbon will hardly escape him, who hold him either appearance in the present volume of a self-centered rogue like in the account of a saint or a great sorcerer, so apt is the con- Anthony Sherley? That story, dear reader, has its beginning in fused and promiscuous multitude to worship rather in a certain turn of events in Venice in the spring of the year Samaria than in .”5 1598. A mission to the court of Ferrara that Anthony had As the latter testimony reveals, Anthony Sherley enjoyed undertaken for his patron, the Earl of Essex, had aborted the full complement of qualities associated with his faults. He when the political situation changed. Anthony and his com- spoke several languages, knew how to comport himself with panions, considering it beneath their dignity and that of their different kinds of people, and although short in stature, was lord to return to London empty-handed, took a detour to able to command respectful attention in a crowd. He could Venice, where, one of the party wrote, “we did solace our- think swiftly on his feet, he was not afraid of a fight and was selves almost three months,”9 while Anthony “cast about for a able to endure the discomfort of extensive travels. He was new enterprise.”10 The choice for a new enterprise was mainly particularly skilled in acquiring appointments and offices, and the product of happenstance. The participant we have just in lesser measure emoluments, from rulers. To those who fell quoted, George Manwaring, tells it as he saw it: for his act, he came across as a hero, a model of aristocratic And in that time we lay in Venice Sir Anthony did fall into pride. That image was immortalized in Samuel Purchas’s 1625 some conversation with a Persian merchant, which did publication of extracts of writings on the Sherleys: “remoter traffic in Venice for the King of Persia, for which commod- , Moscovia, Africa hath felt the Sherleian working, ities as were wanting in his own country, which was , Spaine, the Emperour and Pope have admired and English cloth, both woollen and linen. This merchant told adorned the English name of Sherley … Who ever since the Sir Anthony of the royalty of the Sophi, his king, which beginning of things and men, hath beene so often by Royal pleased Sir Anthony very well; yet not resolved to go Employment sent Embassadour to so many princes, so distant thither, but to take his voyage another way: but in the in place, so different in rites? Two Emperours Rudolf and same city of Venice it was his fortune to hear of a great Ferdinand, two Popes Clement and Paul, twice the King of traveller, newly come to Venice from the Sophi’s court, Spaine, twice the Polonian, the Muscovite also have given him whose name was Angelo, born in , but a good audience.”6 This is all true, but did it mean anything more Christian, who had travelled sixteen years, and did speak than that Anthony knew how to flatter princes? A third biog- twenty-four kind of languages. This Angelo did likewise rapher, David W. Davies, tends to think not. At the end of his acquaint Sir Anthony of the worthiness of the King of book on the Sherleys, he writes: Persia, that he was a gallant soldier, very bountiful and One must inevitably ask oneself if the story of the Sherleys liberal to strangers, and what entertainment he had at his is important, and the answer is, of course, that it is not. court; assuring Sir Anthony that, if he would go thither, it The Sherleian adventures point no moral, embody no would be greatly for his advancement; and moreover that inspiration, and are remarkable only in that one family he would be his guide, and attend on him thither, which should have had so many of them. These men shaped no Sir Anthony did consent unto, yet kept it very close, for great moments in history, but they were typical of their fear it should be known in Turkey, because we must pass age, and in certain aspects, of any age. The grasping, through that country, and the Great Turk and the King of

7 Davies1967,p.285. 3 Quoted in Davies 1967, pp. 211–12. 8 Savory 1967, p. 81. The myth Savory debunks with some degree of overkill 4 Quoted in Ross 1933, p. 85 and Savory 1967, p. 80, in slightly different is that the Sherleys taught the Persians to manufacture and employ artillery. transcriptions. In the early seventeenth century this garnered Anthony and Robert much unmerited acclaim. 5 Quoted in Davies 1967, p. 203. Writing in the early years of the twenty-first century, I cannot help thinking of Bernard Madoff, a man of the same mold, 9 George Manwaring, A True Discourse of Sir Anthony Sherley’s Travels into Persia, who also commanded the fanatic admiration of his prey. 1607, first published in 1825, quoted in Ross 1933, pp. 176–77. 6 Quoted in Savory 1967, p. 77. 10 Davies 1967, p. 81.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 79 02.09.13 12:56 Persia being not great friends, but only for a league of of Venice (to which other sources add the Grand Duke of three years, which was all expired.11 Tuscany as well as the Earl of Essex)? 15 The short answer to There might have been more to it all than the rumor that the this question has three parts. One is that Sherley lied to the shah of Persia—in Western writings mostly called the Sophi, shah about his status. As the court secretary Uruch Beg later after the grandfather of the , Safi al-din (d. wrote, Anthony introduced himself to the shah “as cousin of 1334)—was bountiful and liberal to strangers. There is also the Scottish king James, saying that all the kings of Chris- evidence that the Venetians urged Anthony to travel to Persia tendom had recognized him as such, and had now empowered in order to organize attacks against the Portuguese and divert him as their ambassador to treat with the king of Persia, who Persian trade from to “all Christendom and in partic- should make a confederacy with them in order to wage war ular to Venice.”12 On that basis, Davies suggests that Sherley’s against the Turk, who was indeed the common enemy of all of “conversation with a Persian merchant” might have been them.”16 Second, the same source tells us, “this Christian gen- arranged by the Serenissima. However that may be, on May tleman had by chance arrived in the very nick of time, for the 24 or 25, 1598, Sherley took a party of twenty-six or twen- king of Persia was then himself preparing to send an ambas- ty-seven, “six of whom were classed as gentlemen,” off to the sador with many gifts to the king of Spain.” Anthony’s lie fit east. Among his companions was his younger brother Robert perfectly into a pre-written role. Not only Shah ‘Abbas (1571– (1581–1628). 1629, r. 1587–1629), but his predecessors Tahmasp (1514–1576, Exactly one year later, the Sherley band departed from r. 1524–1576) and Isma‘il (1487–1524, r. 1501–1524) as well had in completely remade guise. The anti-Portuguese sabo- been in intensive contact with various European powers con- tage and fortune-hunting expedition had morphed into a fully cerning joint operations against the Turks. credited embassy of Persia to eight European courts, with a In 1592, seven years before the arrival of the Sherleys, grand historical mission. Fifteen Englishmen (fifteen others Pope Clement VIII sent a proposal to Shah Abbas that he and Robert were left behind as hostages), the Persian ambas- and the Christian princes should combine in a league sador Husain ‘Ali Beg, four secretaries, fifteen servants, five against the Turk, but Abbas was still occupied with the interpreters, and a Franciscan and a Dominican monk were Uzbegs and was not yet ready to deal with the enemy in accompanied for two days by the shah himself on the begin- the west. In his campaign against the Uzbegs he was at ning of their long trek to Europe.13 In addition to the pack first unsuccessful, but at the time the Sherleys arrived in animals and horses for the travelers, the caravan was aug- he had finally triumphed over the Tartar horde; mented by thirty-two camels bearing presents for the Euro- he was also contemplating sending an envoy to the pean heads of state and courts to be visited. (The presents did Emperor, the Pope and other Christian princes as his not make it past Archangel, where Sherley seems to have sold grandfather and great-grandfather had done, with a pro- them to “an English friend” and lied about them for the rest of posal such as the Pope had made to him, that Persians and the stressful journey.14) Sherley’s own publication on his ven- Christians should form an alliance against the Turks … In ture was not published until 1613, but its title could have been his account of his stay in Persia Sir Anthony appropriated written, and perhaps was, as early as mid-1599: the idea of a Perso-Christian league, and he was appar- Sir Antony Sherley his relation of his trauels into Persia. The dan- ently happily oblivious of the long history of the efforts to gers, and distresses, which befell him in his passage, both by sea and form such an alliance.17 land, and his strange and vnexpected deliuerances. His magnificent The third part of the explanation is that Anthony was forced entertainement in Persia, his honourable imployment there-hence, as by circumstances to extract maximum credit from this hap- embassadour to the princes of Christendome, the cause of his dis- penstance. Credit is here to be understood literally as well as apointment therein, with his aduice to his brother, Sir Robert metaphorically. Julia Schleck, in her recent book Telling True Sherley, also, a true relation of the great magnificence, valour, pru- Tales of Islamic Lands, convincingly relates the books and pam- dence, iustice, temperance, and other manifold vertues of Abas, now phlets on Anthony and Robert Sherley—and Thomas as well, king of Persia, with his great conquests, whereby he hath inlarged whose life as a pirate manqué we cannot deal with here—to the his dominions. Penned by Sr. Antony Sherley, and recommended to financial and political fall of the family, brought about in the his brother, Sr. Robert Sherley, being now in prosecution of the like first place by the older Sir Thomas. In 1597, following a fat honourable imployment. decade in which, as Treasurer at War, he systematically mis- What occurred, we must ask, before May 1599 that allowed appropriated funds entrusted to him by the Crown for the war for this astonishing metamorphosis of a buccaneer into an in the Low Countries, he was found out and imprisoned. As ambassador to the Holy Roman Emperor, the Pope, the kings an informer put it in a letter of March 8, 1597: “Now I may of Poland, Spain, , and Scotland, the Republic boldly write unto you that he is fallen.” The queen had declared “Sir Thomas and his heirs—Thomas, Anthony, and

11 Manwaring, quoted in Ross 1933, pp. 106–7. 12 From a writing by Giacomo Foscarini, “one of Venice’s most skillful and 15 For the short list, see Le Strange 1926, p. 233, for the long one Penrose 1938, experienced statesmen.” Davies 1967, p. 83. pp. 76–77. 13 Babinger 1932, p. 6. On p. 11 he quotes the Hessische Chronica, published in 16 Le Strange 1926, p. 232. Kassel in 1617, giving the names of some of the Persians in the party and 17 Davies 1967, pp. 103–4, 111. Burton 2009, p. 24, note 3 distinguishes helpfully providing the information that one of the interpreters was a Greek from between “texts that credit the Englishman Anthony Sherley and efface any Famagusta. Persian motives for the 1599 embassy” and others that acknowledge fully the 14 Babinger 1932, pp. 6–7. Persian role, with all nuances in between.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 80 02.09.13 12:56 Robert Sherley—both ‘fallen’ and deeply in debt to the Crown.” One of the central problems of the “fallen” courtier was the completeness of his collapse. Once it was clear that a previously powerful and wealthy gentleman had incurred the wrath of his sovereign, no one could risk being associ- ated with that person in any way … A fallen courtier like Sherley, who had just lost his reputation and all of his sup- port at court … was not likely to be extended much credit either by local tradesmen or the unofficial moneylenders of Elizabethan England … In order to change this situation, the Sherleys would have to regain their reputation for honor and for favor among the nation’s great. To gain financial credit, they would need reputational credit. The search for credit led all three of Sir Thomas’s sons— Thomas, Anthony, and Robert—to take to the seas … Each of them sponsored a series of publications detailing their exploits in Islamic lands, seeking to turn their travels abroad into credit at home.18 This background helps us to understand what was going through Anthony’s mind fourteen months after his father’s fall. He was out for all or nothing, and the Persian ploy being dangled before him in the taverns of Venice, whether engi- neered by the Signoria or not, looked like just the thing. Upon his return, he was not slow in attempting to cash in on his credit. Why the Relation of his travels was not published until 1613 is unclear. But in 1600, in the first months of his presence in Europe, a London printer brought out a pamphlet entitled A true report of Sir Anthony Shierlies iourney ouerland to Venice: fro[m] thence by sea to Antioch, , and Babilon, and soe to Casbine in Persia: his entertainment there by the great Sophie: his oration: his let- ters of credence to the Christian princes: and the priuiledg obtained of the great Sophie, for the quiet passage and trafique of all Christian march- ants, throughout his whole dominions. Acceptance at a major court, credentials at the courts of the princes of Christendom, privi- leged status for Christian merchants—that was worth a lot, was it not? By printing his “verbatim” speech, the pamphlet evoked the classical histories that sought to glorify the deeds of great men; by printing the letters of credence, the pam- phlet used the formal features of a letter to bolster Antho- ny’s credibility … The True Report thus employed the con- ventions of both history writing and foreign newsprint in its efforts proactively to legitimate Anthony’s status as ambassador.19 Whatever Anthony’s intentions may have been, he failed to achieve them. It is actually doubtful whether the pamphlet reached its audience at all. Schleck seems not to have noticed that publication of the True Report was suppressed not once but twice, on October 2, 1600 and September 7, 1601. Having failed to place this weighty instrument where he wanted it, Anthony, aided by his brother Thomas, resorted to lighter forms of literature. In 1601, a more conventional travel account written by one of Anthony’s companions, William Parry, saw the light of day: A new and large discourse of the trauels

18 Schleck 2011, pp. 64–66. 19 Ibid., p. 68.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 81 02.09.13 12:56 of sir Anthony Sherley , by sea, and ouer land, to the Persian which one shared or did not share with other members of the Empire, wherein are related many straunge and wonderfull accidents. It mission. was followed in 1607 by three pieces of Sherleian propaganda: ‘Abbas’s easygoing ways with ambassadorships were also two different editions of Anthony Nixon’s The three English manifest in his habit of sending off one accredited envoy after brothers Sir Thomas Sherley his trauels, vvith his three yeares imprison- another to the same courts. Certain patterns emerge from the ment in Turkie: his inlargement by his maiesties letters to the great history of this subject. Newly arrived emissaries never con- Turke: and lastly, his safe returne into England this present year, 1607. firmed the status of their predecessors. Their claims of prece- Sir Anthony Sherley his embassage to the Christian princes. Master dence created uncertainty on the part of the courts to which Robert Sherley his wars against the Turkes, with his marriage to the they were sent, which were already negotiating with the ear- Emperour of Persia his neece, and a stage play by , Wil- lier arrivals. This unpleasantness overcame Robert Sherley liam Rowley, and , The trauailes of the three not once, but twice. In 1611 he was in Madrid, toward the end English brothers Sir Thomas Shirley Sir Anthony Mr. Robert. As it is of his first ambassadorship, when the Augustinian friar now play’d by her Maiesties Seruants. In 1609 and 1611 three more Antonio Gouvea and a Persian named Jangiz Beg came to the publications, by Thomas Middleton, Robert Chambers, and city. They took it upon themselves to sabotage Robert’s mis- John Cartwright, featured Sir Anthony in the titles and in sion and undermine his reputation. “Jangiz Beg … declared to the limelight of various writings. Anthony or Robert even has the King’s councilors that Count Robert was not an ambas- a walk-on role in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, staged in 1601 sador and that the Persian letter of credence he carried did not or 1602, as “fencer to the Sophy.”20 give him that title.”24 The grandest example of this disagree- Twelfth Night aside, none of these publications is distin- able phenomenon, during Robert’s second tour of duty for the guished by literary merit, and although they do not depart shah, was actually engineered from the west. Count Robert substantively from the known facts, they all display one ten- was in London in 1625, conducting talks with the court of the dentious feature that misrepresents Sir Anthony’s stature: the new king, Charles I (1600–1649; r. 1625–1649), about opening emphasis which they place on his ambassadorship, the very alternative trade routes to Persia alongside that of the East crux of the matter. India Company. The Company did not take kindly to this, The story of the embassage which Shah Abbas sent to and asked Shah ‘Abbas to send someone else, at their expense, Europe is sometimes befogged because readers have cer- to stand up for their interests. The shah complied, and dis- tain preconceptions of the dignity of an ambassador which patched the court dignitary Naqd (also Nuqd) ‘Ali Beg to the Persian monarch never had. The word “ambassador” London. “When he arrived there in February 1626, aboard a suggests a prestigious person to whom all members of the Company ship, Nuqd ‘Ali Beg promptly and dutifully pro- party or embassage are subordinate. In the view of Shah claimed that Sherley was an impostor and that his credentials Abbas the honors attached to an embassy were scanty and were forgeries.”25 What happened when the two were brought he was inclined to distribute them among the participants. together for mediation is described in detail by Sir John Fin- In the group which left Persia for the courts of Europe nett, the master of ceremonies to James I (1566–1625; r. 1603– there was a venerable Persian, Husein Ali Beg, and a 1625; as James VI, King of Scotland from 1567 until his Dominican friar, Nicolão de Melo, both of whom, in addi- death). tion to Sir Anthony, may have had ambassadorial status.21 Sir Robert Sherley, unfolding his letters, and (as the Per- The truth of this observation is borne out by the unceasing sian use is in reverence to their King,) first touching his bickering over precedence during the campaign, especially eyes with them, next holding them over his head, and after between Husain ‘Ali Beg and Anthony.22 There was more at kissing them, he presented them to the Ambassador, that stake than one’s place on the dais or at the dinner table. By he receiving them, might perform the like observance, contemporaneous custom, the host nation that received a for- when he suddenly rising out of his chair, stepped to Sir eign ambassador defrayed the envoy’s expenses and honored Robert Sherley, snatched his letters from him, tore them, him with expensive gifts.23 To be accepted as ‘Abbas’s ambas- and gave him a blow on the face with his fist, and while sador meant being in receipt of substantial funds underway, my Lord of Cleaveland stepping between kept off the offer of further violence, the Persian’s son next at hand, flew upon Sir Robert Sherley, and with two or three blows 20 Ibid., p. 70. more, overthrew him.26 21 Davies 1967, p. 114. The point is worked out further by Burton 2009, pp. 24ff. That this habit of the shah’s tended to undermine the standing Burton examines the differences between the resident English ambassador and the transient Persian safir. of Persian ambassadors in general is not dwelt on in the publi- cations glorifying Sherley’s “embassage to the Christian 22 Their altercation in , at a papal reception on April 5, 1601, was noted with wonderment in the ceremonial diary of the Vatican. See Orbaan 1920, princes.” p. 8. The other general rule is that none of the Persian digni- 23 “On their departure from his court Philip III generously provided for the taries sent by ‘Abbas to Europe survived the experience. expenses of the embassy by land to Lisbon, and thence on by sea with a free passage to the Persian Gulf: for besides many magnificent presents, the Husain ‘Ali Beg may be called fortunate to have died on the Persians were given 11,000 ducats in cash for journey money. Indeed all along their route, on taking leave in audience of the various sovereign princes to whom the embassy was accredited, the ambassador and his secretaries had invariably received a variety of gold cups, often some gold chains, and much 24 Davies 1967, p. 233. silver plate. This in addition to cash, namely from the Pope 2,000 ducats, from 25 Ibid., p. 262. the Emperor 4,800, from the Tzar 3,800, a grand total of 21,600 ducats.” Le Strange 1926, p. 8. 26 Quoted at greater length in ibid., p. 263.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 82 02.09.13 12:56 way back to Persia after his embattled travels with Sir Anthony. Naqd ‘Ali Beg, sailing home with his son and Robert, with whom he was now on amicable terms, com- mitted suicide by swallowing excessive amounts of opium four days before his ship landed. He undoubtedly knew of the lot of Jangiz Beg, who had returned to Shah ‘Abbas fifteen years earlier, and who was beheaded on charges of swindling the shah and maligning his ambassador.27 Indeed, when the sub- ject arose, the shah was heard to remark of Naqd that “had he come, and been found faulty, by my head [an oath of no small force] he should have been cut in as many pieces as there are days in the year and burnt in the open market with dog’s turds.”28 A considerably less attractive way to die than an overdose of opium on the waves, Nadq must have thought. Whatever western misconceptions concerning the dignity of the ambassador Anthony Sherley may have harbored in the early days of his Persian adventures would have been rein- forced by certain Persian court usages. The way George Man- waring describes the first official reception of the Sherleys comes closer to a Hollywood fantasy than anything a Euro- pean of any period would ever have experienced. The shah took Anthony by the hand and insisted that he sit beside him on his throne, kissing him and calling him his brother. Any Persian who objected, he said, however high and mighty he might be, would have his head cut off.29 As the object of these and other over-the-top displays of imperial favor, Sherley might be forgiven for assuming that he and no one else was the shah’s representative to Europe. It is good at this juncture to point out one striking circum- stance concerning the mutual relations between the Persians and their European visitors: all the quite extensive and detailed information that has come down to us concerning the Sherley missions, which ran from 1599 to 1628 and marked the lives of many Europeans, has left no trace whatsoever in Persian historiography. (The Safavid archives are no more; they were dumped into the Zayandeh River in Isfahan by Afghan invaders in 1722.) Since 1933, no one seems to have expanded on the evidence then culled by Edward Denison Ross: As a result of careful search I have only discovered one passage which could refer to Anthony and his party … Among the events of A. H. 1007 (1598–9) he [Jalal ud-Din Muhammad Munajjim Yazdi, author of a history of Persia from 1524 to 1611] records that “after the conquest of Khu- rasan, envoys came from Europe saying ‘We have done much harm to the Turks, and have defeated them. You must now endeavour to regain your own territory so that the aspirations of us both may be realized.’”30 This unnerving situation presents us with a cultural gap as significant as it is difficult to fathom. A border-crossing phe- nomenon that took on nearly legendary status in the writings of one of the partner cultures did not even merit mention by

27 Ibid., pp. 140 (Husain ‘Ali Beg), 273 (Naqd ‘Ali Beg), and 234 (Jangiz Beg). 28 Quoted in ibid., p. 276. 29 Manwaring, quoted in Ross 1933, pp. 209–10. 30 Ross 1933, p. 20.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 83 02.09.13 12:56 the other.31 This particular form of asymmetry is undoubtedly sons here covered. That is a 345-page Spanish book, published related to the world view underlying history writing in Persia in Valladolid in 1604, by one of the four secretaries of the in general. As David Morgan has written, mission, Husain ‘Ali Beg’s cousin Uruch Beg. In Europe For most of the Middle Ages, writers in the Islamic world Uruch Beg, like five other Persian members of the mission, did not rate western Europe very highly, if indeed they was converted to Catholicism, changing his name to Don thought about that part of the world at all. For Islam, Juan. The passages in Don Juan’s book on the Christian faith Europe was a remote and barbarous backwater. Civiliza- and his praise for Charles V and the Pope are reflections of tion ended at the Pyrenees. Muslim geographers some- his post-Persian attitudes, put into words under his name by times made an attempt to describe the area, but historians his coach and translator, Licentiate Don Alfonso Rémon.34 largely ignored it … Rashid ad-Din’s History of the Franks Beside geographical proximity, essential features such as [1305/06; for centuries after the Crusades, all Europeans language had heavy impact on the Persian weltanschauung. The in the east were called Franks] is then of rather consider- court language of Safavid Persia was Azerbaijani Turkish, able historiographical interest. Yet even here there is a very while Persian was spoken in the Mogul court of India. This significant contrast between his treatment of the Franks furthered a Persian self-image as a people at the center of a and what he has to say about the other peoples in his world stretching from the Bosporus to the eastern shore of the world history. For one thing, other areas—notably China Indian subcontinent. Who could take account of the doings, and India—are incorporated into the text of his main his- further to the west, of peoples who spoke a bewildering tory: the lands of the Franks, never. For another, he gener- variety of languages that no one in Persia understood? ally gives us details about the identity of his informants—a A year after leaving Venice on the sly, calling himself a Buddhist monk in the case of the history of India, for merchant to mask his real purpose, Anthony was escorted out example. He tells us nothing about his informants on the of Isfahan by the shah of shahs himself, who accompanied Franks … One would never guess from reading this His- him for two days on the road. “So the king kissed Sir Anthony tory that there were extensive contacts between Europe three or four times,” wrote Manwaring, “and kissed us all, and and Mongol Persia during Rashid al-Din’s time. Yet there said that if we did return again we should receive great hon- were.32 our.”35 For all his demonstrations of confidence in his great This was still the prevailing attitude in Safavid historiography, Frankish friend, ‘Abbas nonetheless felt it wise to assure him- from which one would also never guess that European con- self of Anthony’s return or at least allegiance by keeping the tacts, including those with the Sherleys, formed an increas- nineteen-year-old Robert as a hostage. Anthony never did ingly important part of Persian statecraft and commerce. return. The shah kept Robert in Persia for nine years, alter- Eerily, it was also the prevailing attitude two thousand years nately as a palace favorite and a detainee, before sending him before the time of the Sherleys. As much as one would like to to Europe to see what had happened to his brother and per- avoid stereotypes in attributing characteristics to nations, and form the same mission which Anthony had failed to accom- as universal as self-importance may be in the formation of plish. national identities, it would be all too cavalier to ignore the The disappointing outcome of Anthony Sherley’s mission, correspondences between what David Morgan wrote in 1994 with colorful incidents that “leave us gasping,” has been of the Persians and what Herodotus wrote in 430 BC: described in detail in contemporaneous and later writings, Of nations, they honor most their nearest neighbors, and will not be rehearsed here.36 One small sample of its whom they esteem next to themselves; those who live flavor will have to suffice: no sooner had Anthony’sembas- beyond these they honor in the second degree; and so with sage hit the road than all hell broke loose. The rivalry the remainder, the further they are removed, the less the between the English Protestant, the Persian Muslim, and the esteem in which they hold them. The reason is that they Spanish Catholic (a common friar pretending to be the Procu- look upon themselves as very greatly superior in all rator General of all the East Indies) erupted regularly not only respects to the rest of mankind, regarding others as in arguments concerning protocol, but in fistfights and one approaching to excellence in proportion as they dwell instance of attempted murder. At Astrakhan, the two having nearer to them; whence it comes to pass that those who are completely fallen out, Sherley made de Melo a prisoner, which the farthest off must be the most degraded of mankind.33 he did, he explained, “with good confidence because I was in An exception that proves the rule is provided by the only a country [Russia] in league with my Mistress [Queen Eliza- piece of writing by a Persian concerning the events and per-

34 Le Strange 1926, p. 10. This presentation of the facts would be disputed by 31 Yet Anthony’s grand procession through Europe, being received royally from Jonathan Burton, who writes, “Taking the case of the Shah’s two ambassadors court to court, is not always traceable in the archives. This is commented on as a working example, this essay will consider the significance of Safavid histo- “with astonishment” with regard to Augsburg and Munich by Franz Babinger. ries and institutions in order to indicate how non-English sources can inform, Babinger 1932, p. 23. and even modify, our accounts of early modern English literature … Entire genres are imagined to be singularly, essentially Western, while their global 32 Morgan 1994. forms are ignored or dismissed as unrelated.” Burton 2009, p. 25. However, the 33 Quoted after William Stearns Davis, Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative only evidence Burton produces, Don Juan’s book, proves in my judgment the Extracts from the Sources, vol. 2: Greece and the East, Boston: Allyn and Bacon, exact opposite of what Burton makes of it. In terms of history writing, accounts 1912, pp. 58–61. Accessed at http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/ of east-west contact are truly exclusively western. herodotus-persians.asp on March 26, 2013. For another reference to an 35 Manwaring, quoted in Ross 1933, pp. 225–26. exceptional instance of Persian distinction between European peoples see Rudolph P. Matthee’s essay in this catalogue. My thanks to the author for 36 The most complete collection of citations from European sources regarding the allowing me to read his typescript. travels of the delegation is to be found in Babinger 1932.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 84 02.09.13 12:56 beth; in fact Sherley was under a ban from his Mistress, who forbade him from ever returning to England].” Later it was said that Sherley tried to drown de Melo. The Persian mem- bers of the party declared that Sherley threatened to kill the friar simply because the latter had asked for the repayment of a thousand crowns he had loaned Sir Anthony and for the return of ninety diamonds he had entrusted to Sherley for safekeeping. The English also quarreled with the Persians, “insomuch that had we not had a guard in our company, one of us had killed another.”37 In and out of jail and favor, now claiming to represent the shah, then (or at the same time) the Emperor, the Pope, the King of Spain or various English or Scottish protectors, at different times a Catholic, a Protestant—and, who knows, per- haps a Muslim, too—Anthony made his picaresque way to Moscow, Prague (1600), , Rome, Venice (1601), Prague (1604), Sicily, Prague, Morocco, , Alicante, Cadiz, Morocco (1605), Lisbon, Madrid (1606), , Livorno, Florence, Ferrara, Prague (1607), Ferrara, Madrid, Valladolid (1608), Alicante, Palermo, Trapani, Messina, Syra- cuse, Palermo, Naples, and finally back to Spain (1610), where he was stranded for life, having exhausted all possibilities for cover elsewhere. One chance that presented itself a year later, when his widely respected brother Robert arrived in Madrid and put Anthony up in his lodgings, was spoiled by Anthony himself. Their brotherly arrangement had been in effect only a few months before Robert found out that Anthony had betrayed him behind his back in a move that could have put Robert in jail. It is fitting that Anthony, under the assumed title El Conde de Leste (which, to modern ears, sounds for all the world like a Wizard of Oz-like Count of the East), spent the last, obscure two or three decades of his life in Granada, the burial place of many a myth. I see him at one tapas bar after another, dining off stories so unbelievable that his inter- locutors will have laughed at their own incredulity. How could they have known that those bizarre tales were true, albeit embroidered, and that the man telling them had been certified in his noble standing by more than half a dozen rulers? By the time Shah ‘Abbas released Robert from his house confinement in 1609 and dispatched him to Europe with the same brief as his brother—create a military alliance against the Turks and expand trade—the young man had been through a lot. Anthony had spent only half a year in Persia; Robert had stayed for nine, during which he learned Persian and distin- guished himself in military campaigns. His treatment by the shah was largely determined by events beyond his control, such as dips in Perso-European relations or nasty tidings about Anthony, when the shah would cold-shoulder his hos- tage for a while. Those who knew Robert as well as Anthony were unanimous in their judgment of the two: Robert was a true gentleman, Anthony a low scoundrel pretending to be a gentleman. Francis Cottington, English ambassador in Madrid, wrote in 1610: “Mr. [Robert] Sherley hath here gotten very great reputation through his wise and discreet carriage, he is judged both modest and moreover brave in his speech, diet and expenses, and in my poor opinion to those vices

37 Quoted in Davies 1967, p. 119.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 85 02.09.13 12:56 which in Sir Anthony do so abound, in this many may be perate need of recognition and confirmation of his status, the found the contraries.”38 In eloquent fulfillment of his superior shah turned his back on him. For whatever reason—Davies dignity, Robert saw it as his duty, during his visit to one Euro- refers to disappointments in Perso-English relations over the pean city after another, to settle the debts and unpaid loans last years—the shah allowed his chief minister Muhammad ‘Ali that Anthony had strewn across the continent.39 Another turn Beg to tell Cotton he was sure that in life that endears Robert to us is his marriage. Shortly before the Shah had not authorized Count Robert to make the leaving Isfahan, Robert married a woman who, sixty years proposals for trade which he had made in England. The later, inscribed her name on the gravestone for herself and English were welcome as were all other nations to trade in Robert as THERESIA SAMPSONIA AMAZONITES SAMPH- Persia, and when they no longer desired to trade they were VFFI CIRCASSIAE PRINCIPIS FILIA, translated by David W. free to depart. Mahomet Ali Beg declared that Sherley’s Davies as “Theresia Sampsonia, native of the region of the letters of credence were not genuine, and that when he had Amazons, daughter of Samphuffus, prince of Circassia.” The showed them to Shah Abbas, the latter had destroyed them two were deeply attached to each other. On his way to the in a rage.40 Christian courts, following the same northern route as Exhausted and weakened by his travels and travails, Robert Anthony, Robert spent the winter of 1608/09 in Kraków, died in Qazvin on July 13, 1628. where he and his party were entertained sumptuously. What happened next was equally ugly. The Sherleys had a Leaving Teresia at a convent in the former Polish capital, he rival for the favor of Shah ‘Abbas in the person of the Dutch went on to Prague, where like Anthony he was appointed painter Jan Lucasz. van Hasselt (b. before 1600, d. after 1653). Knight of the Golden Spur, , Florence, Rome, Spain, Although he did not come to Isfahan until 1618, in the fol- and Lisbon. There Teresia rejoined him in December 1609, lowing of the intrepid Italian traveler Pietro della Valle (1586– and with only a few interruptions they spent the remaining 1652), Van Hasselt established a remarkably successful rela- years of Robert’s life together. tionship to ‘Abbas. Thanks to his appointment as painter to That life, too, like Anthony’s, cannot here be recounted in the shah and his status as a free man, bolstered by his useful- other than abbreviated form. From Lisbon, Robert and Te- ness to the Dutch East India Company when it shouldered its resia sailed on to the Netherlands in a futile attempt to obtain way into Persia in 1623, Van Hasselt enjoyed far superior an import license for Persian silk from the States General, and access to the ruler than the hostage Robert Sherley. Somehow, then to England, where they remained for a little over a year. the Dutchman and the Englishman are largely lacking in the In 1612 they set sail from Gravesend for Persia, which they literature on one of them or the other, although they belong in reached only after a harrowing two-and-a-half year voyage via each other’s story. Van Hasselt was a nasty piece of work who India on which they were nearly killed both at sea and by the was to bring about his own downfall within three years of an Portuguese. None of their English companions on the journey incident reported by a close observer of the scene, Thomas made it alive to Persia. Shah ‘Abbas showed his gratitude by Herbert (1606–1682). A member of the Dodmore Cotton commissioning a new ambassadorship, to commence within a embassage, the young Herbert wrote an outstanding book on month. Robert managed to wrest three months out of his the mission, published in London in 1634: A relation of some master before sailing to Goa and Lisbon. He, Teresia, and yeares travaile, begunne anno 1626. Into Afrique and the greater , their entourage arrived on September 27, 1617, having shared especially the territories of the Persian monarchie: … Together with the their water and food with the Portuguese when provisions ran proceedings and death of the three late ambassadours: Sir D. C., Sir R. low at sea. There followed a long sojourn in Madrid until S. and the Persian Nogdi-beg: as also the two great monarchs, the king March 22, 1622. In diplomatic terms, nothing was achieved of Persia and the great mogol. As he tells it, before the Sherleys set out eastwards once more, to Florence, a Dutch Painter (who had serued the King of Persia twenty where they were received by the Grand Duke of Tuscany, to yeares) complies with Mahomet-Ally-Beg, and pretending an Rome for a papal audience, Warsaw, and perhaps Moscow. Ingagement he was in, to one Crole a Flemming (for some December 1623 saw them back in England for the last time, monies Sir Robert Sherley had long since borrowed of him) where some progress on a Persian accord was being made he is beleeued, and got a Warrant from the Caswee or Ius- with James I until his death in March 1625. Talks with the tice to seize vpon the Ladies goods, which wicked plot new court of Charles I were so spooked by the démarche of could not be so priuate, but was knowne by a faithfull Naqd ‘Ali Beg that Charles sent them all packing back to honest Gentleman Master Hedges, a Follower of our Am- Persia under the command of Dodmore Cotton (1600–1628) bassadour, who straight-way acquaints the Lady with it.41 to find out whether Robert was acting on orders of the shah or Teresia hastily tore out a piece of satin into which she threw not. her most valuable jewels and gave them to Hedges, who ran Robert’s third arrival in Isfahan, via Surat, India, and off just before Gamron on the Persian Gulf, was the prelude to a tragic the Pagan Serjants, with Iohn the Flemming, entred her betrayal. After spending thirty years of his life in the faithful Chamber, carried away what was valuable or vendible, his service of Shah ‘Abbas, at a juncture when he stood in des- Horses, Camels, Vests, Turbants, a rich Persian Dagger, and some other things, but after narrow search finding no

38 Quoted in ibid., p. 232. 39 “William Trumbull, the English representative at Brussels, … heard that 40 Quoted in ibid., pp. 276–77. Count Robert ‘hath paid a good part of his brother Sir A. Sherley’s desperate debts.’” Quoted in ibid., p. 226. 41 Quoted in Schwartz 2009, pp. 133–34.

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Iewels (for they had seene him weare many and twas pearl and diamonds, and on his head a turban according, them, hee had woorried in his Ostrich appetite [he would to the worth of two thousand dollars, his boots embroi- have liked to swallow in his intemperate appetite]) made, dered with pearl and rubies; his brother, Mr Robert angry and ashamed, they departed unsatisfied.42 Sherley, likewise in cloth of gold, his gown and undercoat, Teresia was able to save that much of the situation, but she with a rich turban on his head; his interpreter, Angelo, in was then incarcerated for three years for having converted to cloth of silver, gown and undercoat; four in cloth of silver Christianity from Islam as a child. Upon her release she made gowns, with undercoats of silk damask; four in crimson her way to , where she remained for another velvet gowns, with damask undercoats; four in blue three years. In December 1634 she moved to Rome, where she damask gowns, with taffety undercoats; four in yellow bought a house in Trastevere near the church of S. Maria della damask, with their undercoats of a Persian stuff; his page Scala, staying there until her death in 1668. Having brought in cloth of gold; his four footmen in carnation taffety.43 Robert’s remains to Rome, she had him buried in that church Details of this kind are not reported at every stage, but when- in advance of herself, beneath a plaque commemorating them ever they are, the writers are impressed, sometimes over- both (fig. 44, p. 99). whelmed, by the appearance of the Sherley parties and the “Turbants, a rich Persian Dagger”: Anthony and Robert value of their costumes and accessories. The brothers stage- Sherley would not have gone down in the history books were crafted their public appearances, which were often accompa- it not for Robert’s wardrobe, which, from the beginning, was nied by conspicuous acts of gift-giving. In 1606 Anthony remarkable and remarked upon. When in 1599 the brothers “stayed five months in Safi and became the sensation of rode out for their first meeting with the shah, on his way back Morocco. He dressed magnificently, wearing not only the from the Uzbeg wars, with the heads of hundreds (according order of Saint Michel which Henry IV had given him, but the to Don Juan no less than 24,000) of enemy soldiers on pikes, regalia of the orders of the Holy Ghost and of the Golden they were dressed to the nines. George Manwaring, in a first- Fleece which no one had given him.” When Moulay Abou person report: Fares sent five hundred soldiers to conduct him and his party In this sort was Sir Anthony and we of his company to court, “Count Anthony presented each man with a new appointed: first, Sir Anthony himself in rich cloth of gold, turban, and after his arrival in Marrakesh he continued to be his gown and his undercoat, his sword hanging in a rich fabulously generous.” His largesse was paid for by others. scarf to the worth of a thousand crowns, being set with “Such was his charm and generosity that two Spanish mer-

42 Quoted in ibid. 43 Quoted in Ross 1933, p. 204.

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Fig. 29 Aegidius Sadeler (ca. 1570–1629), Husain ‘Ali Beg, 1601, Magni Sophi Persarum Legatus inuictissimo / Cæsari Ceterisque engraving, 20 x 13.4 cm (Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, RP-P-1941- Principibus Christianis: huiusce Amicitie et Auctor et ductor 285) (Legate of the invincible Great Sophi of Persia to the emperor and other Christian princes, initiator and promoter of their mutual Inscribed: CVCHEIN OLLIBEAG INCLYTVS DOMINVS PERSA SOCIVS ties) LEGATIONIS MAGNI SOPHI REGIS PERSARUM (Husain ‘Ali Beg, friend of the illustrious Persian lord, legate to EX ORE, AD OS. (From the gaze [of the artist] to the face [of the the Grand Sophi, king of Persia) sitter, that is to say, after life])

cum priuil. S. Cæ. M.tis S. Cæ. Mtis. sculptor Ægidivs Sadeler D[ono]D[edit]: (Aegidius (with privilege of His Imperial Majesty) Sadeler, printmaker to His Imperial Majesty, gave this offering as a present) Husain ‘Ali Beg ilchi firistadan hamrah-i hazrat-i amirzada (Husain ‘Ali Beg, legate despatched as travel companion to the exalted amirzada [son of the prince]) Fig. 31 Dominicus Custos (Dominicus de Coster; 1560–1612) after Aegidius Sadeler, Sir Anthony Sherley, datable to February S: Cæs. M.tis sculptor Ægidius Sadeler ad viuum delineavit 1601, engraving, 17.3 × 12.8 cm (London, National Portrait Pragæ 1601 Gallery, NPG D26056) (Made after life by His Imperial Majesty’s engraver Aegidius Sadeler in Prague, 1601) Inscribed: ANTON. SCHERLEYNS ANGL. Eq. AVRAT. MAG. SOPH. PERSAR. AD CAESAREM, etc. LEGATVS. (Anthony Sherley, Englishman, knight in the Order of the Golden Spur, legate of the Fig. 30 Aegidius Sadeler (ca. 1570–1629), Sir Anthony Sherley, Great Sophi of Persia to the Emperor and others) datable to January 1601, engraving, 19.4 × 13.4 cm (London, The British Museum, P,1.169) ANTONI Orator Persæ, Angliae, regis, ad istud / Excelso munus peruenis ingenio (O Anthony, legate of the Persian king to the Inscribed: ANTONIVS.SHERLEYNS.ANGLVS.EqVES.AVRATVS king of England, you were given this appointment thanks to your (Anthony Sherley, Englishman, Knight in the Order of the Golden great gifts) Spur) In the entry on this print in Evelyn Shirley’s book on the Sherley cum priuil. S. Cæ. Mtis. (With privilege of His Imperial Majesty) genealogy and coats of arms, Stemmata Sherleiana (1841, 2nd ed. 1873), three additional verses followed:

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Multorum mores hominum qui vidit et urbes, Principibus Christianis huius amicitiae et Auctor et Ductor A Persa Orator Rege Britannus hic est. (Anthony Sherley, Englishman, Knight of the Order of the Golden Spur, Legate of the Great Sophi of Persia to the Our Lord Clement A Persis aliquem tanti factum esse Britannum, VIII and other Christian princes, initiator and promoter of their Historici veteris num liber ullus habet? mutual ties)

Extremis placuit sed Lusitanus ut Indis, Ioannes Orlandi formis Romae In platea pasquini Anno Domini Sic, extreme, favet Persa, Britanne, tibi. 1601. Super. P[er]messu (Made by Giovanni Orlandi in Rome in Piazza Pasquino, in the year 1601. With permission [of the (This is the Briton who saw the customs and cities of many authorities]) peoples, the ambassador of the Persian king. / Does any book of an historian of old mention a Briton who was esteemed as highly by the Persians?/ But just as the Lusitanian pleased the faraway Fig. 34 Giovanni Orlandi (active 1590–1640) after Aegidius Indians, so, greatest of the Britons, the Persian favored you.) Sadeler (ca. 1570–1629), Husain ‘Ali Beg, 1601, engraving, dimensions unknown (reproduced from Babinger 1932, fig. 5)

Fig. 32 Dominicus Custos (Dominicus de Coster; 1560–1612), Insribed: CVCHEIN.OLLI.BEAG.INCLYTVS.DOMINVS.PERSA.SOCIUS. Husain ‘Ali Beg, 1601, engraving, dimensions unknown LEGATHIS.MAGNI.SOPHI.REGIS.PERSARUM. qui die V. Aprilis 1601 (reproduced from Babinger 1932, fig. 4) ingressus est Romā exped.tus ad S.mū D.N. Clem. VIII. ab eos. Rege Persarum (Husain ‘Ali Beg, friend of the illustrious legate of the Inscribed: CVCHEINOLLIBEAG MAGNI SOPHI PERSARUM REGIS Great Sophi, king of the Persians who entered Rome on April 5, LEGATIONIS SOCIVS, &c. (Husain ‘Ali Beg, associate of the legate 1601, sent to His Holiness Our Lord Clement VIII by the king of of the Great Sophi, king of Persia, etc.) the Persians) stratVrVs dVrCas beLLIs reX persa CeLebrIs, / Cæsar DIVe tVas hVnC per aDIVIt opels. (The chronogram adds up to 1601.) Ioannes Orlandi formis Romae in platea Pasquini. Superiorū permissu (Made by Giovanni Orlandi in Rome, in Piazza Pasquino. With permission [of the authorities]) Fig. 33 Giovanni Orlandi (active 1590–1640), Anthony Sherley, 1601, engraving, 19.8 × 14 cm (London, National Portrait Gallery, London, NPG D33607)

Inscribed: ANTONIVS SHERLEYNS ANGLVS EqVES AVRATVS / Magni Sophi Persarum Legatus Santisso D.N. Clem. VIII.ceterisque

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 89 02.09.13 12:57 chants vied with one another in lending him money.” Left the accounts of their journeys or watching them on the holding the bag when he took his indecorous leave were a stage.”47 group of Jewish merchants, who were fleeced for 250,000 flo- Next to Anthony’s concerted appeal to the reading audi- rins, and Christians, for 60,000 or 70,000. The Christians he ence, his employment of visual media was decidedly minor. denounced “as persons who were defrauding Abou Fares of During his brief stay in Prague in January 1601 he posed for a customs duties, a charge that ruined many of them.”44 printed portrait by Aegidius Sadeler (ca. 1570–1629), print- We are here dealing with modes of self-fashioning and maker to the emperor since 1597. It was a rather conventional self-presentation that are interwoven with affairs of state, pri- head-and-shoulders portrait of a military man in an oval vate interests and, for Anthony, irresistible opportunities for format that Sadeler used for other portrait prints as well, with embezzlement. Because of the basic hollowness of their enter- similar borders and inscriptions (fig. 30). The inscrip- prises in themselves, it is the shell that has remained, and its tion seems to say that the print was made without charge to interplay with the parts of Persian, Russian, and European the sitter, which suggests that the artist was paid by Rudolf for society that responded to it. As Julia Schleck argues, the “con- its execution as one of his courtesies to the ambassador. If so, clusion to the Sherleys’ efforts to unite England with Persia— a gesture of the same kind surely lay behind the origins of the militarily, economically, and textually—remind us that the very similar portrait of Husain ‘Ali Beg (fig. 29 and cat. 5, p. Sherleys’ success was highly determined by the audience to 28), made at the same time. This assumption is strengthened which they addressed themselves.”45 The first and most by the identical formulation and placing of the lines claiming important of these were the court and the merchant commu- imperial privilege for the prints. nity. They were addressed in the True Report of 1600, which Twin print portraits of the two were also made in Augs- has the appearance of a serious news pamphlet. Publications burg and Rome, two further destinations on their journey. In of this kind often contained the texts of official documents, Augsburg they encountered a Flemish colleague of Sadeler’s, and so does this one. The documents concerned, following an Dominicus de Coster (1560–1612), better known by the Lati- “oration” by Sherley himself, were “Coppies,” in English trans- nized form of his name, Dominicus Custos. Custos had a lation, of Sherley’s letters of credence from “the great Sophie” large production of portrait prints of the great persons of the and of “the free Priviledges ob[tai]ned by Sir Anthony earth, including Shah ‘Abbas. His prints of Sherley and Shierlie, of the great Sophie, for all Christians to trade and Husain were put into Part III of his series Atrium heroicum trafique into Persia.” Sherley was bringing back the goods. (Atrium of Heroes), published in Augsburg in 1601. Following The alliance with Persia is thus presented as a fait accompli— that edition, the portraits were also issued as separate prints Sherley the Englishman speaks with the voice of the Per- (figs. 31 and 32). The astute German historian Franz sian king and “You shall Credite him in whatsoever you Babinger, who made one of the signal contributions to shall demaunde, or he shal say, as mine owne Person.” … research on Anthony Sherley, writes with categorical insis- This speech act simultaneously lends a powerful boost to tence that Sadeler’s portraits were the model for all copies to the credibility of the “True Report” and establishes the follow and that Custos adapted Sadeler’s models “with minor absolute credibility of Sherley’s embassy in Europe … The changes” for his own.48 This may be true of Custos’s portrait statement repeatedly enacts the living link between of Anthony, in which he is shown not in armor, but in civilian England and Persia through the medium of Anthony’s dress and wearing a chain with a medal of honor. These kinds body, a body that could then be metaphorically figured of changes could have been required by the sitter for the spe- into the corps of a joint Anglo-Persian army … Evoked as cific aims of the print. However, Custos’s portrait of Husain a witness to the accuracy of reported events, this letter departs from that of Sadeler in ways that suggest that it was makes witnesses of its readers to an embassy already metaphor- made in the artist’s studio during the six days of the party’s ically accomplished through the living link of Sherley stay in Augsburg in February 1601. The differences to which I himself.46 refer are the substitution of a fur hat for the Shiite turban and The trouble was that the message was not accepted by the the head itself, in its lighting, facial expression, and details of intended audience. The publication was suppressed twice, and the pose, such as the uncovered ear. Whatever the truth of the the authenticity of its contents doubted. Sherley’s credit was matter, Dominicus’s prints, with different captions than those not restored. At once, he played the media card, lowering of Sadeler, are careful productions and not mechanical copies his pitch, in Parry’s New and large discourse of 1601, to the gen- after Sadeler. eral reader, who was easier to convince. (Parry had left the Finally, when the delegation arrived in Rome, the Italian main party off the Dutch coast to hurry on to London to pre- printmaker Giovanni Orlandi (active 1590–1640) produced pare for Anthony’s re-entry, which never took place.) “As the portraits of the two that do reproduce Sadeler’s likenesses, many … references to the Sherleys during this time attest, though they are shown in reverse, in rectangular format and they were quite popular among the London populace reading with the addition of the coats of arms of the two sitters (figs. 33 and 34). The similarities in composition, format, and lettering of the pairs leave no room for doubt that they came into being in

44 Davies 1967, pp. 195–97. 45 Schleck 2011, p. 70. 47 Ibid., p. 90. 46 Ibid. 48 Babinger 1932, p. 21, note 1.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 90 02.09.13 12:57 tandem. The visual presentation of the sitters follows identical patterns and seems to treat the two men as equals, but, as Babinger has remarked, the captions do not. Whereas in Isfahan, according to Don Juan, Shah ‘Abbas appointed Anthony to “accompany his envoy the Persian ambassador,” here the roles are reversed.49 In all three sets of prints, Anthony is called the legatus or orator, the ambassador, and Husain ‘Ali Beg the socius, companion or concomitant. This is true even of the Persian inscription on Aegidius Sadeler’s por- trait, which goes so far as to call Anthony “the exalted amir- zada,” an honorary title meaning literally “son of the prince.”50 In the struggle for primacy between Anthony and Husain, Anthony clearly had the upper hand. Naturally enough, he will have been the one to provide the engraver with the infor- mation for captions, a position he exploited for his own advan- tage.51 To say that Robert was more aware of the possibilities offered by the visual arts for the propagation of his image is a gross understatement. When he was received by —“after many months”; evidently the Pope was not desperate to meet him—on September 28, 1609,52 he let no grass grow under his feet before seeing to the publication of a portrait engraving by Matthias Greuter, provided with a small vignette of the audience itself (fig. 35). What is most striking about the portrait is that Robert is dressed in Persian garb and wearing a turban of a special kind. Alexandra van Puyvelde of the Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire in Brussels con- firmed upon request that the turban is of a Persian variety, both in its fabric—light, perhaps silk, with a motif of small lozenges—and in its bulk. Also Persian is the upright rod sticking out of it, called a taj, around which the cloth of the turban is wound. The taj was worn from the late fifteenth century on by the Qizilbash, the Turkmen followers of the Safavid shahs, mainly in the military. It was taken on by Per- sians as well; in the seventeenth century it was still in use, though the original long rod had been shortened. The comments on this headdress by Master Safi al- Khansaa’ seem completely appropriate to the case: This was a very special hat, and became a symbol of the Safavid Shah and his power. It was given as a gift by the Persian rulers during this time period, and only those who were supporters of the royalty and his regime could wear them. There are stories of Shah Abbas gifting European

49 Le Strange 1926, p. 233. 50 For the reading, typographical rendition, and translation of this line I am indebted to Thomas Milo. According to Milo, the high quality of the inscription was exceptional in the west, where as a rule even scholars who read Middle Eastern languages were incapable of writing the letters correctly. See Milo 2012. 51 He may not have followed the process through all of its steps. His own name seems to be misspelled in the caption around the frame of Sadeler’s print. SHERLEYNS is engraved where SHERLEYUS would seem to be meant, a mistake that is easy to make in reading a handwritten “U”. However, since the form with “N” is repeated both by Custos and Orlandi, there is the possibility that Anthony somehow or other preferred SHERLEYNS to SHERLEYUS. 52 The audience was recorded in the Diario del ceremoniere of the Vatican: “1609 Septembris 28. Ingressus est Romam dominus comes don Robertus Shcerleys Anglus, alter orator regis Persarum, missus ad Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum post multos menses.” [c. 509B-510] Published in Orbaan 1920, p. 8. Robert is called “the other ambassador.” On August 27, his Persian counterpart had already been received by Roman noblemen.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 91 02.09.13 12:57 Fig. 35 Matthias Greuter (1564–1638), Sir Robert Sherley (with Fig. 36 Diego de Astor (1584–ca. 1650) after Matthias Greuter vignette of his audience with Pope Paul V on September 28, (1564–1638), Sir Robert Sherley, engraving, 17.8 × 12.9 cm 1609), engraving, 14.5 × 9.7 cm (trimmed inside the plate mark) (London, National Portrait Gallery, NPG D33608) (Collection of Loekie and Gary Schwartz, from an album owned by the Earl of Portland, William Bentinck [1649–1707]) Inscribed: as in fig. 35, except for Robert Sherley’s age, which is given as 30. Inscribed: ROBERTVS SHERLEY’ ANGLVS COMES CÆSARE’ EqVES AVRAT’ (Robert Sherley, Englishman, Count in the Emperor’s Supm lic. / MG f. / Si vendino alla Pace (Under license. MG [Initials Order of the Golden Spur) of Matthias Greuter, intertwined] made it. On sale at the [Piazza della] Pace) die 29. septembris (September 29)

Magni Sophi Persarū Legatus ad SSmū D.N./ Paulū P.P.V. Ceterosq. Principes Christianos. Ingress. Ro=/ mam solenni pompa die 28. Septemb. 1609. aetatis sue. 28. (Legate of the Great Sophi, king of Persia, to His Holiness Our Lord Paul V and other Christian princes. Entered Rome in solemn ceremony on the 28th day of September 1609 at the age of 28.)

Supm lic. / MG f. / Si vendino alla Pace / cū priuil.o (Under license. MG [Initials of Matthias Greuter, intertwined] made it. On sale at the [Piazza della] Pace. With privilege.)

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 92 02.09.13 12:58 dignitaries with this hat on very rare occasions, and in personal success for Robert, if not for the interests of the shah. these unique circumstances it was decorated with a Chris- “The Pope made Count Robert a count and a chamberlain of tian crucifix to respect the beliefs of these special recipi- honor, and what was more lucrative, granted him the right to ents. sell blessed rosaries, crosses, medals, and images, although of This hat was also called the Taj-Hayedari, pronounced course the Papal letter was not quite worded in that way.”55 / tazh-high-eh-dahr-ee/, which means “Crown of Haydar.” In the small circles in which they moved, Robert and Wrapped with a cloth turban made of cotton or linen, it Teresia became sights to see for their rich, exotic dress. As the was then sometimes wrapped with a decorative silk layer. representative of the shah, Sherley habitually appeared in The turban was also carefully arranged in order to display honorific high-status Persian attire made of silk and silk twelve distinct symbolic folds. These turbans were prob- velvet; since negotiations concerning the silk trade were part ably sewn on a hat form, rather than wrapped every time, of his brief, this was particularly appropriate. The churchman as they are often seen pictured sitting on a pillow or tipped and historian Thomas Fuller (1608–1661), a near-contempo- on a person’s head intact. As they were given in ceremo- rary, observed that Sherley “much affected to appear in for- nies by the Shah, it would make sense that the entire hat reign Vestes; and, as if his Clothes were his limbs, accounted was sewn together.53 himself never ready till he had something of the Persian Habit If this is correct, then the cross was not added by Robert in about him.”56 People were so accustomed to seeing Sherley in deference to the Pope, as one might think; rather, it was Persian attire that the Venetian ambassador in London com- included in the design by Shah ‘Abbas out of respect for the mented that, exceptionally, “he went in English dress” when religious feelings of non-Muslim protégés like Robert. Ges- he was received by James I in 1611.57 In their Persian guise, tures of this kind as well as occasional suggestive remarks by Robert and Teresia stood for viable contact between East and the shah contributed to the speculation that he was consid- West. Here was an English knight representing—in his very ering converting to Christianity, a supposition upon which body, as Fuller says—an eastern ruler, accompanied by a Christian emissaries like the Sherleys could and did play on in Christian princess of the east. That the knight was moreover Kraków, Rome, and elsewhere. decorated by the Emperor and the Pope added to Robert’s Van Puyvelde goes on to examine Robert’s other gar- significance as a bridge between countries and courts, if not ments: peoples. Robert’s way with religion—sometimes, like Anthony, The cloak he seems to be wearing is only partly visible. propounding adherence to the Catholic church, sometimes to The cloth may well be Persian; ogival and vegetal motifs the church of England, with apparent sympathy for Islam as on velvet, lampas and other fabrics were widely available. well—added to this valuable function. He and Teresia were, The looks like fur, which was fairly common. A however, constantly on the move, which prevented them from non-Persian element in the dress is the clasp at the top of building a “court” of their own where they might have estab- the cape, which I have not encountered in Persian gar- lished a permanent Persian presence in the West in a spirit ments of this kind and which looks European to me. The that rose above confessional differences. As it is, almost every- robe beneath the cape may be Persian. The buttons with thing depended on their appearance and charisma. their decorative horizontal bands (called a “frogged front” And in that respect, at a given fortunate moment, they hit in English) was widespread in Persia, adapted from the jackpot. In the summer of 1622, in Rome, their peregrina- Western models. The band across his chest does not look tions crossed those of an up-and-coming artist who was to Persian to me.54 become the very author of grand appearance and charisma, In the vignette, Sherley kneels on a carpet at the feet of the (1599–1641). Van Dyck was just back from enthroned Pope, who makes a gesture of benediction. Behind his first stay in England, where he executed a confidential him stand three companions in turbans. Seated at the far wall commission for James I and painted what Karen Hearn calls a are four cardinals. The inscriptions frame the image and the “cutting-edge portrait of the leading aristocratic art patron and event rather pompously. Around the portrait in majuscules: collector [Thomas Howard, Lord] Arundel.” These contacts “Robert Sherley, English count, Knight of the Golden Spur of paved the way for portrait commissions of English people in the Emperor.” In the frame of the vignette is the date Sep- . Among them was George Gage (ca. 1582–1638), “who tember 28, 1609, with a tablet below containing the text also had his portrait painted by van Dyck in Rome. It may “Legate of the Great Sophi, king of Persia, to His Holiness have been Gage who recommended van Dyck to the Shir- Our Lord Paul V and other Christian princes. Entered Rome leys.”58 However this may be, during the few weeks between in solemn ceremony on the 28th day of September 1609 at the July 22 and August 29, Van Dyck painted life-size portraits of age of 28.” (Remarkably, in a copy after Greuter’s print by a standing Robert and a seated Teresia (figs. 40 and 41). Tere- Diego de Astor, the same caption is repeated, except that Rob- sia’s somewhat uncomfortable pose may be explainable by ert’s age is changed from 28 to 30 [fig. 36]. Robert’s year of physical infirmity. Twelve years earlier, in Madrid, an birth is not documented, but is assumed to have fallen in 1581, observer had written of the couple: making him 28 or at the most 29 in 1609.) The audience was a

55 Davies 1967, p. 228. 53 “16th-Century Safavid Persian Headwear: Part II; Styles for Men, by Master 56 Quoted in Hearn 2007, p. 52. Safi al-Khansaa’, OL, CB, OM, OT, KOE,” accessed March 31, 2013 at http:// www.scapersianu.com/Class%20Notes/mens_hat.pdf. 57 Davies 1967, p. 236. 54 Alexandra van Puyvelde, in an e-mail of November 7, 2012. 58 Hearn 2007, pp. 40, 52–55.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 93 02.09.13 12:58 Sir Robert came [to the Spanish court] well attended, but with no Englishmen or women, having lost them all in Persia, were some of them were poysoned, and so was he himself and his wife, and she hath not yet totally recov- ered it yet, but it fell down into her legs, and so she passeth with it, but with much pain.59 It would not seem too much to conjecture that Teresia’s com- plaint was not a passing thing, and that she was unable to endure the rigors of sitting for a portrait in any other pose than with splayed legs on a low bench. The chief feature of the portraits is the spectacular gold- and silver-colored attire of the couple. That of Robert is indis- putably Persian; the cloak is surmised to be a khil’at or honor- ific garment of a particular, nearly mystically exalted kind. The shah would invest a departing ambassador with a khil’at as a token of his imperial immanence in the ambassador’s person.60 More exceptional was the right to wear a taj. “Some- times,” wrote Pietro della Valle, quoted by Willem Floor, “His Majesty, as a token of esteem for a foreigner, makes him a Kizilbashi, by bestowing on him the taj, this, however, is rarely the case.” “In fact,” Floor adds to this quotation in para- phrase, “the only person, he [della Valle] learnt, to whom had befallen this honor was Robert Sherley.”61 This is surely one of the high points in Persian-European relations. To my mind it is second only to the gift to ‘Abbas in January 1608 by the bishop of Kraków, Cardinal Bernard Maciejowski (1548– 1608), of one of the great treasures of European art, the Bible Fig. 37 Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Sir Robert Sherley, from 62 of Louis IX (known since 1916 as the Morgan Picture Bible ). Van Dyck’s Italian sketchbook, datable to the period of the sitter’s So numerous and splendid are the illuminations in the manu- visit to Rome between July 22 and August 29, 1622, pen and ink script that no one could imagine it to have been made for on paper, 19.9 × 15.7 cm (London, The British Museum, ME 1957, anyone but a king. The gift was instigated by Pope Clement 1214.206.62r) VIII as part of his drive to bring Persia into the Christian 63 fold. In fact, there might be a close connection between the Inscribed: Ambasciatore de Parsia / in Roma / drapa doro / le figure two events. Within a month of the receipt of this royal gift, e gli foliagi / de colori differenti / de veluto (Ambassador of Persia ‘Abbas released Robert from his semi-captivity, married him in Rome / gold cloth / figures and foliage / [in] velvet of different off to a lady of the Safavid court and dispatched him on his colors) ambassadorial mission. After a stop in Moscow, his first long stay abroad was nowhere else but Kraków. Van Dyck’s Teresia is more down to earth, in color- matching garments of Ottoman or European origin. Three third a sketch for the portrait of Teresia, inscribed habito et drawings made by the artist in preparation for the paintings maniera di Persia (Persian costume and manner). Although this have survived in his Italian sketchbook in the British Museum is not literally true of Teresia’s clothes, Van Dyck endowed her (figs. 37–39). One of them shows Robert in profile rather than with an air that has always been interpreted as one of Oriental frontal pose, with the apparent intent of recording with some magnificence. On the left, a monkey plays with a frame on a precision the cut of his clothing. Van Dyck inscribed the table. In Italy the portraits, which soon passed by inheritance drawing Ambasciatore de Persia in Roma and drapo doro / le figure et into the Egremont Collection in Petworth House, made such gli fogliagi / de colori differenti / de veluto (gold cloth / figures and an impression that they were still being written about half a foliage / [in] velvet of different colors). Another sheet bears the century later. Gian Pietro Bellori wrote in 1672 in his life of slightest outline of the composition of Robert’s portrait and a Anthony van Dyck: “During this time Sir Robert Shirley, an Englishman, had come to Rome while traveling about Chris- tendom as the ambassador of Abbas, king of Persia, who had 59 From a letter by Walsingham Gresley to Sir Thomas Pelham, dated Madrid, sent him primarily to Gregory XV for the campaign against January 22, 1610. Shirley 1848, p. 215. his enemy, the Turk; and Anthony portrayed this gentleman 60 Riding 2008, p. 49. and his wife in Persian dress, enhancing the beauty of the 61 Floor 1999, p. 285. With thanks to Professor Rudolph P. Matthee for referring portraits with the charm of their exotic garments.”64 On the me to this rich, too little known source, with its exhaustive descriptions of Persian costume. 62 New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS 638. 63 Gary Schwartz, Schwartzlist 292, “The caress of civilizations,” available online at www.garyschwartzarthistorian.nl/schwartzlist/?id=128 64 Bellori 2005, p. 254.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 94 02.09.13 12:58 Fig. 38 Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Lady Teresia Sherley, Fig. 39 Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Sir Robert Sherley and from Van Dyck’s Italian sketchbook, datable to the period of the Attendant, study for the painted portrait in Petworth House, sitter’s visit to Rome between July 22 and August 29, 1622, pen from Van Dyck’s Italian sketchbook, pen and ink on paper, 19.9 × and ink, 19.9 × 15.1 cm (London, The British Museum, ME 1957, 15.6 cm (London, The British Museum, ME 1957, 1214.206.63r) 1214.206.61v)

Inscribed: 61 / 57 / habito et maniera di Persia (Persian costume and manner)

basis of information provided by the late Patricia Baker, Karen Stockholm (fig. 26, p. 66). We see the same combination of Hearn ventured the following description of Robert’s dress: large human figures floating in graceful poses on a flat, Robert stands, holding a bow and arrows, wearing his golden cloth that is otherwise adorned with delicately spaced overmantle (or balapush) half off the shoulders, in a charac- floral motifs. teristically Persian style. His folded turban cloth, balapush, To wear these clothes properly, one had to have precise and close-fitting sleeved underrobe (or qaba) would all information, preferably acquired at the Safavid court, as have been made in Persia, probably in the royal tailoring Robert had done. There is every reason to believe that his department which handled the most important honorific attire in the Van Dyck portrait, concerning which the artist garments. Although no textiles identical to those depicted and sitter conferred in detail, is perfectly authentic. One does by van Dyck survive, fragments of similar fabrics—cut and not get the same feeling of complete confidence in Rubens’s voided velvets—are today in the Textile Museum in Wash- portrait in Kassel of the Antwerp merchant Nicolas de ington.65 Respaigne of the following year, 1623 (fig. 54, p. 116), let alone Yet a nearly identical textile does survive. In the present from Rembrandt’s self-portrait in oriental costume of 1633, in volume, Jennifer Scarce illustrates a Persian silk and gold the Musée du Petit Palais, Paris. These paintings of Europeans velvet coat of strikingly similar design to Robert’s, a coat that in oriental clothing, from three countries, are evidence enough Czar Mikhail Romanov presented to Queen Christina of to indicate the existence of a fashion to which the Sherleys Sweden in 1644 and that is preserved in the Royal Armory in contributed not only with portrait commissions but in their public appearances as well. During their last sojourn in England, between December 65 Hearn 2007, p. 52. 1623 and March 1626—probably sooner rather than later in

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 95 02.09.13 12:59 Fig. 40 Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Sir Robert Sherley, 1622, oil on canvas, 200 × 133.4 cm (Petworth House, The Egremont Collection)

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 96 02.09.13 12:59 Fig. 41 Anthony van Dyck (1599-1641), Lady Teresia Sherley, 1622, oil on canvas, 200 × 133.4 cm (Petworth House, The Egremont Collection)

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 97 02.09.13 12:59 Fig. 42 Unknown British artist, Sir Robert Sherley, ca. 1623–25, Fig. 43 Unknown British artist, Lady Teresia Sherley, ca. 1623/24, oil on canvas, 195 × 105 cm (Trustees of the Berkeley Will Trust) oil on canvas, 214 × 124 cm (Trustees of the Berkeley Will Trust)

this period—the Sherleys were painted once more in life size, back of a person sitting there. With her left hand she fingers a this time by an anonymous English painter (figs. 42 and 43).66 watch, often a symbol of transience or death, hanging on a Teresia—in a standing pose that weakens the argument for her bright red ribbon dangling from her waist. The explanations physical impairment—again wears European dress, of a offered so far for this excitingly unusual iconography fail to splendid kind that Sheila Canby compares to the clothing in link convincingly with the imagery. By comparison, Robert is portrait prints of Elizabeth Stuart (1612/13) and Anne of Den- portrayed in a more conventional pose, his left arm akimbo in mark (1616), while “her jewelled crown and veil represent a his side, holding a rod in his extended right hand. He wears variation on the headdress of Isfahani women of the first the same robe as in the portrait by Van Dyck, over a garment quarter of the seventeenth century.”67 In an astonishing detail, of which Canby writes that its pattern “relates to silks pro- Teresia holds a long pistol in her right hand, conspicuously duced in the last quarter of the sixteenth century … Sherley’s silhouetted against a large, empty red chair, as if aiming at the voluminous turban and silk sash would have also [like the robe of honor] been part of the gift of ceremonial costume presented by Shah ‘Abbas.”68 Neither of these pairs of portraits

66 Christine Riding states that Robert was also painted by Richard Greenbury. Riding 2008, p. 49, no source given. 67 Canby 2009, p. 57. 68 Ibid., p. 56.

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buch_persien_DE_EN_produktion_RZ_2_Revision.indd 98 02.09.13 13:00 Fig. 44 The funerary slab for Robert Sherley and Teresia Sampson in S. Maria della Scala, Rome. The inscription reads:

D[eo] O[ptimo] M[aximo] / ROBERTO SHERLEŸO / SIBI POSUIT / ILLIVS OSSIBUS SUISQUE LARIBUS / land, Poland, Muscovy, and the Mogul Empire, ANGLO NOBILISSIMO / COMITI CESAREO EQUITI IN URBEM E PERSIDE / PIETATIS ERGO TRANSLA- distinguished ambassador to other European AURATO / RODULFI II IMPERAT[ori] LEGATO AD TIS / ANNOS NATA LXXIX / MDCLXVIII princes. Theresia Sampsonia, native of the land SCIA ABBAM / REGEM PERSARUM(,) (et) EIUSDEM of the Amazons, daughter of Samphuffus, Prince REGIS SECUNDO / AD ROMANO[s] PONT[ifices] (To God, the Best and Greatest. For Robert of Circassia, set up [this monument] for her most IMPERATOR[es] REGES / HISPANIAE ANGLIAE Sherley, most noble Englishman, , beloved husband and for herself, as a resting POLONIAE MOSCOVIAE / MOGORRI(,) ALIOSQUE Knight of the Golden Spur, Emperor Rudolph II's place for his bones—brought to Rome from Per- EUROPAE PRINCIPES / INCLITO ORATORI / THERE- envoy to Shah Abbas, the King of Persia, (and) sia for dutiful devotion’s sake—and for her own, SIA SAMPSONIA AMAZONITES / SAMPHUFFI CIR- the representative of the same King to the Popes aged seventy-nine. 1668.) CASSIAE PRINCIPIS FILIA / VIRO AMATISSIMO ET of Rome, to Emperors, to the Kings of Spain, Eng-

has ever been on permanent public display, which has limited treaties and contracts. “The Sherley myth” that Roger Savory their impact. Nonetheless they were there, backing up the debunks fed the imaginations and spurred the ambitions of glamorous image of the Three English Brothers and their younger adventurers. Anthony’s fabrications and Robert’s adventures in the East. vanity entered a mix that also included allusions in Shake- “One must inevitably ask oneself if the story of the Sher- speare, the masterful portraits of Van Dyck, and a burgeoning leys is important, and the answer is, of course, that it is not.” body of written and visual facts and imaginings about the With that judgment of David W. Davies, as great an authority East. As futile as they may have been in terms of diplomatic as he may be, and however much I am indebted to him for all history, they were precious incunabula of European orien- that I know about the Sherleys, I can no longer agree. If Rob- talism. Four hundred years after their death, no study of ert’s release in February 1608 and his sojourn in Kraków were Persia and Europe should try to ignore Anthony’s magnilo- reciprocal gestures for the gift to Shah ‘Abbas of the Bible of quence and Robert’s magnificence. Louis IX, he played a key role in a great game between sover- eigns. His mission may have failed, but that was not all there was to it. Legends and myths, costume and fashion, stories and images—let alone superior works of art—are just as much part of the human experience as the successful conclusion of

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Bembo 2007 Bier 1995 Ambrogio Bembo, The Travels and Journal of Ambrosio Bembo, translated Carol Bier, The Persian Velvets at Rosenborg, Copenhagen: De Danske from the Italian by Clara Bargellini, edited and annotated by Anthony Kongers Kronologiske Samling, 1995 Welch, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007 Bivar 1983 Berger Hochstrasser 2007 Adrian D. H. Bivar, “The Political History of under the Arsacids,” in Julie Berger Hochstrasser, Still Life and Trade in the Dutch Golden Age, Harold Bailey, Basil Grayed, and Ehsan Yarshater (eds.), The Cambridge New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2007 , vol. 3: Cambridge et al.: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 21–99 Bergvelt/Kistenmaker 1992 Ellinoor Bergvelt and Renée Kistenmaker (eds.), De wereld binnen S. Blake 1999 handbereik: Nederlandse kunst- en rariteitenverzamelingen, 1585–1735, Stephen P. Blake, Half the World: The Social Architecture of Safavid 2 vols., Amsterdam: Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1992 Isfahan, 1690–1722, Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda, 1999

Bernardini 2011 R. Blake 1999 Michele Bernardini, “Giovan Battista and Gerolamo Vecchietti in Hormuz,” Robert Blake, Anthony van Dyck: A Life, 1599–1641, London: Constable, in Matthee/Flores 2011, pp. 265–81 1999

Biedrońska-Słota 1987 Blazy 2001 Beata Biedrońska-Słota, Kobierce perskie tzw. Polskie: Studium nad Guy Blazy (ed.), Ceintures Polonaises: Quand la Pologne s’habillait à budową i znaczeniem ornamentu w sztuce islamu, PhD dissertation, Lyon …, exh. cat., Lyon: Musée des Tissus, 2001 Kraków: Folia Historiae Artium, 1987 Boase 1950 Biedrońska-Słota 1992 T. S. R. Boase, “A Seventeenth-Century Typological Cycle of Paintings in Beata Biedrońska-Słota, Orient w sztuce polskiej: czerwiec – październik, the Armenian Cathedral at Julfa,” in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Kraków: Muzeum Narodowe, 1992 Institutes, vol. 13, nos. 3/4, 1950, pp. 323–27

Biedrońska-Słota 1999 Bochnak/Buczkowski 1972 Beata Biedrońska-Słota, «Rys dziejów ormiańskich», in Małkiewicz 1999 Adam Bochnak and Kazimierz Buczkowski, Decorative Arts in Poland, Warsaw: Arkady, 1972 Biedrońska-Słota 2002 Beata Biedrońska-Słota, “Cyprys, róża i papuga – swiat perskiej Bol 1949 wyobraźni: Perskie tkaniny jedwabne i kobierce w kolekcjach polskich,” in Laurens J. Bol, “Philips Angel van Middelburg en Philips Angel van Majda 2002a, pp. 67–72 Leiden,” in Oud-Holland, vol. 64, 1949, pp. 3–19

Biedrońska-Słota 2006 Bonnerot 1988 Beata Biedrońska Słota, “Composition of Persian Carpets called Polish,” in H. Bonnerot, La Perse dans la littérature et la pensée françaises au XVIIIe Majda/Parzymies 2006, pp. 285–86 siècle, Paris: Librairie Honoré Champion, 1988

Biedrońska-Słota 2010a Bontekoe 1646 Beata Biedrońska Słota (ed.), Sarmatyzm: Sen o poledze/Sarmatism: Willem Ysbrandtsz. Bontekoe, Verhael ofte Gedenckwaerdige A Dream of Power, exh. cat., Stanisław Wyspiański Muzeum, Kraków: Beschrijvinghe van de Oost-Indische Reyse van Willem Ysbrantsz Bonte-koe Drukarnia Pasaż, 2010 van Hoorn, Amsterdam: Joost Hartgers, 1646

Biedrońska-Słota 2010b Boyce 1979 Beata Biedrońska Słota, “Classical Carpets in Poland,” in HALI: Carpet, Mary Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices, London: Textile and Islamic Art, no. 163, 2010, pp. 74–82 Routledge, 1979

Biedrońska-Słota et al. 2009 Braat et al. 1980 Beata Biedrońska-Słota, Dorota Malarczyk, and Barbara Mękarska, J. Braat, J.P. Filedt Kok, J.H. Hofenk de Graaff, and P. Poldervaart, “Poland II, Persian Art and Artifacts in Polish Collections,” in “Restauratie, conservatie en onderzoek van de op Nova Zembla Encyclopaedia Iranica (available online at www.iranicaonline.org, last gevondenen zestiende-eeuwse prenten,” in Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum, updated February 20, 2009) vol. 28, 1980, pp. 43–79

Bier 1987 Brancaforte 2003 Carol Bier (ed.), Woven from the Soul, Spun from the Heart: Textile Arts of Elio Brancaforte, Visions of Persia: Mapping the Travels of Adam Olearius, Safavid and Qajar Iran, 16th–19th Centuries, exh. cat., Washington, Cambridge, MA, et al.: Harvard University Press, 2003 DC: The Textile Museum, 1987

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Clarke 1956 Davies 1967 Kenneth Clarke, The Nude: A Study of Ideal Art, London: Murray, 1956 David W. Davies, Elizabethans Errant: The Strange Fortunes of Sir Thomas Sherley and His Three Sons, as well in the Dutch Wars as in Muscovy, Clusius 1605 Morocco, Persia, Spain, and the Indies, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Carolus Clusius, Exoticorum libri decem, quibus animalium, plantarum, Press, 1967 aromatum, aliorumque peregrinorum fructuum historiae describuntur, Leiden: Raphelengius, 1605 Davies 1986 H. Neville Davies, “Pericles and the Sherley Brothers,” in E. A. J. Cosmographia 1990 Honigmann (ed.), Shakespeare and His Contemporaries: Essays in Claudii Ptolemaei Cosmographia: Tavole della geografia di Tolomeo, Comparison, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986, pp. 94–113 Edizione delle tavole del codice lat. V.F. 32 (sec. XV) della Bibliotheca Nationale die Napoli, edited by Lelio Pagani, Torriana: Orsa Maggiore, De Bruijn 1711 1990 Cornelis de Bruins reizen over Moskovie, door Persie en Indie: verrykt met driehondert konstplaten, vertoonende de beroemste lantschappen en Crowe 2002 steden, ook de byzondere dragten, beesten, gewassen en planten, die Yolande Crowe, Persia and China: Safavid Blue and White Ceramics in the daer gevonden worden: voor al dervelver oudheden, en wel voornamentlyk Victoria and Albert Museum, 1501–1738, Geneva: Georg Burner, 2002 heel uitvoerig, die van het heerlyke en van oudts de geheele werrelt door befaemde Hof van , by the Persiaenen Tchilminar genaemt. Alles DaCosta Kaufmann 1999 door den auteur zelf met groote naeukeurigheit na ’t leven afgetekent, en Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, “Definition and Self-Definition in Polish noit voor deze in ’t ligt gebragt, Amsterdam: Willem und David Goeree, Culture and Art. 1572–1764,” in Jan K. Ostrowski (ed.), Art in Poland, 1711 (2nd ed. 1714) 1572–1764: Land of the Winged Horsemen, , VA, et al.: Art Services International et al., 1999 De Bruijn 1718 Voyages de Corneille le Brun par la Moscovie, en Perse, et aux Indes D’Alessandri 1873 orientales: ouvrages enrichi de plu de 220 tailles douces, des plus Vincentio d’Alessandri, “Narrative of the Most Noble Vincentio curieuses, représentant le plus belles vuës de ces païs; leurs principales d’Alessandri,” in Edward Grey (ed.), A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia villes; les differens habillemens des peuples, qui habitent ces regions in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century, London: Printed for the Hakluyt eloignées; les animaux, les oiseaux, les poissons & les plantes Society, 1873, pp. 211–29 extraordinaires, qui s’y trouvent; avec les antiquitez de ces païs, & particulierement celles du fameux palais de Persepolis, que les Perses Danti 1995 appellent Chelminar; le tout dessiné d’après nature sur les lieux; on y a Ignazio Danti (ed.), Le tavole geografiche della guardaroba medicea ajouté la route qu’a suivie Mr. Isbrants, ambassadeur de Moscovie, en di Palazzo Vecchio in Firenze/ The Geographical Panels in the Medici traversant la Russie & la Tartarie, pour se rendre à la Chine; et quelques Guardaroba of Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, Ponte S. Giovanni: Benucci, remarques contre Mrs. Chardin & Kempfer, avec une lettre écrite à l’auteur, 1995 sur ce sujet, Amsterdam: Wetstein, 1718

Daston 2000 Decorum 1980 Lorraine Daston (ed.), Biographies of Scientific Objects, Chicago: University Decorum w ’zyciu Sarmatów w XVII i XVIII wieku, exh. cat., Warsaw: of Chicago Press, 2000 Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, 1980

Davanzo Poli 1984 De Gouvea 1611 Doretta Davanzo Poli, I mestieri della moda a Venezia nei sec. XIII–XVIII: António de Gouvea, Relaçam em quem se tratao as guerras e grandes Documenti, 2 vols., [Venice:] Associazione degli industriali della provincia victories que alcancou o grande Rey da Peresia Xa Abas do Grao Turco di Venezia et al., 1984 Mahometo e seu filho Amette as quaes resultarao das embaxaidas que pr mandado da Catholica Real magestade de Rey D. Filippe II de Poretugal Davanzo Poli 1988 fizereao alguns religiosos da Ordem dos Eremeitaas de Santo Agostinho a Doretta Davanzo Poli (ed.), I mestieri della moda a Venezia dal XIII al XVIII Persia, Lisbon: Por Pedro Crasbeeck, 1611 secolo/The Crafts of the Venetian Fashion Industry from the Thirteenth to the Eighteenth Century, exh. cat., Venice: Ed. del Cavallino, 1988 De Groot 1978 A. H. de Groot, The and the Dutch Republic: A History of Davanzo Poli 2004 the Earliest Diplomatic Relations, 1610–1630, Leiden et al.: Nederlands Doretta Davanzo Poli (ed.), Capolavori di seta e oro: cinture della Historisch-Archäologisch Instituut Leiden, 1978 (2nd ed. Istanbul: Artpres, nobiltà polacca dei secoli XVII e XVIII/Silk and Gold Masterpieces: Polish 2012) Noblemen’s from the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, exh. cat., Venice et al.: Fondazione Querini Stampalia, 2004 Della Valle 1843 Pietro della Valle, Viaggi di Pietro della Valle il pellegrino, 2 vols., Rome: Davies 1961 appresso Vitale Mascarde, 1650–53 (reprint Brighton: Gancia, 1843) David W. Davies, A Primer of Dutch Seventeenth Century Overseas Trade, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1961

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Fijalkowski 1986 Fryer 1909 Wojciech Fijalkowski, “Orient w Wilanowie: Szkic do obrazu kultury John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia being Nine Year’s artystycznej Wschodu i jej europejskich mutacji w dawnej rezydencji Jana Travels, edited by Willam Crooke, 3 vols., London: Hakluyt Society, 1909 III Sobieskiego,” in Karwowska 1986, pp. 141–59 Geijer 1951 Finlay 2010 Agnes Geijer, Oriental Textiles in Sweden, Copenhagen: Rosenkilde & Robert Finlay, The Pilgrim Art: Cultures of Porcelain in World History, Bagger, 1951 Berkeley, CA, et al.: University of California Press, 2010 Gerson 1942 Flannery 2013 Horst Gerson, Ausbreitung und Nachwirkung der holländischen Malerei des John M. Flannery, The Mission of the Portuguese Augustinians to Persia 17. Jahrhunderts, Haarlem: F. Bohn, 1942 (amended reprint by Bert Meijer and Beyond (1602–1747), Leiden: Brill, 2013 in Amsterdam: B. M. Israël, 1983)

Floor 1979 Gembarzewski 1926 Willem M. Floor, “Dutch Painters in Iran during the First Half of the 17th Bronisław Gembarzewski, Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie: wybór i opis Century,” in Persica: Jaarboek voor het Genootschap Nederland-Iran, celniejszych zabytków i dzieł sztuki, Kraków: Drukarnia narodowa, 1926 vol. 8, 1979, pp. 145–61 Ghani 2008 Floor 1999 Cyrus Ghani, Shakespeare, Persia & the East, Washington, DC: Mage, 2008 Willem M. Floor, The Persian Textile Industry in Historical Perspective, 1500-1925, Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999 Ghannam 1998 Nadia S. Ghannam, Richard Kowall, and Carolyn Tomkiewicz, “Appendix: Floor 2002 Materials of a Group of Persian Paintings,” in Diba 1998, pp. 283–86 Willem M. Floor, “The Talar-i Tavila or Hall of Stables: A Forgotten Safavid Palace,” in Muqarnas, vol. 19, 2002, pp. 149–63 Ghobrial 2012 John-Paul A. Ghobrial, “Stories Never Told: The First Arabic History of the Floor 2008 New World”, The Journal of Ottoman Studies, vol. 40, 2012, pp. 259–282 Willem M. Floor, A Social History of Sexual Relations in Iran, Washington, DC: Mage, 2008 Goetz 1938a Hermann Goetz, “Persians and Persian Costumes in Dutch Painting of the Floor 2009 Seventeenth Century,” in The Art Bulletin, vol. 20, no. 3, September 1938, Willem M. Floor, “Dutch-Persian Relations,” in Gosselink/Tang 2009, pp. 280–90 pp. 145–61 Goetz 1938b Floor 2011 Hermann Goetz, “Oriental Types and Scenes in Renaissance and Baroque Willem M. Floor, “Clocks,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica (available online at Painting – II,” in The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, vol. 73, www.iranicaonline.org, last updated October 21, 2011) no. 426, September 1938, pp. 105–15

Floor/Faghfoory 2004 Goldgar 2007 Willem M. Floor and Mohammad H. Faghfoory, The First Dutch-Persian Ann Goldgar, Tulipmania: Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Commercial Conflict: the Attack on Qeshm Island, 1645, Costa Mesa, Golden Age, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007 CA: Mazda, 2004 Goodrich 1990 Floor/Herzig 2012 Thomas A. Goodrich, The Ottoman Turks and the New World: A Study of Willem M. Floor and Edmund Herzig (eds.), Iran and the World in the Tarih-i Hind-i garbi and Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Americana, Wiesbaden: Safavid Age, London et al.: Tauris, 2012 Harrassowitz, 1990

Flori 2007 Gordenker 1999 Jean Flori, L’Islam et la fin des temps: L’interprétation prophétique des Emilie E. S. Gordenker, “The Rhetoric of Dress in Seventeenth-Century invasions musulmanes dans le chrétienté médiévale, Paris: Seuil, 2007 Dutch and Flemish Portraiture,” in The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, vol. 57, 1999, pp. 87–104 Fock 2001 C. Willemijn Fock, “Semblance or Reality? The Domestic Interior in Gosselink 2009 Seventeenth-Century Dutch Genre Painting,” in Westerman 2001a, Martine Gosselink, “Dutch Graves in Esfahan,” in Gosselink/Tang 2009, pp. 83–101 pp. 154–58

Fruba 1981 Hanna Fruba, “Antoni Jan Strzałecki (1844–1934),” in Rocznik Warszawski, vol. 16, 1981, pp. 239–62

306

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Kevorkian 1926 Langer 2006 Hagop Kevorkian, The Arts of Persia and Other Countries of Islam: Axel Langer, Blauer Lotos – weisser Drache: Blau-weisse Keramik aus Asien H. Kevorkian Collection, New York: The Anderson Galleries, und Europa, exh. cat., Zurich: Museum Rietberg, 2006 1926 (available as an eBook at: www.gutenberg.net) L’art de la soie 2002 Keyvani 1982 L’art de la soie – Prelle, 1752–2002: Des ateliers lyonnais aux palais Mehdi Keyvani, Artisans and Guild Life in the Late Safavid Period, parisiens, exh. cat., Musée Carnavalet, Paris: Paris Musées et al., 2002 Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, vol. 65, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1982 Lemaire de Belges 1997 Koeman 1997–2010 Jean Lemaire de Belges, Traicté de la différence des schisms et des conciles Cornelis Koeman, Koeman’s Atlantes Neerlandici, compiled by Peter C. J. de l’église avec l’Histoire du Prince Sophy et autres œuvres, edited by van der Krogt, 4 vols., ‘t Goy-Houten: HES & de Graaf, 1997–2010 Jennifer Britnell, Geneva: Droz, 1997

Krasnowolska 1987 Lentz/Lowry 1989 Anna Krasnowolska, “Iranian Studies in Poland,” in Iranian Studies, Thomas W. Lentz and Glenn D. Lowry, Timur and the Princely Vision: vol. 20, no. 2/4, 1987, pp. 179–221 Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century, Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, 1989 Krusinski 1733 Tadeusz Jan Krusinski, The History of the Late Revolutions of Persia, 2 vols., Lesger 2006 London: Printed for J. Pemberton, 1733 (reprint: London: Tauris, 2013) Clé Lesger, The Rise of the Amsterdam Market and Information Exchange: Merchants, Commercial Expansion and Change in the Spatial Economy of Kuehni 2010 the Low Countries, c. 1550–1630, Aldershot et al.: Ashgate, 2006 Traité de la peinture au pastel (Treatise on pastel painting) In Anonymous (C. B.), Traité de la peinture en mignature (Treatise on miniature painting), Le Strange 1926 The Hague: van Dole, 1708 – An English translation with a speculative Guy Le Strange (trans. and ed.), Don Juan of Persia: A Shi’ah Catholic, essay on its authorship by Rolf G. Kuehni, 2010 (available online) 1560–1604, London: Routledge, 1926 (reprint: New York: Harper & Brothers, 2007) Kunstschätze aus Iran 1963 Kunstschätze aus Iran, exh. cat., Österreichisches Museum für Lettieri 1980 Angewandte Kunst, Vienna: Bundesministerium für Unterricht, 1963 Daniel Lettieri, “Text, Narrative and Tradition: Scenes from Esther by Aert de Gelder,” in The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal, vol. 8, 1980, pp. 69–86 Kurz 1977 Otto Kurz, Selected Studies, vol. 1: The Decorative Arts of Europe & The Leupe 1873 Islamic East, London: The Dorian Press, 1977 [Pieter Arend] Leupe, “Nederlandsche schilders in Persië en Hindostan, in de eerste helft der 17de eeuw,” in De Nederlandsche Spectator, June 23, Lach 1965–77 1873, 33rd ed., pp. 260–63, and August 23, 1873, 34th ed., pp. 265–66 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, 2 vols. in 5, Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press, 1965–77 Liedtke 2000 Walter Liedtke, A View of Delft: Vermeer and his Contemporaries, Zwolle: Landau/Parshall 1994 Waanders, 2000 David Landau and Peter Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 1470–1550, New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1994 Liedtke 2007 Walter Liedtke, Dutch Paintings in the Metropolitan Museum, 2 vols., Landau 2007 New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2007 Amy Landau, Farangī-sāzī at Isfahan: the Court Painter Muhammad Zamān, the Armenians of New Julfa and Shāh Sulaymān (1666–1694), PhD Link-Lenczowska et al. 2011 dissertation, Oxford University, 2007 Stanisława Link-Lenczowska, Joanna Winiewicz-Wolska, and Maria Podlodowska-Reklewska (eds.), Sapiehowie: Kolekcjonerzy i Mecenasi, exh. Landau 2011 cat., Kraków: Zamek Krolewski na Wawelu, 2011 Amy S. Landau, “From Poet to Painter: Allegory and Metaphor in a Seventeenth-Century Persian Painting by Muhammad Zaman, Master of Lohse Belkin 1980 Farangi-Sazi,” in Muqarnas, vol. 28, 2011, pp. 101–13 Kristin Lohse Belkin, The Costume Book (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard 24), Brussels: Arcade, 1980 Landau 2012 Amy S. Landau, “European Religious Iconography in : Loloi 2012 Decoration and Patronage of Medyani Bet`ghehem (Bethlehem of the Parvin Loloi, “The Image of the Safavids in English and French Literature Maydan),” in Floor/Herzig 2012, pp. 425–46 (1500–1800),” in Floor/Herzig 2012, pp. 347–56

309

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Schulthess 1817 Sims 1979 Johannes Schulthess, Der Schweizer Christlieb: Höchst merkwürdige Eleanor Sims, “Late Safavid Painting: The Chehel Sutun, the Armenian Schicksale und preiswürdiges Märterthum Joh. Rudolf Stadlers, des Houses, the Oil Paintings,” in Akten des VII. Internationalen Kongresses für Uhrmachers von Zurich, zu Ispahan in Persien, Zurich: Joh. Caspar Näf, Iranische Kunst und Archäologie, München, 7.–10. September 1976, Berlin: 1817 Reimer, 1979, pp. 408–18

Schwartz 2006 Sims 1983 Gary Schwartz, The Rembrandt Book, New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2006 Eleanor Sims, “The European Print Sources of Paintings by the Seventeenth-Century Persian Painter, Muhammad-Zamān ibn Hājī Yusūf Schwartz 2009 of Qum,” in Henri Zerner (ed.), Le stampe e la diffusione delle immagini Gary Schwartz, “Safavid Favour and Company Scorn: The Fortunes of e degli stili/Prints and the transfer of images and styles, Atti del XXIV Dutch Painters to the Shah,” in Gosselink/Tang 2009, pp. 133–54 Congresso internazionale di storia dell’arte, Bologna September 10–18, 1979, vol. 8, Bologna: CLUEB, 1983, pp. 73–83 Seipel 2000 Wilfried Seipel (ed.), Exotica. Portugals Entdeckungen im Spiegel fürstlicher Sims 1999 Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Renaissance, Milan: Skira, 2000 Eleanor Sims, “Islamic Art in London”, in: HALI: Carpet, Textile, and Islamic Art, no. 102, 1999, p. 121 Shamlu 1995 Vali Quli bin Davud Quli Shamlu, Qisas al-Khaqani, vol. 2, ed. by S. Nasiri, Sims 2001 : Vizarat-i farhang va irshad-i islami, 1995 Eleanor Sims, “Towards a Monograph on the 17th-Century Iranian Painter Muhammad Zaman Ibn Haji Yusuf,” in Islamic Art, vol. 5, 2001, Shand 1983 pp. 183–99 G. B. Shand, “Source and Intent in Middleton’s Sir Robert Sherley,” in Renaissance and Reformation/Renaissance et Réforme, vol. 7, November Sims 2002 1983, pp. 257–64 Eleanor Sims, Peerless Images: Persian Painting and Its Sources, New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 2002 Shirley 1848 Evelyn Philip Shirley, The Sherley Brothers: An Historical Memoir of the Sims 2011 Lives of Sir Thomas Sherley, Sir Anthony Sherley, and Sir Robert Sherley, Eleanor Sims, “17th-Century Safavid Persian Oil Paintings in the Museum , by One of the Same House (printed for the members of the of Islamic Art,” paper given at “God is Beautiful, He Loves Beauty: The Roxburghe Club), Chiswick: from the press of Charles Whittingham, 1848 Object in Islamic Art and Culture,” Fourth Biennial Hamad bin Khalifa Symposium on Islamic Art, Doha, Qatar, October 31, 2011 (available on- Shirley 1986 line at podcast.islamicartdoha.org/2011/eleanor-sims/) Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World, London: Holland Press, 1986 Siraisi 2007 Shreve Simpson 2002 Nancy G. Siraisi, History, Medicine, and the Traditions of Renaissance Marianne Shreve Simpson, “Shah Abbas and His Picture Bible,” in William Learning, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2007 Noel and Daniel Weiss, The Book of Kings: Art War and the Morgan Library’s Medieval Picture Bible, London et al.: Millennium Publishers, Slatkes 1983 2002, pp. 120–44 Leonard J. Slatkes, Rembrandt and Persia, New York: Abaris Books, 1983

Shreve Simpson 2011 Smith 2010 Marianne Shreve Simpson, “Gifts for the Shah: An Episode in Hapsburg- Steven Lynn Smith, A Friend or a Foe: Popular Perceptions of Persia in Safavid Relations during the Reign of Philip III and ‘Abbas I,” in Linda England, 1598–1688, PhD dissertation, University of California, Santa Komaroff (ed.), Gifts of the Sultan: The Art of Giving at the Islamic Courts, Barbara, 2010 New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2011, pp. 125–39 Snodin/Llewellyn 2009 Sierakowska-Dyndo 2002 Michael Snodin and Nigel Llewellyn, Baroque, 1620–1800: Style in the Age Jolanta Sierakowska-Dyndo, “Rzeczpospolita Polska i Persja – wzajemne of Magnificence, London: V&A Publishing, 2009 kontakty,” in Majda 2002a, pp. 48–58 Soucek 1992 Sievernich/Budde 1989 Priscilla Soucek, “Ethnicity in the Islamic Figural Tradition: The Case of the Gereon Sievernich und Hendrik Budde (eds.), Europa und der Orient ‘Turk,’” in Tarih, vol. 2, 1992, pp. 73–103 800–1900, Gütersloh/Munich: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag, 1989 Soucek 1994 Sims 1976 Svat Soucek, “Piri Reis and Ottoman Discovery of the Great Discoveries,” Eleanor Sims, “Five Seventeenth-Century Safavid Oil Paintings,” in in Studia Islamica, vol. 79, 1994, pp. 121–42 Robinson 1976a, pp. 223–48

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EXFKBSHUVLHQB'(B(1BSURGXNWLRQB5=BB5HYLVLRQLQGG    Vincent 2002 Wilson 1931 Clare Vincent, “Some Seventeenth-Century French Painted Enamel Arnold Talbot Wilson, Catalogue of the International Exhibition of Persian Watchcases,” in Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 37, 2002, pp. 89–106 Art, London: Office of the Exhibition, 1931

Vincent 2012 Wood 2000 Clare Vincent, “Jacques Goullons,” in Wolfram Koeppe et al., Decorative Barry D. Wood, “A Great Symphony of Pure Form: The 1931 International Arts in the Robert Lehman Collection, New York: The Metropolitan Exhibition of Persian Art and Its Influence,” in Linda Komaroff (ed.), Museum of Art, 2012, pp. 78–83 Exhibiting the Middle East: Collections and Perceptions of Islamic Art, Ann Arbor, MI: Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan, 2000 Vlieghe 1987 H. Vlieghe, Rubens Portraits of Identified Sitters Painted in Antwerp (Corpus Worp 1891 Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard 19/2), London/New York: Harvey Nichols, J. A. Worp, “Constantijn Huygens over de schilders van zijn tijd,” in Oud 1987 Holland, vol. 9, 1891, pp. 106–36

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