ART-SEE Journal of Undergraduate Research in Art History
Published by undergraduate students of the department of Art History
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Volume 2 May 2014
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ART-SEE Volume 2
Editor in Chief: Nicole Gencarelli
Editors: Melissa Crouch, Kelsey B
Faculty Advisor: Dr. Irene Kabala
ARTSEE is an annual online journal published by the undergraduate students of the Art History department at Indiana University of Pennsylvania. ARTSEE promotes the original research by undergraduate students in the various fields of Art History. Each volume is edited by a dedicated group of students and is overviewed by the Assistant Chair of the Art Department and established art historian Irene Kabala. The papers presented here are selected for their strong contribution to existing scholarship and show the best work of IUP’s undergraduate students.
The papers currently published focus in various Western Art fields including Ancient and Medieval Art, Italian and Northern Renaissance, and Baroque.
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ART-SEE Volume 2
Articles
Brunelleschi: Exploring the Influence and Innovation behind Brunelleschi’s Pazzi Chapel
Hannah E. Vought
George de La Tour’s Mary Magdalene as Melancholy
Nicole Gencarelli
Lavinia Fontana: The Woman who Conquered the Patriarchy of the Italian Renaissance
Lindsay Woodbury
Politics, Prejudice and Pastel: The Allegories of Rosalba Carriera
Kelsey Bryner
Symbols of Power at the Villa Farnese in Viterbo, Italy
Melissa Crouch
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Brunelleschi: Exploring the Influence and Innovation behind Brunelleschi’s Pazzi Chapel
Hannah E. Vought
Nestled within the first cloister of Santa Croce in Florence, Italy, the Pazzi Chapel is simple and restrained, with the subtle sophistication that defines Italian Renaissance architecture. Designed by Filippo Brunelleschi as a chapter house, the chapel was located behind the altar for the burial of Pazzi family members. The primary purpose of the chapel was to display the power and wealth of the Pazzi Family, a rival of the Medici Family. Andrea Pazzi gave the commission for the chapel to Brunelleschi in 1429. Construction began in 1441 and was not completed until 1460 (Saalman, Brunelleschi: The Buildings 229) by dedicated followers after Brunelleschi’s death in 1446 (Barolsky, 228). The brilliant marriage of classical inspiration and modern innovation makes the Pazzi Chapel a perfect example of early Italian Renaissance architecture. The inspiration for Brunelleschi chapel lies in the ideals of the past. Brunelleschi created a “clean, unornamented fusion of Classical, Gothic, and Romanesque architecture” (Clinton, 58). His study of the classical architecture of Rome combined with his own innovation produced a masterpiece of Italian Renaissance architecture. This article will explore the Pazzi Chapel, what inspired Brunelleschi’s design, what classical elements he incorporated, and how he used these elements to create something completely new. To begin to understand the brilliance of Brunelleschi’s design, one must explore his early life, when he first fell in love with classic ideals.
Filippo Brunelleschi began his education in his father’s footsteps in a guild of notaries and judges, but his real passion and talent flourished in design Scott, (5-7). His growing design talent led to a change in his education. He enrolled in the Arte della Seta, the silk guild of Florence) in December of 1398 and chose to graduate among the goldsmiths, a division of the guild (Scott, 5-7). Here Brunelleschi was exposed to a full spectrum of artistic training from modelers, metal workers, and painters and excelled in an array of techniques. Brunelleschi’s biographer, Manetti, is stated that “he became in a short time a perfect master… he succeeded in everything he touched” (Scott, 8). Brunelleschi also spent time studying the sciences, including mathematics, which led to his mastery of proportions as well as his development of perspective (Scott, 8). Following his education, Brunelleschi traveled to Rome to study classical ruins. It was here that Brunelleschi found his inspiration. He would spend days inspecting and drawing plans of ruins, measuring 5 walls, calculating proportions, studying masonry, all the time writing notes and calculations (Scott, 26). As he continued to study, he differentiated between the three classical orders and made notes and drawings of Doric, Ionic and Corinthian capitals, which he later incorporated into his designs. Most importantly, Brunelleschi studied how the Roman’s built their domes by spending hours staring at the dome of the Pantheon and studying its construction (Scott, 28). The years spent in Rome had a profound effect on Brunelleschi and he returned to Florence with new ideas and inspiration. Brunelleschi, was so enthralled by what he saw and learned in Rome, was determined to “restore a more pure and simple grandeur to the art” of architecture (Scott, 26).
The two or three years Brunelleschi spent in Rome had a profound effect on his future work. This influence is clear in the Pazzi Chapel. These influences range from obvious to subtle. Brunelleschi revived many classical architectural elements: the prostyle plan, columns and capitals based on the classical orders, façade details, the use of roundels, oculus and clerestory windows, the rounded arch, and coffered ceilings. Using these elements with a few new ideas, Brunelleschi created a space that a modern viewer can understand and appreciate. Brunelleschi used architectural elements and materials to clearly emphasize important elements and visually explain the significance and proportion of space to viewers. Humanism and the emphasis on universal understanding were essential to Brunelleschi’s innovation and the entire Renaissance movement. Brunelleschi combined Classical elements and his own modern innovation to design the Pazzi Chapel, a masterpiece of Italian Renaissance architecture.
The first Roman influence seen in the Pazzi chapel is its plan. Based on the plan of a prostyle Roman temple, the chapel has a basic, rectangular plan with single row of columns on the front of the building creating a portico. Brunelleschi would have seen examples of prostyle buildings, such as the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, while traveling in Rome (West, 16). This simple plan works wonderfully for the Pazzi Chapel, as the portico connects the chapel with the cloister of Santa Croce to create a seamless walkway around the courtyard. The square plan may have also been influenced by more modern ideas. Medieval architecture often used the square plan topped with a circular dome. This plan dominated religious architecture of the middle and late Byzantine period, seen in Hagia Sophia in Constantinople and the Cattolica di Stilo in southern Italy (West, 46). The simple geometric forms of the circle and square were powerful religious symbols in the Middle Ages. The perfectly circular dome symbolizing heaven rests above 6 the solid, structural square representing earth (Stemp, 137). This use of the circle and square can also be seen on the façade of the building and the interior elevations. The façade features many small roundels within the entablature. Above the entablature, square-shaped moldings frame the semicircular archivolt above the entry door. The façade features a roundel above the door. The interior elevations also make use of the circle and square. The square walls merge into semicircular vaults then into the hemispherical dome. The circle is repeated throughout the chapel in the form of roundels featuring important Biblical characters. Brunelleschi’s use of modern symbolism and classical form unite past and present to create a space that can be understood by many and represents the study of both classical and modern architecture.
Brunelleschi clearly found inspiration for the chapel in his studies of the classical architecture of Rome, specifically the Pantheon. The Pantheon, a massive pagan temple dedicated to all gods, seems to be a strange source of inspiration for a relatively modest, Christian chapel (MacDonald, 25). This is perhaps a
Dome of the Pazzi Chapel with roundels representation, like so many other
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org Christian churches reflecting pagan architecture, to demonstrate the conquering of Christianity over the pagan gods. Looking at the Pantheon, there is a clear play with the circle and square, in the plan, the elevations, and even the flooring of the building. Brunelleschi’s Pazzi Chapel incorporates many elements from the Pantheon, especially in the building’s elevation. Looking at the façade of the Brunelleschi’s chapel, the resemblance to the Pantheon is striking. The square façade of columns supporting an entablature with a hemispherical dome rising behind it is clearly inspired by the much larger Pantheon (MacDonald, 111). The somewhat blunt transition between the façade and the dome is seen in both structures (Jones, 201). Both structures feature a front portico of columns with an interior wall with the central entrance flanked by rounded arches. 7
The Pantheon’s façade is set with niches in the shape of rounded arches while the façade of the Pazzi Chapel features windows repeating the shape. The various columns used throughout the chapel are also inspired by those of the Pantheon. The Pantheon features smooth columns on the exterior and fluted columns and pilasters on the interior, both crowned with compound capitals, combining Ionic and Corinthian orders (MacDonald, 64). Brunelleschi’s use of
Exterior View of the Pazzi Chapel columns and pilasters will be discussed in
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org greater detail later in this article. The use of a central hemispherical dome in both structures is a clear representation of heaven. The rounded archivolt that interrupts the entablature on the interior of the Pantheon is repeated on the façade and interior wall of the Pazzi Chapel above the entrance. Brunelleschi spent much of his time in Rome studying the coffered ceiling and dome of the Pantheon (Scott, 28). Those elements are both seen in the design of the chapel, although they are not used in conjunction as they are in the Pantheon. The parallels between Brunelleschi’s Pazzi Chapel and the Roman Pantheon are striking and deliberate. His respect for classical Roman architecture and design are clear in his extensive use of classical elements.
Another Roman influence in the Pazzi Chapel can be seen in Brunelleschi’s columns. Both his use of composite capitals and the use of columns to delineate spatial significance refer to Roman and Medieval architecture. Composite capitals, which combined the Ionic and Corinthian order, were used throughout the Pantheon, but became popular during the Middle Ages for churches dedicated to The Virgin Mary or other female saints due to its delicate appearance (West, 55). Many Roman temples used varying orders to define the significance of various spaces; using the simple Doric order for exteriors and public spaces, Ionic order for interior more private spaces, and elaborate Corinthian order for private or sacred spaces. Brunelleschi adapted this concept in the Pazzi Chapel, although all of the columns feature a composite capital and the 8 increasing complexity of design is perhaps more subtle. The columns on the exterior of the portico are composed of non-fluted, slightly tapered shafts with composite capitals containing two rows of acanthus leaves topped with volutes (Saalman, Brunelleschi: Capital Studies 20). They echo the non-fluted columns used in the cloister surrounding the chapel. These are the simplest of the columns used throughout the Pazzi Chapel, although they are also the only true columns. Along the inner wall of the portico, the columns become slightly more complex. The exterior columns are reflected as pilasters along the inner wall with the addition of fluting on the shaft. The capitals of the pilasters are identical to those on the exterior portico (Saalman, Brunelleschi: Capital Studies, 25). The pilasters used throughout the interior are almost identical to those used in the portico, with slight variation. One slight difference between the portico pilasters and the interior pilasters can be seen in the capitals. While both feature two rows of acanthus leaves, the acanthus leaves used in the interior capitals consist of seven units, while those used in the portico capitals contain five units (Saalman, Brunelleschi: Capital Studies 21) . These pilasters feature fluting as well, but of a slightly more complex design. The fluting on these pilasters includes a slight change in depth, starting as a shallow illusion of fluting near the base, called cabling, and suddenly turning into full relief fluting(Curl, 68). This slight variation may have been incorporated to create a subtle horizontal division of space within the interior of the chapel. The change in fluting alters the spatial perception of the space, making the columns appear taller. The exterior columns and interior pilasters were also used to define proportions. The intercolumnation creates a unit of space that defines the proportions of the entire chapel. The columns and pilasters of the Pazzi Chapel meld modern design with classical orders, creating a new representation and application of the classic column.
The façade of the Pazzi Chapel incorporates a variety of classical details. The façade is arranged in the same way as those of classical Roman buildings. Columns, grounded on a stylobate, support an entablature containing three horizontal components: an architrave, a frieze, and a cornice. In the frieze there are relief carvings, while the architrave and cornice consist of decorative molding. Above the entablature, Brunelleschi varies from a typical classical façade by adding an attic. The attic is divided into bays by double pilasters, corresponding with the columns below (fig. 6 and 12). The classical details do not end with the façade. The entryway features several classical elements with modern influence (fig. 7). Within the entablature, the architrave features “two very classical genii, holding a bay wreath, encircling the Pazzi arms, two upright 9
dolphins and five crosses” (Scott, 105). This creates a marriage of classical and modern images: the Genii holding the bay wreath and the Pazzi arms. Above the entablature, sits a triangular pediment. Brunelleschi designed the pediment after carefully studying Vitruvius’ writings on architecture, although it was decorated with a relief of St. Andrew holding a cross flanked by two angels (Scott, 105). This is an innovative combination of classical ideals and modern Biblical characters.
Continuing the idea of combining old and new ideas, are the roundels found throughout the Pazzi Chapel. Roundels, forms defined by a circle or circular frame and often found within a larger context (Olson, 3), are found in Italian architecture spanning centuries from the Arch of Constantine in Rome (West, 30) through modern construction such as the Basilica di Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence. They were
Interior View of the Pazzi Chapel often used as heraldic devices, representing royalty or a
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org governing body. The roundels found in the Pazzi Chapel were created by Luca della Robbia. In ancient Rome, the scenes within roundels reflected the story behind the monument on which they were placed. The roundels located on the Arch of Constantine depict significant stories from the rise and reign of one of Rome’s most powerful emperors (West, 30). In the Pazzi Chapel, a Christian structure, the roundels reflect significant characters in the Christian story such as the four Evangelists and the twelve Apostles. The roundels feature “glazed white terracotta reliefs of the twelve seated Apostles on a ground of concentric circles, blue to light blue in hue (indicating the heavens” (Saalman, Brunelleschi: the Buildings 248). The four roundels that feature the Evangelists are located on pendentives and are rendered in full color, as opposed to white glaze on a blue field. Each Evangelist is depicted seated writing their gospel and accompanied by the animal which represents him. Placing the Apostles and Evangelist within these heraldic devices perhaps emphasized their importance and elevates them to a place of honor in the heavenly realm. The roundels throughout the chapel are echoed in the circular clerestory windows surrounding the base of the dome as well as the oculus located in the center of the dome. 10
The oculus and clerestory windows are also classical element incorporated into Brunelleschi’s modern design. The oculus had been used for centuries in religious structures. Since its introduction in ancient Rome, an oculus symbolized divine presence, representing the eye of a god or in later Christian structures, like the Pazzi Chapel, the eye of God. What Brunelleschi does differently is radiate the oculus around the dome, in the form of identical circular clerestory windows. The small, round clerestory windows are each centered between twelve spokes of the ribbed dome. Twelve windows between twelve spokes refer to the twelve Apostles represented throughout the structure (Barolsky, 228). While these windows are much smaller than the clerestory windows seen in medieval architecture, they provide a heavenly light in front of the altar (Barolsky, 228). The rounded shape originating in the plan is echoed in the roundels, oculus and clerestory windows and is also repeated in the shape of the rounded arches repeated throughout the chapel.
Brunelleschi incorporated the rounded arch throughout the design of the Pazzi Chapel. This distinctly Roman device had been generally discarded in favor of the pointed arch during the Gothic period. Brunelleschi includes the rounded arch in three ways: its standard form and in its extended forms, the barrel vault and the dome. The basic rounded arch can be found throughout the Pazzi Chapel. The façade features a central archivolt . While this archivolt varies from classical Roman design by breaking through the entablature, it acts as a frame for the entrance and the medallion above. This archivolt also echoes the interior space. Another archivolt tops the entrance to the apse, mirroring the façade. The rounded arch is recurring within the interior space, creating a rhythm. The arch is repeated in the windows, the decorative molding on the walls, the pediment over the interior door, and is even carried into the domed ceiling. The barrel vaulted ceiling of the portico repeats the rounded arch over and over with its elaborate coffered ceiling. Pendentives are used to transition the square walls into the rounded dome. The dome itself is a repetition of the rounded arch, rotated 360 degrees. The architects of Rome may have perfected the construction of the rounded arch, but Brunelleschi perfected its design application. The Pazzi Chapel is full of a flowing, rhythmic pattern created by these rounded arches.
The portico features the rounded arch in its barrel vaulted coffered ceiling, inspired by classical Roman architecture . Brunelleschi spent hours studying the coffered dome of the Parthenon while he studied in Rome (Scott, 28). The use of coffered ceilings in ancient Rome was 11 to eliminate some of the weight of the roof; Brunelleschi’s coffered ceiling also divided the space visually into smaller units, creating an understandable space. Brunelleschi’s studies paid off with the design of the elaborate coffers of the Pazzi Chapel portico. Unlike the simpler Roman coffers, each elaborately molded coffer is surrounded with detailed rope-like molding and features a three- dimensional flower or star at the center. The portico ceiling is divided into small units by the individual coffers and larger bays by transverse arches connecting supporting columns. The coffers break the ceiling down into smaller units, creating a logical system on which the entire structure is based. Each bay is separated by a band of decorative molding, which creates the transverse arch that stretches from the column on the façade to the corresponding pilaster inside the portico. This coffered ceiling is much more than a decorative device. It creates a repeating visual pattern of arches as well as segments the space into understandable units. These units are crucial to understanding the proportions of the chapel.
Like the Romans, Brunelleschi carefully studied proportions. He calculated the proportions of every element in the chapel in order to create a perfectly proportioned structure. The foundation for these proportions was the human body. Studied by classical architects and mathematicians, the Romans considered the dimensions of the human body the ideal proportions. Brunelleschi used the human proportion when designing the Pazzi Chapel. This not only allows for a beautifully proportioned structure, but it creates a structure that can be understood by viewers almost instinctively. This incorporation of the human proportion was not accidental. Brunelleschi used these proportions because of the Renaissance concept of humanism. The importance of
Plan of the Pazzi Chapel the individual and the power of understanding became monumental
Image source: during the Renaissance, and this concept started with Brunelleschi. By http://commons.wikimedia.org incorporating elements which enhanced the viewer’s understanding of the structure, Brunelleschi began a revolution: the consideration of the viewer in the creation of art and architecture.
While the use of coffered ceilings was a Roman invention, Brunelleschi used it in a completely innovative way. The units of space created by the columns, bays and coffered ceiling 12 on the exterior of the chapel are repeated inside. Pilasters and the grid-like flooring within the chapel that make the proportions of the chapel easy to understand by visually dividing the space into understandable units. Brunelleschi spent hours calculating the exact proportions of the chapel, and these proportions become vital to the understanding of the space. The placement of the exterior columns and the interior pilasters creates repeating, understandable units of space. These units allow an uneducated viewer to comprehend the dimensions and proportions of the interior. The flooring enhances this concept. With lighter tile connecting adjacent pilasters, the flooring creates a logical grid, defining the units of space within the chapel. Brunelleschi lead the way to a new style, emphasizing proportion and form which can be easily grasped (Giedion, 40). The idea of using design elements to enhance the understanding of the viewer was an idea born during the Renaissance. This emphasis on the importance of the individual and the desire for the common person to understand and appreciate architecture was a completely foreign concept until it was introduced by Brunelleschi.
Brunelleschi enhances this humanist idea of universal understanding through his use of color. While other buildings at the time were built of a single type of material or used color in a decorative fashion, Brunelleschi thoughtfully used two colors, a light colored stucco, and a dark grey stone, pietra serena, to emphasize his design. The varying colors create contrast and interest in the space, but the significance of this contrast lies with where it is used. Brunelleschi used the pietra serena to articulate the difference between structural and decorative elements and highlight architectural details. This draws the eyes to the elaborate details and immaculate craftsmanship but also puts even more emphasis on the understanding of the proportions of the space (Giedion, 40). While the use of contrasting colors to emphasize architectural details had been used before, Brunelleschi used it in a way that not only drew attention to details, but enhanced the understanding of the various elements. Many of the elements highlighted by the pietra serena are elements that are used to define the proportions of the space, such as the pilasters. By incorporating the contrast between stucco and the pietra serena, Brunelleschi stressed the significance of the individual understanding the design. This technique was used in previous designs such as the Ospedale degli Innocenti (Saalman, Brunelleschi: the Buildings 65). The importance of the individual became the backbone of art and architecture during the Italian Renaissance. 13
Throughout Florence, buildings echo Brunelleschi’s design principles. They “bear the Brunelleschi stamp” in their form and simplicity (Jackson, 39). The subtle sophistication of the Pazzi Chapel can be understood and appreciated by every viewer due to Brunelleschi’s humanistic view of design. Today, Brunelleschi is considered the father of the Italian Renaissance for good reason. His designs created a merging of old and new, classical and modern, that went on to inspire architectural masters for centuries. Filippo Brunelleschi has been called the “principal founder of the Renaissance and… an important forerunner of modern structural design and analysis” combining classical and modern ideas to create the Renaissance masterpiece that is the Pazzi Chapel (Prager, 64). Although the Pazzi Chapel is not Brunelleschi’s first or his most famous accomplishment, its design can be praised as the first true architectural masterpiece of the Italian Renaissance. It represents the appreciation and understanding of the past and the revolution of the future.
Bibliography
Barolsky, Paul. "Toward an Interpretation of the Pazzi Chapel." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. 32.3 (1973): 228-231. Web. 6 Sep. 2012. Clinton, Jessica Lynne. “The Ornamentation of Brunelleschi’s Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence.” MA thesis of the Louisiana State University, Shrevport, 2010. Web. 02 Oct. 2012. Curl, James Stevens. Classical Architecture: An Introduction to its Vocabulary and Essentials. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2003. Print. Giedion, Sigfried. Space, Time and Architecture: the growth of a new tradition. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1967. Print. Jackson, Thomas Graham. The Renaissance of Roman Architecture. New York: Hacker Art Books, Inc., 1975. Print. Jones, Mark Wilson. Principles of Roman Architecture. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. Print. MacDonald, William L. The Pantheon: Design, Meaning, and Progeny. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976. Print. Olson, Roberta J.M. "Lost and Partially Found: The Tondo, a Significant Florentine Art Form, in Documents of the Renaissance." Artibus et Historiae. 11.27 (1993): 31-65. Web. 16 Onians, John. Bearers of Meaning: The Classical Orders in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988. Print. Prager, Frank D. "Brunelleschi's Inventions and the "Renewal of Roman Masonry Work"." University of Chicago Saalman, Howard. "Filippo Brunelleschi: Capital Studies." Art Bulletin. 40.2 (1958): 113-137. Web. 6 Sep. 2012. Saalman, Howard. Filippo Brunelleschi: The Buildings. University Park: Penn State Press, 1993. Print. Scott, Leader. Filippo di ser Brunellesco. London: G. Bell & Sons, 1901. Print. 14
Stemp, Richard. The Secret Language of the Renaissance: Decoding the Hidden Symbolism in Italian Art. London: Duncan Baird. 2006. Print. West, T.W. A History of Architecture in Italy. New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1968. Print.
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George de La Tour’s Mary Magdalene as Melancholy
Nicole Gencarelli
Melancholy betrays the world for the sake of knowledge. But in its tenacious self-absorption it embraces dead objects in its contemplation, in order to redeem them…The persistence, which is expressed in the intention of mourning, is born of its loyalty to the world of things. - Walter Benjamin, The Origin of German Tragic Drama
Akin to so many of his shadowy paintings, George de La Tours life is still elusive to modern art historians. His paintings caught the attention of many because of his unique response to the Caravaggist style sweeping through seventeenth century Europe (Sylvestre). A French painter by birth, La Tour spent his artistic career working in the style of northern genre painting and wa trained by the illustrious Utrecht School (Sylvestre, Jasper). La Tours images are highly Catholic in subject matter, due to his hometown being predominately Catholic (Sylvestre). However, his style is attributed to being influenced the surrounding towns he studied in, which were primarily Protestant and culturally more German in nature (Jasper, Sylvestre). While it is clear that he specialized in religious imagery, his depictions of traditional Catholic Saints and narratives are usually unclear; none of his Saints have halo’s or other celestial markers and they are usually shown missing parts of or entirely void of their attributes (Sylvestre). It seems to be La Tours style to purposefully conceal religious significance in the guise of genre scene settings (Sylvestre).
Sitting in a quiet, dark room, the figure of a women illuminated by a single candle flame stares reflectively, her back turned away in the mysterious darkness. In all three images, her body language is the same, turned away from the world of reality into the otherworldly existence of contemplation. This is the essence of La Tour’s famous three images of Mary Magdalene; The Penitent Magdalene, The Magdalene with the Smoking Flame, and Magdalene with a Lamp (Sylvestre). La Tour was known for creating images in “the middle of “nowhere” and these images are no exception (Sylvestre). Very simply composed, each version contains the figure sitting in a dark room, seated by a table with various objects composed on it; a mirror, a candle, a skull, and an open book. Also following with his style, this Catholic Saint has no divine presence; she is very much a part of the earthly world. Each image is a similar size, she is dressed in almost the exact same clothes in each one, and is seated in very similar positions. Although these images appear to 16 be very quiet and tame on the surface, these images show a revolutionary translation of one the most notorious and controversial women in Catholicism
George de la Tour’s series of Mary Magdalene display to the viewer a unique interpretation of an elusive woman at the turn of the century. Since her first appearance in the New Testament, Mary Magdalene has captured popular imagination (Masich). Her role is particularly unique because of the many connotations attached to her name; prostitute, saint, lover, wife, sinner, disciple (Masich). Mary Magdalene has never had just one role; her identity is fluid. Mary’s central role during the 17th century was unequivocally linked to the Reformation era Catholic Church, an institution critiqued on supporting lavish individuals and practices seeking spiritual forgiveness (Masich, Jasper). While imagse of her penitence and vanity flourished in seventeenth century Europe, La Tours images diverge through his unique interruption of Magdalene’s religious significance, where her image transitioned from penitent sinner to an allegorical symbol of Melancholy.
Mary Magdalene’s image underwent a fundamental change during the Baroque Era (Masich). The Medieval Magdalene was perceived as a reformed sinner and was therefore thought of as an important symbol of salvation (Jasper, Masich). During the Baroque, The religious sacrament of penitence was attached to her sinful nature in a highly theatrical and dramatic interpretation (Masich). Throughout the era, she was presented as an erotic, seductive sinner who then becomes, in a moment of dramatic tension, a pious and reflective woman contemplating her own vanity (Masich). This juxtaposition of both unrestrained eroticism and extreme spiritual contemplation reflects the nature of the Baroque period and subsequently, its art. While the Catholic Church claimed it was on a road to spiritual simplicity and redemption, its extravagant spending on huge, impressive monuments and artistic projects dedicated to the Church’s power and vanity continued thorough the era. The Catholic Church ingeniously used the new image of Mary Magdalene their advantage; her role becoming both a quintessential example for the Catholic population and a symbol of the Church itself (Masich). Utilizing these connections between the church’s critique of unspiritual practices and the essence of Magdalene’s earthly sin, her image became the Church’s own particular symbol of reformation.
The Church’s emphasis on Magdalene’s image inspired a wave of creativity in Baroque artists. It was commonplace to use her image in order to express the artists own feeling of 17
reforming their vanity and following her lead into penitence and salvation (Jasper, Masich). In return, it was then to her face, the population turned to in the presence of fear about vanity and transitory pleasures (Masich). The majority of the Baroque images depicting Mary Magdalene had a typical iconography that follows long held iconographic traditions of depicting this particular saint. She is usually depicted having her lose, long, red and/or blonde hair, symbolizes her life of sin as an alluring seductress (Jasper, Masich). In addition, she is typically shown in a simple dress, and during the Baroque it became more popular to show her only half dressed, shoulders and torso exposed, to emphasis her sensuality (Masich). Mary Magdalene was also typically shown holding her two attributes as a saint; either an anointment/perfume jar, which was more popular during the medieval ages, or the skull, which was made popular
Penitent Magdalene by Guido Reni during the Renaissance and the Baroque (Jasper, Masich).
Image source: http://commons.wikimedia.org Mary Magdalene typically holds or is surrounded by open books, mostly likely the bible, to symbolize her wealth as a great preacher. In all three images painted by George de la Tour, his Magdalene is seated much in the typical fashion of the time. She wears a simple white shirt and a plain skirt tied at the top with rope. In addition, The Magdalene with the Smoking Flame has her delicately revealed shoulder facing the viewer. Magdalene’s attributes also make an appearance in La Tour’s painting. Each image shows her touching or holding a human skull, the most orthodox attribute of the time due to the influence of Jesuit writing; in which death, penitence, and vanity are given an important place in art (Male, Masich, Rigolot). In The Magdalene with the Smoking Flame and Magdalene with the Lamp, She is seated around various books, perhaps referring to the typical image of her seated in front of the bible (Jasper). While La Tour includes the popular religious attributes of the time in his images, evidence also suggests that he includes more subtle and creative ideas into his overall conceit for the painting of Mary Magdalene’s penance.
In Italy during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth century, allegorical figures and personified abstractions become increasingly vogue to include in religious imagery (Male). This new found attraction for allegory complimented the traditional styles of the northern painters. With the wide 18 spread circulation of the Italian Baroque/Caravaggist style, it was not unlikely that the French and Northern art schools of La Tour’s would have become very familiar with this new fashion (Slyvestre, Jasper). One of the favored texts was the Iconologia by Cesare Ripa (Male). Essentially, it was an Italian version of an illustrated dictionary instructing artists on how to depict abstract ideas (Male). In this text, under the section of Penitenza (Penitence) he explains a women wearing white to show that a human’s pure soul will become stained with Sin, and in each of La Tours paintings Magdalene wears a white shirt (Ripa). Each painting also shows Magdalene surrounded by a candle flame, and object typically found in many religious images of the era (Jasper). However, in Ripa’s text under his description of penitence, he states
“A thin, lean woman, with a lamentable old garment; looking with great attention towards heaven; holding with both her hands a gridiron: This by the divines is taken for a sign of penitence; for as the same is in the middle, between the fire and that which is broiled upon it.” (Ripa)
La Tour could be using his image of a candle flame to show the “burning” of Magdalene’s penitence, translating the idea of her holding the gridiron into the image of a candle burning in the night. Besides being influenced by popular texts of allegorical figure, his dark space that he engulfs his Magdalene around could refer to the intimate spaces built for contemplation and penitence during the seventh century (Masich).
During the sixteenth century, Mary Magdalene penitence from sinner to saint was particularly emphasized in many creative ways, including the rise of a new architectural space known as a “Magdalene” chamber (Masich). These rooms, purposely secluded in areas such as gardens, were designed around Magdalene’s extreme penitence (Masich). The participants, once inside this private area, were encouraged to mentally put themselves into the role of Mary, spend hours contemplating the transience of earthly desires, and remind themselves to repent for their sinful desires (Masich). Although the rooms were physically more active and theatrical, the paintings of Magdalene during the Baroque were specifically designed to evoke this kind of reaction from their viewers. The three images of Mary Magdalene by painter George de la Tour depict Mary in her penitence and uphold the typical iconography of the era. However, his paintings illustrate not only a penitent saint, but also an allusion to the allegorical figure of Melancholia and its role as a sin according to the 17th century Catholic Church. 19
The depiction of Melancholia as an allegorical figure has its roots in medieval medical illustrations, however, the idea of these four humors originated in classical Greek philosophy (Perlow). The classical taxonomy of the humours is as follows; blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile (Perlow). While tracing the origin of this taxonomy is difficult, modern historians credit the Greek physician Galen as the organizer the taxonomy and primary another on their effects on the human psyche. The Greeks mainly used this system to communicate the idea of balance in bodily fluids, and therefor promote ideal health. Melancholy, though, from
Alchemic approach to four humors in relation to the beginning was seen as slightly different from the rest of the four elements and zodiacal signs. Book illustration in “Quinta Essentia” by Leonhart the humors (Perlow). While Phlegmatic, Sanguine, and Thurneisser zum Thurn, woodcut, c. 1573 Choleric were seen as only affecting the physical body, Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org Melancholy was linked primarily with mental diseases: anxiety, depression, and eventually madness (Perlow). This gave Melancholy a unique position in the taxonomy; its perception was as unbalanced as the disease itself.
Caused by an excess of black bile, a person thought to be suffering from melancholia became inflicted with such intense feelings of contemplativeness or pensiveness that they became moody, depressed, mournful and mentally exhausted (Perlow). Melancholia displayed no positive aspects until Plato, in the fourth century BCE, wrote about the duality of a depressive nature: both sorrow and mania could be present (Perlow). According to Plato’s personal taxonomy of mental health, the surplus of black bile caused a divine frenzy inside a person, hence making them prone to periods of intense creativity and intellectual pursuits (Perlow, Notarp). Plato saw artists and intellectually gifted men had in them a genius quality, which gave them sensitivity to the world that others lacked (Perlow). Having both immense potential and crippling depression, Melancholic’s were seen as having the “hero’s disease” (Perlow). This idea surfaced again during the rise of Neo- Platonism during the Renaissance and was then further associated with being both the divine gift and curse of the creative individual (Perlow, Notarp). 20
The Medieval theologians disagreed with the classical outlook on Melancholia, and associated the idea of such a temperament with various negative connotations (Perlow). Some theologians, such as Hildegard of Bingen, wrote about Melancholy reflecting not a bestowed divine grace, but a fall from grace that left a person in the ultimate state of despair (Notarp). Thus, Melancholy developed into a metaphor for the original sin (Notarp). Other theologians compared Melancholy with the sin of acedia because of the Melancholic’s lethargic nature resulting from an overly intense mind (Notarp). Illustrations of this association started to appear in French manuscripts during mid-1500’s and into the early 1600’s, with the image typically displaying an allegorical female figure resting her hands on her head (Notarp). This connection between depicting the sin of idleness in this gesture is linked to the Book of Proverbs, which describes “the slow or inactive hand as a sign of a passive personality” (Notarp). The transference of this posture from the
Albrecht Durer, Melancholia I, Engraving personification of acedia to melancholia can be accurately
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org accredited to Albrecht’s Durer’s print of Melancholia I (Notarp). Durer’s print of Melancholia was revolutionary in setting the iconographic posture of the female allegory and for its wide circulation to hundreds of artists and general public, giving them completely new visual interpretation of the Greek philosophical theory (Notarp).
Due to its growing significance, the allegory of Melancholia was beginning to shape itself into a powerful allegorical image. By examining the history and theory behind the posture of a woman hunched over in thought, holding her hand to her head, it is clear to see this image in the shadowy depiction of Mary Magdalene in La Tour’s paintings. In both Magdalene with the Smoking Flame and Mary Magdalene with the Lamp, Mary’s head is tilted downward to the side and is resting in her hand, recalling the illustrations of Acedia falling asleep. She appears to be unaware of the viewer, her
Magdalene with the Smoking Flame, face turned away towards the sides of the picture frame or deep into Oil on canvas
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org 21
the background. This absorption in other thoughts recalls Durer’s print of Melancholia I in that she is rejecting the present moment, forever stuck in her thoughts. La Tour’s choice of posture in both images should be considered as a deliberately planned connection between the iconography of both Melancholia and the sin of Acedia.
In both The Penitent Magdalene and Magdalene and the Mirror, the figure and face of Mary Magdalene is partially obscured and falling mostly into shadow, which is another customary technique used to depict the Melancholic (Notarp). This tradition of depicting the face in shadow could symbolize the idea presented in early medieval writing which Melancholy was thought to be not only a mental ailment but a physical one as well- usually the face of the suffer was thought to be darker in appearance because of the excess bile (Notarp, Perlow). The idea of a darkened figure fits well into La Tours style, which was known for having its images illuminated by a single candle, causing everything in the surrounding setting to become dark, mysterious, and otherworldly in its quiet temperament (Rzepinska). This exaggerated style of tenebrism is congruent with the Baroque tradition, but the overall dimness of these Magdalene images makes the skin tone specifically appear darker, perhaps alluding to the idea of the humours (Rzepinska, Notarp).
Analogous to many ancient and medieval texts, the writings produced about the humours of the body were closely aligned with the planets and astrology (Notarp). It was believed that each major humour, Sanguine, Phlegmatic, Choleric, and Melancholic, closely aligned with a specific planet that affected the development and expression of a human being (Notarp). In his Anatomy of Melancholy, published in 1628, Robert Burton describes how the planet Saturn influences the melancholic temperament:
“As if Saturne be predominant in his nativity, and cause melancholy in his temperature, then he shall be very austere, sullen, churlish, black of color, profound in his cogitation,
The Penitent Magdalene, oil on canvas, 1625 full of cares, miseries, and discounts, sad and fearful, awaits
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org silent, solitary.” (Notarp). 22
Dating back to the time of antiquity, the depiction of Melancholy and the personification of Saturn have shared the same iconography of a dark and dreary background and surroundings in order to clue the viewer in on the allegorical significance of the figure (Notarp). It comes as no surprise then that the figures of Magdalene in La Tours images are completely engulfed at times by the omnipresent blackness of the setting. La Tour appears to directly quote the sixteenth century Netherlands tradition by presenting his figure of melancholy/Magdalene with the standard repertoire of dark background, dark figure, and, what is extremely curious, her dark, curtain like hair. Artists through the centuries have depicted Magdalene with long, light blonde/red hair so consistently that it developed into a clear identifier of Magdalene in common Christian images (Masich). In his painting, La Tour radically changes Magdalene’s wavy red hair into a thick, drape like mass of dark, black, hair. Magdalene’s new hair seems to allude to the historical illustrations of Melancholia and Saturn by cleverly transforming Magdalene’s hair into a symbolic cloak or hood, which was frequently used in the Melancholic/Saturn figures in Netherland prints(Notarp). Such a drastic change is iconography supports the changing role of Magdalene in these images, her overall darker completion and the use of extreme tenebrism in her surroundings presenting subtle signals to the viewer of her allegorical significance.
While many predominant writers and philosophers went to great lengths to praise the often-immense creativity and genius behind the Melancholic temperament, the Catholic Church in particular warned its followers against such a disposition (Perlow, Notarp). The Christian writings of the medieval ages in particular attacked the Melancholic character, claiming that its common side effects of crippling sadness and lethargy lead one to have feelings of doubt and abandonment by God (Perlow, Notarp). Since the Melancholic was always in danger of other thinking and becoming susceptible to these feelings, the Catholic Church declared any person inflicted
Acedia, Hieronymus Wierix, 16th C, with this temperament to have the sin of acedia (Notarp). This engraving particular religious sin goes deeper than just a poor Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org temperament, however. Some writers claimed the Melancholic 23 was taken over by a satanic power, which caused that persons confusion about the divine omnipresence of God, leading to feelings of suspicion and heresy (Notarp). In the eyes of the Catholic Church, this type of Melancholy could only be cured by a divine intervention in order to persuade suffering souls and God to reunite on their religious path. Thus, the combination of the allegorical figure of Melancholy with a religious sin creates a new Christianized idea of the Melancholic personification.
Melancholy has always been associated with a vigorously active mind; a great intellect whose overwhelming influx of ideas causes their physical nature to slow in response (Perlow, Notarp). Often sending the person into deep thoughts, one can say Melancholy functions almost as penitence. This is exactly what La Tour images of Magdalene are all trying to convey to the viewer. Indeed, Magdalene was almost always shown as a penitent sinner during the seventeenth century, her role was to be repenting for her life of vanity and sin by showing a deep contemplation (Masich). In La Tours interpretations, he changes Magdalene’s “sin” by depicting her more as an allegorical figure of Melancholia than as a Catholic Saint. Mary Magdalene’s melancholy transformed into her sin, her essence as a sinner now emphasized twice. She appears contemplative and reflective, perhaps falling victim to every Melancholic’s sin. Perhaps La Tour is playing a game with the viewer in his images, Magdalene is now not only in danger for her life of vanity in the past, but now she represents the “satanic” Melancholy that can only be redeemed by the divine salvation of God (Notarp). La Tour transforms Magdalene significance here into a religious warning by showing her as a Melancholic- being penitent is a righteous act, but be wary of overthinking; only God offers the mortal soul protection from uncertainly and mental exhaustion.
Bibliography
Jasper, David. “The Work of Art as Religious Enactment. Georges de la Tour’s The Repentant Magdalene.”Revue LISA E-Jounral vol. VII (2009): n. pag. Web. 6 March 2013. Male, Emile. Religious Art from the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Century. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, n.d. Print. Masich, Ingrid. Mary Magdalene: The Image of a Women Throughout the Centuries. N. p.: The Liturgical Press, 2002. Print. Notarp,Gerlinde. “‘Man Resting in a Field’: An Essay on the Iconography of Melancholy.” Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 24. No. 4 (1996):311-19. Print. Perlow, Ken. “The Image of Melancholy and the Evolution of Baroque Idiom”. ( 1995, 1997) n.p. Web. 1 May 2013. Rajkumar, Nidhi. “From Reality to Legand: Baroque Representation as a Means of Transcendence.” Plaza: Dialogues in Language and Literature 3.1 (Fall 2013):24-45.PDF. 24
Rigolot, Francois, “Magdalen’s Skull: Allegory and Iconography in Heptameron 32.” Renaissance Quarterly 47. No.1 (1994): 57-73. Print. Rzepinska, Maria, and Krystyna Malcharek. “Tenebrism in Baroque Painting and Its Ideological Background.” Artibus E Historiae, 7. No. 13 (1986):91-112. Print. Slyvestre, Michel, “Georges de La Tour”. Grove Dictionary of Art. Oxford University Press. 2003. Web. 1 May 2013.
25
Lavinia Fontana: The Woman Who Conquered the Patriarchy of the Italian Renaissance
Lindsay Woodbury
The world of Renaissance Italy was a place of rebirth of classical Greek and Roman ideas, and a haven for the individual personality to flourish and reach his full potential in whichever field he chose. It was indeed the right time and place to be born a man. Women living in the Italian Renaissance were not so fortunate. They were viewed more as second-class citizens, with inferior intelligence and physical abilities, than as men’s equals, and as such led severely restricted lives with far fewer opportunities to make something of themselves. However, some women managed to overcome the social shackles and rise to greatness. One such extraordinary woman was Lavinia Fontana, a Bolognese painter who lived in the sixteenth century. She was one of the first truly independent and successful female artists in the male-dominated world of the Italian Renaissance. Though similar in subject to other artists of the time, her paintings have a unique style and quality that make them distinguishable from those of her male contemporaries; it is obvious, when viewing them, that the artist behind their creation was a woman, not a man.
In Renaissance Italy, women were considered the weaker sex and inferior to men in every conceivable way. The female condition made women irrational, emotional, ruled by passion, and receptive to the influence of evil. Thus, women had to be protected by men. Many anatomists, doctors, and natural philosophers viewed women as defective males. Despite their perceived lack of intelligence, women were educated at schools in a variety of subjects, but the curriculum deemed suitable for women differed between cities. Women needed to be educated so that they could in turn teach their children, but also so that they could be more intellectually interesting companions for men.
Because men thought that women needed to be protected, women, especially those of the higher class, were generally restricted to the home and its surrounding neighborhood, and to the church. The exceptions to this were lower class women, who had to work outside of the home to support their families, and prostitutes, who sometimes controlled entire neighborhoods. Women 26 didn’t venture into the streets very often because the streets were not particularly safe. Women could be robbed or sexually assaulted if found alone in public.
Rituals associated with birth and marriage marked important events in the lives of individuals and families. The baptism of a baby introduced that baby into the community, giving them the beginnings of an identity and social network along with a symbolic name. Marriage was of the utmost importance, and was a prime opportunity for both men and women to increase their social standings. Marriage defined who a person was, biologically increased family size, and created family alliances. Marriages were strategic and political, generally arranged for gain, not love. A bride needed a dowry in order to get married. A dowry could consist of money, land, or goods, and was given to the groom to be used as the economic means for the couple to start a new life together. If the husband died, the newly widowed wife could use the remainder of her dowry to support herself. Once a woman was married, her husband assumed control over her person, her possessions, and her sexual honor. Wives were to submit to their husbands and be chaste until marriage, and yet know about and refuse any non-procreative acts that were considered sinful. Essentially, women had to be the guardians of their own chastity and of their husbands’ sexual morality. A woman’s honor revolved almost entirely around her virginity, chastity, and sexual integrity. Men were not held to such sexual standards, and it was perfectly acceptable for young men to seduce a bevy of women, as long as they were not ladies of the higher class.
Women were considered sexually insatiable , so a sexually mature, unmarried girl was seen as a threat to a family’s honor. Consequently, if a family had several girls but couldn’t afford dowries for all of them, or wanted to increase the dowries of a few girls to better their prospects, the unmarriageable girls were sent to convents to become nuns. Theoretically, nuns had to remain chaste in order to honor their vows and then would not tarnish the family name by having extramarital sex. Nuns frequently tutored young girls, or painted to help support the convent. Nuns were held in high esteem as holy figures, and thus possessed a kind of power, despite being women. Older widows too were unusually powerful for females of the Italian Renaissance; they were in control of their own lives, with fewer inhibitions and more financial means that other women. Lower-class women were generally afforded more freedom than their higher-class counterparts, and held a variety of occupations. Overall, women in the Italian Renaissance were 27 rigidly oppressed by social norms, cultural expectations, and common perceptions, but still had opportunities to slip these bonds and rise above these restrictions.
The concept of beauty was complex during the Italian Renaissance, and inextricably intertwined with religious beliefs, social expectations, and philosophical theories. In general, a beautiful body equaled a beautiful and pious mind or soul, while ugliness correlated with evil. For the most part, women typified two categories: virtuous women, like the Virgin Mary, who was depicted with a covered head to show her modesty, and the dishonorable woman or seductress, like Eve, who was depicted nude or nearly naked to indicate that she used her womanly wiles to tempt men to sin. There were exceptions to this dichotomous depiction of women though, such as Mary Magdalene, who was a saint but was often portrayed nude.
The more naturalistic something was, the more beautiful it was thought to be as well. One of the most intricate aspects of beauty involved clothes. Clothes were appreciated for their beauty, but more so for their appropriateness. Proper clothing, which was determined by age and social status, was important for polite behavior, identified social status, and advertised social and political relationships. A person wearing the correct clothing was considered beautiful regardless of physical appearance. Inappropriate clothing was considered impolite, insulting, and ugly, as was disheveled or dirty clothing. Morality was equated to rank as well as beauty, thus also associating beauty with rank so that the higher in status the person, the more beautiful they were thought to be.
There were many opinions about what constituted ideal feminine beauty. For example the ideal woman would have hair that was long, thick, fair, soft, and of a yellow color turning to brown. She should have light and clear skin that was not pale; eyes that were dark brown, large, and had shimmering blue sclera; a straight nose; a small mouth with round lips; a dimpled chin; and a neck that was rounded and long with no protruding Adam’s apple. Others believed that ideal feminine beauty should be wavy hair that gleamed liked gold; white skin like snow, marble, alabaster, or milk; cheeks the color of lilies and roses; eyes that shone like the sun or stars; lips like rubies; teeth like pearls; and breasts like snow or apples. Because of these aesthetic preferences, women in various images often in a general medieval style instead of true to life in order to meet the idea of ideal female beauty. In addition to these predilections, beauty was tied to symmetry and proportion above all else. However, physical appearance did not definitively dictate a woman’s beauty: that was also determined by how others liked her. A woman could have the countenance of an angel 28
and the body of a goddess, but if people didn’t like her, she was not considered beautiful. Ultimately, beauty was a conglomerate of physical attributes, proper attire, social status, and popular opinion.
The concept of beauty was also extended beyond the work of art to the artists themselves. Several Renaissance artists could not only paint beautiful figures, but were considered beautiful themselves in both physical attractiveness and in behavior. This was especially true for female artists. A self-portrait by a woman artist was a duality: it showed the beauty of the artist’s talent and the beauty of the artist herself. However, while male artists were celebrated for their talent and considered to be blessed by the divine hand of God, female artists were praised more for their beauty, decorum, and virtuosity than for their talent, which was not thought to be divine. It was thought that women were only capable of copying images, whereas men could create entirely unique images, places, and figures that seemed alive. An image was said to reveal a feminine hand through too much attention to detail, excessive use of geometric patterns, and a preference for ornamentation. It was thought better to paint a piece quickly, because lingering over details could ruin the work a person did naturally. Thus, a woman’s painting was thought to be gentle, delicate, Lavina Fontana, Self-Portrait at the Virginal with a Servant, and done with slow patience, while a man’s painting oil on canvas, 1577 was done quickly due to his natural talent. Image source: http://commons.wikimedia.org, Selected work 5 from Self Portrait: Renaissance to Contemporary (Anthony Bond, Joanna Woodall, ISBN 978-1855143579). Lavinia Fontana is recognized as the first European female artist to achieve success in competition with male artists in her own city instead of in a court or a convent. Her surviving body of work, which is the largest of any female artist before the eighteenth century, is comprised of about 150 pieces, though inventories show that more existed and were lost. This body of work includes portraits, altarpieces, private devotional pieces, and mythological paintings. Lavinia was a celebrity in her own time. The upper class of Bologna, including nobles, commissioned work from her, and her work was sent to Florence, Rome, and 29 the aristocracy of Spain, Germany, and Persia. She painted the portraits of numerous influential patrons, including the portraits of the Persian Ambassador in Rome and the Shah of Persia from a miniature. She also painted the portrait of the Duke of Mantua with his wife and family.
In order to understand how Lavinia’s artistic career developed, one must first look at the life of her father, Prospero Fontana. Prospero was born in Bologna in 1508 to a stonemason named Silvio Fontana. He didn’t produce his first signed work until he was 37 in 1545. Prospero trained under Innocenzo de Imola, and his main commissions were designs for book illustrations or prints, and frescoes for palaces and villas, as well as oil paintings on canvas. He used a painterly style inspired by Perino del Vaga, for whom he worked for a time. In 1539, Prospero married Antonia de Bonardis, whose family ran a prominent publishing house in Bologna. Prospero’s marriage brought him into contact with scholars and academicians who patronized the publishing house, including some who would become crucial to both his and his daughter’s careers. Prospero was a successful and well-liked artist who made a decent living. He had many esteemed patrons, including Pope Julius III. Despite his success, he was not satisfied with his social status, and constantly attempted to raise it by spending more than he could afford to impress influential people. As a result of this living outside of his means, Prospero developed severe financial problems.
When Lavinia was born in 1552, her father didn’t ask another painter to be her godfather as was traditional, but men of high rank who could be more influential to both him and Lavinia. Her father probably trained Lavinia as an artist because, due to his financial troubles, he could not afford the dowry necessary to marry her off, and possibly because he hoped that if she became an artist herself, she could help support the family. It is unknown whether or not Lavinia herself wanted to become an artist. As a role model for Lavinia’s career, Prospero used a former student of his, Samaritana Samaritani, a noblewoman who practiced scholarly and artistic pursuits, and who was acquainted with influential men. Her life provided Prospero with a template to construct Lavinia’s career and persona.
Lavinia probably learned drawing and paintings as part of her early education, and only had focused lessons in painting from her father when she was sixteen. She was well educated for a woman of her time and rank. She understood the basics of perspective, indicating that she had some education in mathematics and geometry. She probably used her family members as models, 30 and most likely studied statues to learn how to depict the nude form, since it was inappropriate for a woman to study nude models. This inability to study live nude models led to her being able to paint individual limbs well, but not being able to proportion those limbs well with the rest of the body during her early career. Though Prospero often created drawings for engravings and painted frescoes, Lavinia never did. She was too successful to need to produce drawing designs. In addition, groups of artists did frescoes, which would have been inappropriate for a woman. Not to mention that she was pregnant for the first twenty years of her career, so she could not climb scaffolding. Lavinia influences in her early career include Raphael and Correggio, whose works were in her godfather’s palace, and Parmigianino, whose works she saw in churches. Lavinia learned her skill at depicting clothing from the Flemish artist Denis Calvaert, her father’s pupil, who gave her a glimpse of northern styles. During the 1560s and 1570s, Lavinia worked on small commissions for her father’s workshop. She was painting independently by 1575.
In order for her business to grow, Lavinia needed to be able to meet with clients and discuss what they wanted, to be able to study a man’s face to paint it without being accused of immodesty, and to be able to negotiate and sign contracts, which her father couldn’t do for her forever. To be able to do all of this, she needed a husband. Prospero couldn’t give her a large dowry to marry well, and needed to keep her in his house to support his family. So they needed something unheard of: a husband who wouldn’t mind a working wife, would be satisfied with little money from her family, and would live in Prospero’s house instead of taking Lavinia into his. Remarkably, they found this in Gian Paolo Zappi of Imola. The Zappi family held positions as senators and judges in the small town of Imola. Lavinia’s in-laws were impressed with her. They thought her polite, diplomatic, and respectful, and her father-in-law Severo Zappi helped her get a few commissions. Gian Paolo may have helped Lavinia paint the backgrounds in some of her paintings. Lavinia had eleven children to Gian Paolo between 1578 and 1595. Only four children survived infancy, and only three of those outlived their mother. Gian Paolo seems to have been a doting father, and he even helped Lavinia care for their children, something few men did at the time. Lavinia resumed working almost immediately after giving birth each time she was pregnant, because she was the supporter of her every-growing family.
Lavinia’s early works were mostly comprised of religious images, private devotional pieces, and portraits of children. From the late 1570s to the early 1580s, when she became more 31
accomplished, Lavinia produced portraits of and for scholarly patrons such as professionals, prelates, poets, and bankers, which boosted her esteem in the public eye and her career, as well as expanded her clientele list out of Bologna and out of Italy, garnering her international recognition. Lavinia was in the right place and the right time to be a scholar portraitist, because at the time it was popular among scholars to collect images of people they admired, such as other scholars, and because Bologna had the oldest university in Europe, which attracted many scholars. After the nobility started requesting her work, Lavinia largely left behind her scholarly and professional clients, but remained friends with many of them, and these relationships elevated her own scholarly reputation. Lavinia was even allowed inside monasteries to paint the portraits of monks, meaning that her reputation had transcended her gender. In fact, her gender was an asset to her career in and of itself; because she was a woman who could paint as well as a man, her work was sought after as a marvel.
Lavinia was awarded a degree from Bologna’s university in 1580. She was very diplomatic, intelligent about conducting business, and good at cultivating lucrative relationships. By the early 1590s, Lavinia was one of Bologna’s highest paid artists. She achieved this by securing patrons in the noble families, which was accomplished in part by constructing a not completely truthful identity as a well-off, noble lady of means who painted because she wanted to, not because she needed money. Lavinia was a sort of celebrity among noble women, who loved to be around her and to be painted by her. Lavinia’s attention was a commodity to them, and they competed
Fontane, Baby in a Crib, 1583 for her time and work. To have one of her
Image Source: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122998647711728051.html portraits was a sign of status. This drove up Lavinia’s prices. These ladies were “fashion-conscious and impressed by visible wealth”, which translated to clothes and jewelry. Thus, Lavinia concentrated on their finery, pets, and flowers to show their status and wealth. Lavinia formed close relationships with these women, even having them as godmothers to some of her children. She went so far as to move closer to them so it would be easier to meet with them. 32
Lavinia painted several versions of the sleeping Christ child while she was in her forties and pregnant with two of her children. Since she was at a dangerous age for pregnancy, she may have hoped that painting these images would be beneficial to her unborn children. Her paintings of the sleeping Christ child focused on his life as an ideal child, instead of a conventional representation of his imminent death.
Lavinia and Gian Paolo lived in Prospero’s house until his death in 1596, then they, Lavinia’s mother, and their four surviving children moved to Rome. Gian Paolo hoped that the move would get him out of the shadow of the Fontana family so he could make a name for himself. Lavinia never returned to Bologna. Rome’s Accademia di San Luca changed its rules to admit her as a member, which allowed her to take on pupils in Rome. Lavinia played a role in the successful emergence of two male artists, Alberto de’ Rossi and Alessandro Tiarini. Another pupil of hers was the painter and musician Aurelio Bonelli. Lavinia also taught some noble girls to paint. Despite her success, Lavinia’s time in Rome was not entirely happy. She lost her fourteen year old daughter Laudomia in 1605, which devastated her so much that she never got over her grief. Lavinia developed arthritis in her hands, describing them herself as broken, but worked through the pain anyway until her death in 1614. It is not known whether or not the marriage between Lavinia Fontana and Gian Paolo Zappi was a happy one, but Gian Paolo lived only a year after Lavinia’s death.
Lavinia’s earliest works were much like her father’s, with the same painterly, almost impressionistic style. For example, Prospero’s Holy Family with the Infant Saint John the Baptist is very similar in technique to one of Lavinia’s early pieces, Annunciation. Prospero’s shows the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child with the young Saint John the Baptist and various other saints. His rather expressionless Mary gently steadies a strangely large baby Jesus, who turns to interact with the young John the Baptist behind him. The lighting is dramatic, setting brightly illuminated figures against a background of dark shadows. The Prospero Fontana, Holy Family with the Infant piece is fairly painterly, with visible brush strokes. Lavinia’s St. John the Baptist, 16th C, oil on panel early piece, Annunciation shows her father’s artistic influence in Image Source: Web Gallery of Art: http://commons.wikimedia.org 33
its painterly manner. The composition is typical of traditional Annunciation scenes: it takes place inside of a sacred interior; the Virgin is reading a book, probably Isaiah’s prophecy that a virgin will have a child; the Archangel Gabriel has just come to tell Mary that she will bear the son of God; and the Holy Spirit or ghost is shown as a dove. In Lavinia’s version, Gabriel forcefully strides towards Mary while pointing at the Holy Spirit in the guise of a dove above them. Mary, who has dropped her book, appears to be in shock at the news and clutches her chest. The scene is lit from behind Gabriel, dramatically illuminating the Virgin’s astonished expression and throwing Gabriel’s face into shadow. Gabriel, in resplendent attire, holds white lilies in his hand, while Mary is dressed more humbly. The room has a sense of depth to it. While this work shows improvement in Lavinia’s ability to render anatomically correct figures, Mary’s posture is still somewhat awkward.
One of Lavinia’s earliest self-portraits is Self-Portrait at the Keyboard with a Maidservant. Lavinia sent this portrait to her future in-laws and husband to be, Gian Paolo, so they could see what she looked like. Lavinia has “clear skin, strong features, good posture, an open face, a direct gaze.” She did not embellish her image, but honestly painted herself as she was. However, this image is full of symbolism. The love knot on the piano points to betrothal. Lavinia alludes to her financial success with the expensive musical instrument, her maid, and her fine clothing and jewelry or coral and gold. Her dress is red, the traditional color of a wedding dress. An easel in the background refers to her profession. Next to the easel is a wooden chest used to move a bride’s belongings and dowry to her husband’s house. The easel and chest together may represent that Lavinia’s painting skills and future earnings would take the place of her dowry. This image can also be interpreted another way: since
Self Portrait at the Virginal (Keyboard) with a Servant, oil on she has decked herself out in finery and sits at a canvas, 1577 musical instrument instead of painting, it may Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org, Selected work 5 from Self Portrait: Renaissance to Contemporary (Anthony Bond, Joanna mean that her artistic passion comes second to Woodall, ISBN 978-1855143579). 34 her desire to please her future husband with her attractive appearance and musical ability. This image follows the conventions about noblewomen set forth in Baldassare Castiglione’s Book of the Courtier, which stated that noblewomen should be virtuous and well educated, meaning they should write poetry, sing, play an instrument, and act. This education also involved the study of grammar, rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy. Lavinia presents herself as a woman of character, not just a conventional beauty with no personality. In this self-portrait, Lavinia proclaimed her independence and ability to support herself and her intended through her own skills. It shows a self-assured young woman in the prime of her life secure in her talent and learning.
One can see the progression of Lavinia’s painting skills by looking at one of her later religious works, Noli Me Tangere. This was a private devotional piece. The typical Noli Me Tangere scene depicts Christ appearing to Mary Magdalene in the Garden after the Resurrection as a gardener. Lavinia’s Noli Me Tangere is dominated by a bright orange color. Instead of just giving Christ a token symbol of a gardener, such as a hat or shovel, as most artists did, Lavinia dressed Christ entirely in a gardener’s clothes, with a large-brimmed hat, rough robe, and shovel. This helps to emphasize Mary Magdalene’s confusion when she met Christ and mistook him for a gardener, which allows the viewer to empathize with her more. Lavinia’s Mary Magdalene does not seem to be begging Christ for forgiveness, but is instead rejoicing in his presence, her expression full of awe and unexpected joy. The beautiful sunset in the background suffuses everything with a soft golden glow. The clothing of the figures, particularly those of Mary Magdalene, picks up the colors of the sunset. The figures are no longer in awkward poses, but are graceful, elegant, and anatomically correct. Light is used to create a much more dramatic effect, creating deep shadows and brightly illuminated surfaces. The approach is no longer related to Prospero’s painterly manner, but a more crisp, modeled, and intricately detailed style that seems much more mature than Lavinia’s earlier work.
The Assumption of the Virgin with Saints Cassiano and Pier Crisogono was Lavinia’s first documented public commission, and her father-in-law, Severo Zappi, helped her secure it. It depicts the two patron saints of Imola kneeling behind a miniature model of the city of Imola, looking up at the ascending Mary. The Virgin, crowned by two angels, is enveloped by a mandorla and is standing on a crescent moon, surrounded by angels. This piece commemorates an earlier 35
terracotta statue of the Virgin placed in a niche on a bridge that was believed to perform miraculous cures. The inclusion of a miniature version of the city that the painting was made for was typical of Lavinia’s Assumption images. The robes of the saints are exquisitely rendered so that they look entirely real. The mandorla around the Virgin is comprised of the heads of cherubs, which seem to dissolve into clouds around her. The light from within the mandorla illuminates the Virgin, who looks up at the crown suspended above her head with an expression of absolute serenity and bliss. The saints gaze up at Mary with adoration as she rises to heaven. This work shows the further evolution of Lavinia’s painting skills, especially in the rendering of clothing.
Lavinia painted the subject of the Holy Family on several occasions. Holy Family with Saints is another fine example of her religious work. She painted at least four versions of this subject, and all feature “the bliss of motherhood.” In each, saints gather to watch an intimate moment between mother and child. This example shows Mary holding the Christ child so that he can bless Saint Margaret, the patron saint of childbirth, who is kneeling behind the dragon head that is her symbol. St. Margaret was the patron saint of childbirth because she used the cross to break free of a dragon’s stomach, somewhat like birth. On the left is St. Francis with the stigmata in his hands. St. Francis relates to the scene because he made the first nativity scene. On the right behind Mary is St. Joseph. The Child is the focal point in the center of the painting. Margaret is in the act of humbly kissing the Child’s foot and contemplates the birth of Christ, while Francis with his stigmata contemplates the death of Christ. It was painted while Lavinia was pregnant with her second child, and probably had special significance to her after her first traumatic birth experience
Fontana, Holy Family with Saints, 1578 since she was facing what could be yet another unpleasant
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org birth. Both the birth and death of Christ are represented in this figure. The funerary canopy behind the figures and the sacrificial altar that serves as the crib are both symbols of death. On top of these inferences, the image is imbued with religious symbolism. The act of Mary raising Christ from his sarcophagus-like crib foretells Christ’s 36
resurrection after the crucifixion. The placement of the crib on a table implies the altar of a church and the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Christ’s blessing alludes to salvation through his resurrection. “The Madonna’s soft smile and gentle gaze, combined with embracing, protective gestures in holding or approaching her child, convey a passion of motherly joy.” The happy expression on Mary’s face is more pronounced than that of other artists’ Holy Mothers, transformed into one of motherly love, pride, and joy that becomes characteristic of Lavinia’s Holy Mother and Child images.
Lavinia painted subjects other than religious scenes, such as secular portraits. An example of Lavinia’s portraits of scholarly men is the Portrait of Carlo Sigonio. It shows Carlo seated at his desk in his studio facing the viewer. His “grizzled beard speaks of his seasoned age.” He is dressed in the brown and black of the scholar, but the silks and furs are luxurious. On his desk are a letter addressed to him, a paper-knife, sheets of paper, an inkwell, a blotter, a pair of glasses, and three books. Through the doorway in the background are his students; this is a reference to the old tombs of scholars, which were carved to show the scholar surrounded by his students. Many of Lavinia’s portraits of professional and academic men are similar: they sit at a desk facing the viewer, with a doorway behind them,
Fontana, Portrait d’homme assis feuilletant un livre, dit Portrait du and are soberly dressed. The objects on the sénateur Orsini desks are emblematic, and give clues to the Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org interests, occupations, and lives of the sitters. Carlo wears a kind, knowing, sage-like expression, and gestures towards the viewer as if inviting them into the scene. His clothes are painted so that they appear to be made of real fabric, and his aged face is naturalistic. The space is convincingly deep. Lavinia creates a comfortable setting in which resides a fatherly figure that one could almost have a discussion with. 37
Lavinia applied the same technique she used to paint scholars to her own self-portraits. A later self-portrait of Lavinia’s shows just how much her persona changed in only two years. Self- Portrait in the Studiolo was painted at the request of a client who wanted to have it turned into a print to distribute so all could see Lavinia’s likeness. This self-portrait shows a more mature lady, and was influenced by her scholar portraits. She was three months pregnant at the time she painted it. In this image, Lavinia sits at a desk and faces the viewer, just like the scholars do in her portraits of them. She holds a paint brush over a fresh sheet of paper, preparing to paint or write. On the desk sits an ornate inkwell, a small statue of Mercury of the type she probably studied for anatomy, and another small statue of a goddess. A cabinet in the background holds pieces of a larger statue, including the head, hands, and feet. Lavinia wears sumptuous but somber clothes, with a large ruff around her neck and a sizable cross on a gold chain. Her hair is piled elaborately atop her head. The statue of Mercury is a delicate male with downcast eyes, negating even the chance that a male can watch Lavinia unawares. Because he is so diminutive, Lavinia broadcasts her superiority over him. The fragments of a male statue in the background objectify the male body, further suggesting Lavinia’s equality or even superiority to the male. In just two short years, Lavinia had transformed from eager yet confident young artist to noble, authoritative scholar with academic pursuits. She presents to the world an almost aristocratic lady who is much more mature, sophisticated, and experienced than her earlier self-portrait suggests. In this one piece, Lavinia managed to proclaim that she was as much a scholar as any man, but had retained her female identity.
Lavinia painted noblewomen in a much different fashion than she painted herself. A fine example of Lavinia’s portraits of noblewomen is Costanza Isolani with Courtyard in the Background. Costanza was a noble lady who was described as a goddess whose beauty could stupefy men and turn them to stone. Her male admirers loved her small ears and pretty mouth, which they described as rubies that closed over the whitest pearls, as well as her noble and dignified manner, sweet laugh, and tender glances. She was full of life and grace, and needed no make-up. Lavinia painted two almost identical portraits of Costanza. In both, she wears a ruffled linen chemise with an underskirt of brown and gold silk brocade. Over this are a gold- embroidered black shirt and a doublet slashed at the shoulder and embroidered with gold thread. Her sleeves are brocade encrusted with pearls. A gold chain with containers to hold perfume encircles her waist. She wears a headband of gold-trimmed silk. She holds a small dog on her lap; Lavinia included such lapdogs with sumptuous jeweled collars and earrings in many of her portraits 38 of noblewomen because they were sought after commodities that served as status symbols. Two gold bracelets rest on the table next to Costanza. Juniper blossoms, symbols of chastity, are tucked into her bodice. The bejeweled crucifix below them represents piety. This portrait shows a lavish courtyard in the background, while the companion portrait shows a castle instead. The portrait with the castle in the background was commissioned for Costanza’s castle in the country, while the portrait with the courtyard in the background was commissioned for her city house, therefore giving her a presence in both places whether or not she was there. Costanza’s finery is painted so naturalistically that it looks like real fabric and gold. Lavinia painted a powerful, confident woman who stares boldly out at the viewer and exudes a sense of strength and poise. Lavinia managed to capture not only Costanza’s outward beauty, but also the sharp mind and steely determination underneath.
The style of Lavinia’s mythological subjects departs drastically from her portrayals of noblewomen. A fairly early example of one of Lavinia’s mythological pieces is Venus and Cupid. Although it depicts a full length nude, this work is more chaste than sensual. Cupid covers Venus with a length of fabric, while Venus takes Cupid’s bow; thus, each prevents the other from causing any romantic trouble. Her attributes, the bow and arrow and the sling of precious stones worn across her body connect Venus to Diana, the virgin goddess of the hunt. Here, the goddess of beauty and love has Diana’s chastity and virginity. In the Medieval ages and into the Renaissance, people believed that the mythological deities were once mortal rulers, men who had been made celestial and raised to heaven, through the adulation of their subjects. These heroic figures had been leaders, pioneers, monster slayers, city founders, discoverers of the arts, and teachers of humanity who deserved to be honored and remembered equally to but separate from Biblical figures. For example, Venus was believed to have taught courtesans their art. It was also believed that mythological stories could act as moral Christian lessons or be used as allegories. By minimizing the sexuality of Venus in this image, Lavinia has made Venus into a motherly figure and given the scene a playful feeling. This virginal, maternal innocence is reminiscent of Lavinia’s Virgin and Child images, instead of the more traditional mythological scenes painted by artists at the time.
A very popular religious subject for paintings during the Renaissance was Judith with the Head of Holofernes, of which Lavinia painted at least two versions. This version was painted for a 39
noblewoman of the Bargellini family who was among Lavinia’s noblewoman clientele group, and was a godmother to one of Lavinia’s children. She probably commissioned it in widowhood, because Judith, as a widow herself, was a popular topic among widows. As the story goes, Holofernes was a despot who was oppressing Judith’s people, so she snuck in to his camp and seduced Holofernes and got him drunk in order to get close enough to behead him and end his tyranny. In portrayals of the story, Judith is most often depicted handing the already severed head of Holofernes to a maidservant waiting with a bag to hold it. In this version, Lavinia shows Judith with uplifted sword in one hand and Holofernes’ head in the other, with the maidservant behind her readying a bag to receive the head. Judith stands in a triumphant pose and stares straight out at the viewer with an almost expressionless face. Lavinia’s Judith is not dressed as a widow but in jewels and flowing clothing to seduce Holofernes. Yet Lavinia’s Judith is not a seductress, nor is she a warrior, but a spiritually inspired woman of fortitude and courage. This Judith is also a younger version of Lavinia herself, modeled on her portrait in the studiolo (fig. 8). By using herself as a model for Judith, Lavinia relates herself to the biblical heroine, perhaps making the statement that she too has conquered men, in essence beheading the masculine ideology that women were inferior to men by becoming a professional rival to male artists.
Minerva Dressing is Lavinia’s last known work. It features a full-length female nude. Minerva was the virgin goddess of poetry, wisdom, weaving, and war, among other things, and was believed to have taught humanity how to weave. It is an image of a naked Minerva picking up her clothes to put them on. Minerva’s nude form creates a sinuous curve. Her armor, shield, and spear lay scattered across the room, and a small child holds her helmet in the doorway. The owl, Minerva’s symbol, sits on the railing of the balcony in the background. Though still playful, this piece is much more seductive than Lavinia’s earlier Venus and Cupid. There is no real sense of innocence in this picture; instead, Minerva turns her head to look at the
Fontana, Minerva Dressing viewer in a flirtatious manner, making no attempt to cover
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org herself. The fact that her armor and instruments of war lay 40 abandoned on the floor indicates that she is not interested in battle at the moment, adding to the sexual air of the image. If one closely examines the dress Minerva is holding, one will notice that it looks suspiciously similar to the dress worn by Lavinia in her Self-Portrait at the Keyboard with a Maidservant. Minerva’s face is also reminiscent of that of Lavinia in both of her self-portraits, albeit much younger than either of them. By turning herself into Minerva, Lavinia is stating that she is the goddess of poetry and wisdom, and thus a scholarly goddess the equal of or even superior to the male scholars of her time.
A portrait medal of Lavinia Fontana gives evidence to how highly Lavinia’s contemporaries thought of her. Made in 1611 by Felice Antonio Casoni, there are only three examples of this medal in existence. The front of the medal depicts Lavinia in a profile view as a demure and proper lady. Around this bust on the front are inscribed Lavinia’s name and occupation, and under the bust is the medalist’s signature. However, the back of the medal shows a personification of Painting. Cesare Ripa described the allegorical image of Painting: “Painting: a beautiful woman with hair which is thick, dark, and disheveled, curling in different ways; and with arched eyebrows, which indicate imaginative thoughts. Her mouth is covered with a band tied behind her ears; around her neck she wears a golden chain from which hangs a mask, inscribed on the front, imitation.” Imitation, or Imitatio, was the foundation of Renaissance art and referred to modeling one’s own work after the general styles of other great artists. One could imitate nature or the most perfect models of antiquity. It is the first pictorial representation of Ripa’s version of Painting. In her left hand she holds a mahlstick, which supports the artist’s hand while painting, but its tip lays on the ground unused. In her right hand she holds a paintbrush which she uses to cover the canvas. Her hair is loose and wild. Her arched eyebrows are prominent. Cloth covers her mouth and is secured behind the ears. She wears a necklace with teardrop shaped charm. Brushes lay at her feet and her palette is behind her. Under her are calipers and a square. The wild hair shows that the artist is so caught up in her work she has forgotten her appearance. The chain necklace around her neck represents the links between student and teacher as art progresses. Around this personification is inscribed: “Only through you, a joyful state sustains me.” This can be interpreted as Painting speaking to Lavinia. Thus, Lavinia’s work makes Painting happy. Or it can be interpreted as Lavinia speaking to Painting. Thus, painting makes Lavinia happy. Few portrait medals showed the person on both sides. Usually, the back is an allegory that reveals the person’s characteristics or occupation. Hence while the front of the medal shows Lavinia as a socially 41 acceptable refined lady, the back shows who she truly was; a passionate artist with a love for painting that refused to be bound by social conventions. These types of portrait medals were typically made in honor of male artists, and those made for woman artists are rare. Therefore, the existence of this medal attests to the extraordinary respect people held for Lavinia during her lifetime.
Lavinia Fontana’s Venus and Cupid is clearly influenced by Jacopo Da Pontormo’s Leda and the Swan. Jacopo Da Pontormo lived from 1494 to 1557. Though they are two completely different mythological subjects, the compositions are almost identical. Both Venus and Leda reach down to caress the figure beside them, though Venus reaches for Cupid while Leda reaches for the swan. Both women are in slightly twisting poses, naked except for a scrap of material covering their genitals. However, Pontormo’s image is much more sensual and sexually charged, while Lavinia’s is much more innocent and playful, and uses the attributes of another goddess to make Venus more virginal and pious. Pontormo shows his Leda as passive and receptive to the swan’s wishes, while Lavinia’s Venus is in control of her own chastity and of Cupid’s ability to create love. Both are mothers, but Lavinia’s Venus is more motherly and authoritative than Pontormo’s demure Leda, who seems oblivious to her children.
Botticelli’s Birth of Venus is very different from either of Lavinia Fontana’s mythological paintings. Alessandro Botticelli, or Sandro, was a Florentine painter who lived from 1445 to 1510. The Birth of Venus shows a nude Venus being blown to shore on a seashell by a zephyr, while the personification of Spring waits on the shore with a robe to cover her. Though it does depict an ideal female nude like Lavinia’s Venus and Cupid and Minerva Dressing, that is the only similarity. Botticelli’s Venus is passive and static, like a statue, and though she does gaze out of the picture frame, her eyes do not meet those of the viewer. She gives the impression of demure beauty. On the other hand, both of Lavinia’s nude goddesses possessed a sense of power and authority along with feminine beauty and sensuality. They are anything but demure and passive.
Raphael’s Small Cowper Madonna depicts the Virgin Mary holding the infant Jesus, just like Lavinia Fontana’s Holy Family with Saints. Raffaello Da Urbino, or Raphael Santi, was a painter and architect who lived from 1483 to 1520. Apart from the obvious stylistic contrasts, these two images could not be more different. While Lavinia’s Mary wears a joyful expression and radiates motherly bliss, Raphael’s Mary stares forlornly into the distance and barely interacts with 42
her son, who has his arms wrapped around her neck. Raphael’s Mary certainly is not a happy mother; in fact her face barely registers any emotion at all. She seems to be more a stoic, ideal beauty holding an unrelated child than Lavinia’s Mary, who is a doting, loving mother.
In his portraits, Raphael depicted women much differently than did Lavinia in her portraits. Lavinia Fontana’s portrait of Costanza Isolani, Lavinia imbues her sitter with power and authority through her pose and by allowing her gaze to meet that of the viewer, while still presenting her as an ideal beauty. The woman in Raphael’s Portrait of Maddalana Doni does not meet the
Raphael, The Small Cowper Madonna, 1505, Oil viewer’s gaze and only seems reserved, not powerful. on Panel Though she is physically attractive, she is more naturalistic Image Soucre: Google Art Project on http://commons.wikimedia.org than and not as idealized as Lavinia’s portrait. Lavinia painted strong women who retained their feminine beauty, while Raphael painted beautiful women who were impotent and meek.
Titian and Lavinia Fontana both painted the subject of Noli Me Tangere. Tiziano Da Cadore, or Titian, was a Venetian painter who lived from 1487 to 1577. In Lavinia’s version, Mary Magdalene is confused at Christ’s appearance, and yet is confident that she will receive his blessing. In Titian’s version however, Mary Magdalene is desperate and frightened, groveling on her hands and knees for Christ’s forgiveness while she clutches at his robes. Lavinia’s Jesus is reaching out to bless Mary Magdalene with love in his expression, while Titian’s Jesus snatches his robes away from Mary’s hand with what could almost be disgust. The woman in Titian’s painting is an unvirtuous woman begging for divine forgiveness, while the woman in Lavinia’s painting is a pious woman who is sure of her own virtuosity and worthiness of forgiveness.
Lavinia Fontana and Titian also both painted the Assumption of the Virgin. Lavinia’s version depicts a blissful Mary rising to heaven amidst a bevy of angels while two Saints look on. Titian’s version shows a surprised and slightly frightened Mary being raised to heaven by a host of angels with a crowd of onlookers below. Lavinia’s Mary is regal and composed, very much like the 43
Queen of Heaven she is becoming, while Titian’s Mary is completely discomposed and is actually alarmed because she does not know what is happening to her. In Lavinia’s image, Mary almost seems to ascend by her own power, but in Titian’s image Mary is being carried away by outside forces. The biggest similarity between the two paintings is the tunnel of cloud-like angel faces that surrounds the Virgin Mary, which suggests that Titian’s Assumption served as the inspiration for Lavinia’s Assumption.
Titian’s Venus and Adonis features a nude female in the guise of a goddess, just as Lavinia’s Venus and Cupid and Minerva Dressing do. Titian painted at least four versions of Venus and Adonis, and in each of them a despondent Venus hangs on to Adonis, who is getting up to leave. Venus is an ideal beauty seen from behind, while Adonis is an ideal male specimen seen from the front. While Lavinia portrays her goddesses as ideal feminine beauties who possess authority, confidence, and seductiveness, Titian’s goddess is literally reduced to begging a mortal man even though she is an omnipotent deity. Titian strips his goddess of power and diminishes her to the role of weak, emotional woman.
Although she was influenced by several great artists of her time, Lavinia Fontana had a unique style all her own. In an age when depicting women as meek, passive, and beautiful was the norm, Lavinia dared to impart power, strength, and confidence to her beautiful female figures. Whereas other artists painted apathetic, stoic females, she painted expressive women; for example, her Madonnas are joyful mothers while the Madonnas of others are expressionless or mournful. Lavinia extended her manner of portraying women to painting her own image; her self-portraits reveal a confident, intelligent, independent woman perfectly capable of supporting herself and competing with male artists while still raising a family and running a household. It is obvious that her works are done by the hand of a woman, not because of any inferiority to the works of men, but due to her portrayal of women.
Bibliography
Ames-Lewis, Francis and Mary Rogers. Concepts of Beauty in Renaissance Art. Aldershot, Hants, England; Brookfield, Vt., USA : Ashgate, 1998. Borenius, Tancred. “A Portrait By Lavinia Fontana.” The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. Vol. 41. (Jul., 1922.) p. 41-42. Brown, Judith C. and Robert C. Davis. Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy. London ; New York : Longman, 1998. 44
Cheney, Liana. “Lavinia Fontana, Boston ‘Holy Family’.” Women’s Art Journal. Vol. 5. (1984.) p. 12-15. Fine, Elsa Honig. Women & Art: A History of Women Painters and Sculptors from the Renaissance to the 20th Century. Montclair, N.J. : Allanheld & Schram/Prior, 1978. Gro ssinger, Christa. Picturing Women in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art. New York : Manchester University Press, 1997. Harrell, J., C. Barrett, and D. Petsch. History of Aesthetics. Vol. 3. London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2006. Jacobs, Fredrika J. Defining the Renaissance “Virtuosa”: Women Artists and the Language of Art History and Criticism. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997. King, Catherine. “Looking a Sight: Sixteenth-Century Portraits of Woman Artists.” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte. (1995.) p. 381-406. McIver, Katherine A. “Lavinia Fontana’s ‘Self-Portrait Making Music’.” Woman's Art Journal. Vol. 19. (1998.) p. 3-8. Murphy, Caroline P. Lavinia Fontana: A Painter and Her Patrons in Sixteenth-Century Bologna. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003. Schaefer, Jean Owens. “A Note on the Iconography of a Medal of Lavinia Fontana.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes. Vol. 47. (1984.) p.232-234. Seznec, Jean. The Survival of the Pagan Gods: The Mythological Tradition and its Place in Renaissance Humanism and Art. Trans. Barbara F. Sessions. New York : Harper, 1961. Tinagli, Paolo. Women in Italian Renaissance Art: Gender, Representation, and Identity. Manchester:Manchester University Press, 1997. Vasari, Giorgio. The Great Masters: Giotto, Botticelli, Leonardo, Raphael, Michelangelo, Titan. Trans. Michael Sonino. New York: Park Lane : Distributed by Crown, 1988. Vasari, Giorgio. The Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects. Trans. Gaston du C. deVere. Ed. Philip Jacks. New York : Modern Library, 2005.
45
Politics, Prejudice and Pastel: The Allegories of Rosalba Carriera
Kelsey Bryner
Born in 1675 in Venice, Italy, Rosalba Carriera’s allegories would make her a successful artist and the first female artist to establish a personal style of art. She won many awards and established herself among French and other royalty. Her parents held high class positions in society during their lifetimes. Her father Andrea Carriera was a Venetian government employee, while her mother was an embroiderer. The reason she was able to create a successful career in art was because she was born into high society and given artistic chances other female artists were not given. Through her noble birth, she was then able to produce her famous artwork.
In the early 1700s her sister, Angela, married Antonio Pellegrini, which created the connection between Rosalba Carriera and the artistic circle that included Balestra, Bombelli, Crespi, and Luti. She was able to make other connections. For instance, her connection to Christian Cole, who helped her gain entrance into Accademia di S. Luca in Rome, where she began her long career as a miniaturist. She eventually would obtain “international fame” as a miniaturist. One of the many noble people who sat for her was Augustus III of Poland, who also was Self Portrait, Pastel, 1715 the prince of Saxony. She later became famous with French Image source: http://commons.wikimedia.org nobility and collectors like Pierre Crozat, Pierre Jean Mariette and Nicolas Vleughels.
She chose pastels as her medium, for which she became famous. People loved her graceful and delicate aspects of women. They contained a femininity that could only truly be captured by a woman. Her allegories, which made her famous, also included symbols that related back to being a woman of the eighteenth century. Her reason behind depicting allegories remains ambiguous. Her allegories may express the personality of the sitter, or she could be following a popular trend in order to increase her sales. It can be proven that Rosalba Carriera was very influenced by the French fashion of painting allegories, but the items painted with her patrons are depicting their personalities as well as morals that were important during the Rococo. 46
While Rosalba Carriera was living in Venice during the early 1700s, she was very influenced by French painters. The two artists she owes the most to are Largilliere and Watteau. Largilliere increased Rosalba Carriera’s use of luxury in her painting. After his influence, you could see a significant difference in her depiction of jewelry, flowers and animals. Watteau has been credited with her change in expressions. Her expressions of joy, sadness, and serenity became more intense. However, she never manipulated her subject, she only created a more beautiful version of them. Rosalba Carriera’s influence from these two artists, especially Largillere, shows her interest in using allegory, the common trend among French artists, and can truly be seen in Young Lady with a Parrot.
Another influence she has comes from another Italian artist, Leonardo Da Vinci. It is believed that in addition to Watteau, Da Vinci also influenced her expressions. In nearly all of her allegories you see Da Vinci’s famous, “Mona Lisa Smile.” Her paintings continually have a closed mouth smile that holds an element of mystery behind there facial features.
Young Lady with a Parrot was completed around 1720, and it is a prime example of Rosalba Carriera’s work. It is tempera on ivory; it is one of her many images where you see the use of a parrot. The use of the parrot shows eighteenth century high society’s obsession with small exotic animals. The parrot is another way of showing the wealth of the girl who is depicted in the allegory. She is clearly wealthy, which can be seen in what she is wearing. She is covered in ribbons, flowers and jewelry. This piece exudes sensuality because of the parrot pulling on the strings that hold her blouse to expose her chest. The transformation of the definition of femininity in the eighteenth century is seen by the parrot pulling her blouse open by allowing her to have a small amount of sensuality not seen before the Rococo.
Another common theme in Rosalba Carriera’s work was doing her allegories in series of four. An example of this is her series known as The Four Elements, The Four Continents, and The Four Seasons. In The Four Elements, she personifies the elements of Air, Water, Fire and Earth through allegories. Also through allegories, she depicts the four continents that exist during the eighteenth century - Europe, Asia, Africa and America. She appropriately titles this The Four Continents. She creates another series of four allegories when she painted The Four Seasons; feminizing fall, winter, summer and spring. 47
Allegory of Air done in 1746 shows another level of Rosalba Carriera’s allegories. This pastel shows her use of allegory in order to depict femininity in the eighteenth century. The high society woman shown in this pastel is in a very beautiful dress as well as lavish jewelry showing her place in society, but there is also a bird is flying in the background relating back to the element of air. The bird is a dove, which was placed in this allegory in order to show purity. Also showing purity is how the subject is wearing a pearl in her ear, which in believed to be a sign of a virgin. Purity is a moral that was very important during this time period. This allegory also shows a lot of sensuality, which is another characteristic of Rococo. This proves that women were allowed to be sensual as long as they held up the moral of purity in their lives.
In 1746, Rosalba Carriera also finished her Allegory of Water. She is pictured in dark blues and browns, colors that are consistent with rivers and lakes. This woman is also shown holding fish. A fish is the symbol for Jesus Christ, which goes along with Rosabla Carriera’s allegories; painting women in virtuous states. Her blouse is slightly open showing her pale white breast, expressing sensuality as seen in other paintings.
She kept her virtuous symbols in another piece, The Four Elements; in her Allegory of Fire a young woman is shown holding a lamp and carrying a scroll. These two symbols shown together with a young woman are often constant with the Virgin Mary. These two symbols when depicted together are also seen as intelligence, almost showing the fire of intellect. These two symbols together can be seen in another piece of French artwork as well - the Statue of Liberty. Although created one hundred years later, it continues to show the use of the lamp and the scroll as a symbol of power, intelligence and purity. In this piece, she, like other female subjects of Carriera, is exposing a small amount of her breast in a sensual manner. This proved that women during the eighteenth century needed to be seen as pure, natural and also sensual in order to be considered a proper woman in society, but it also shows that woman are intelligent and able to be considered scholarly.
In The Four Element’s last element, The Allegory of Earth, the purity symbols are less abundant than in the other three pieces. Though they are there, like in the Allegory of Air, this woman is also wearing a pearl earring, which is a symbol of purity. In the Allegory of Earth the least amount of cleavage is shown, even though she is wearing a low cut blouse. In this image, she is also holding mushrooms, which was a sign for France during the eighteenth century. This was 48
also where Rosalba Carriera was largely influenced during this time. Rosalba Carriera was working a great deal in France during this time doing many portraits of royalty. It is safe to say that Rosalba Carriera shows mushrooms in her paintings in order to pay respect to the country that influenced her work, but it also made her famous.
Rosalba Carriera depicted women of the eighteenth century as natural and pure but also with sensuality to them; showing these were important for alluring men, but also maintaining your purity. This can be seen in all of her allegories including her The Four Seasons. In the Allegory of Winter, you can see her draped in a fur and surrounded by colors that appear warm. She also has a pearl in her hair. The pearl is a reoccurring theme throughout most of her work. She is pulling up the top of her blouse and exposing her shoulder while giving the viewer a sly smile. In The Allegory of Fall, the subject is fully exposing her left breast and carrying an abundant of crops in her arms. Included in the crops is a reappearance of mushrooms, which as earlier stated represents the symbol of France, possibly paying respect to the country that greatly influenced her work. In the Allegory of Spring, Rosalba Carriera, The Four Seasons, Pastel, 1700's the subject is wearing pearl earrings and carrying Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org flowers. In the Allegory of Summer, the woman is holding a rabbit, which is the symbol of fertility and antiquity. This could be bringing the need to be able to bare children as an important part of being a woman.
The most original of her allegories were the Four Continents, where she explored the differences between the four major continents of the eighteenth century. The images of these women are very controversial, and they include Europe, Asia, America and Africa. Unlike her other allegories, these have very little to do with purity and more to do with feminism and nationality. There is a great amount of similarity between Europe and Asia, while there is a great amount of similarity between Africa and America. Perhaps the reason she created the similarity 49 between Europe and Asia is that European and Asian countries were considered highly developed societies, while America and Africa could be considered a savage society. These images create a sense of national pride and even place Europe as the elite continent.
The Allegory of Europe holds some of the most regal symbols in that painting. She is wearing a crucifix around her neck, which is clearly a symbol of the Christian faith. This cross is made of pearls, which, as said earlier, is a sign of purity. She is also wearing a tiara, which is clearly placing Europe as the ruler of the other three continents. In her hand is a quill showing Europe as an educated continent. This woman is also the fairest of the four others, proving she is the purest, and therefore, Europe is the most developed of the countries. During the eighteenth century Europe was very powerful and controlled most trade routes. Without Europe, Asia’s trade would be almost non-existent. They also are the reason for the discovery of the Americas. This allegory clearly shows Europe as the most powerful, educated and pure of the four continents.
Rosalba Carriera’s Allegory of Asia has a lot of similarities to the Allegory of Europe. Although this woman does not appear with Asian features she is shown with cherry blossoms in her hair which is a symbol of Asia and more specifically Japan. She is wearing Jade earrings, which was a very important stone to the Chinese. It also appears that she is holding in her hands an Asian inspire teapot, which along with tea, were very important trade items during this time and the most important trade item to Europe. The facial features of this woman do not appear Asian; they appear as Italian, which was an important country during this time period because of Vatican City. However, she is also shown as slightly tanner than Europe and therefore less pure than Europe and less important. Rosalba Carriera may have depicted her in this manner to create the connection that Asia and Europe were developed societies that were important to each other and that Europe could survive without Asia. However, Asia could not survive without Europe.
Next in this series of Allegories is America, depicting a woman wearing a feathered head dress, turquoise earrings and holding an arrow. These are all symbols of the Native Americans. The feathered head dress mimics the tiara in the European allegory because head dresses were worn by the leaders of the Native American tribes. European kings and queens wore tiaras and crowns. Her turquoise earrings shows one of the main goods traded between Native Americans and Europeans. The arrow shows the savage weapons used by the Native Americans that are less sophisticated than the quill that is in the European woman’s hand. The Native American in this 50 allegory is depicted as very tan. She is far darker than the extremely pale European figure and the Asia figure, showing that America is less important than Europe and Asia. Europe, at this time, believed they were highly more important than the Americas because without Europe, the Americas would have never been discovered, proving Rosalba Carriera’s point that Europe was superior to the Americas.
Rosalba Carriera shows Europe’s major superiority to the other continent. The difference between the allegories of Asia and America and her last allegory of a continent is that Carriera shows that these two continents are valued and in some way supported by Europe’s power. She completely changes in the Allegory of Africa by showing they are a toxic society that needs to controlled by Europe and not traded with. She painted these allegories during a time when Europe controlled most of the world and had plans for further expansion. One of the possible places France was debating on trying to conquer was Africa.
In the Allegory of Africa, there is a black woman with African American features for the first time done by a white female. She is shown holding four snakes while wearing a necklace made of red beads that appear to be apples. These are clearly symbols of the original sin. The next symbol shown in this allegory is the scorpion that is hanging from the necklace of red beads. In another image also titled Africa, done also as an allegory of a black woman, the woman is simply holding only a scorpion by its tail. In both of these images, she is shown wearing large pearl earrings as well as a pearl necklace, similar to the ones worn by the woman in the allegory of Europe. The scorpion is the symbol of Judas, the man who betrayed Jesus Christ. The pearls are saying that Europe should intervene in order to help Africa become a Christian society. Judas is also often depicted as a black man because early Christians wanted Judas to be the exact opposite of Jesus Christ. Europe in the Four Continents is shown as an extremely pale white woman, compared to Africa, who is depicted as extremely dark. This is saying that Europe, like Jesus, is far more pure and moral than Africa, who, compared to Judas, is a toxic continent. This comparison between Jesus Christ as a pure and holy white man while Judas is shown as a dark skinned man is also seen in Leonardo Da Vinci’s The Last Supper. Leonardo Da Vinci was a major influence in the way she did her facial features. This could be her influence in doing the allegory of Africa as such a dark African American woman. Another reason why she possibly depicted Africa in such a negative way is because she is probably giving her opinion on whether France should try to 51 conquer parts of Africa. She is saying that Africa needs help to become a moral society because they are corrupt, the same way Judas is corrupted, and by placing pearls in this allegory, she is saying that Europe, who is also wearing pearls, could make them a pure society.
In conclusion, Rosalba Carriera is considered an extremely successful female artist, especially since so few female artists have been documented throughout history. Many people can speak candidly about the reasons why she became so famous as well as speak about her portraits of famous individuals. Very few male art historians have taken the time to look deeply into her allegorical works, though they could be considered her most interesting pieces. The reason people did not take her allegorical work seriously is because of where it was placed. She often did her allegories on miniature ivory plates that were then placed on the top of jewelry boxes and facial powder boxes. When someone looks heavily into her work, you can notice that she enjoyed feminizing nature as well as political controversies of the time. She places her beliefs in what a woman of the eighteenth century should value in her allegories. She believed a woman in Europe needed to be pure and moral, as well as sensuous and intelligent. This can be seen in her The Four Seasons and The Elements. These are reoccurring themes in all of her paintings. Something interesting in her pieces is that male art historians only believed they were famous because they were “pretty pictures” of women, but a percentage of her paintings had political meanings. This is definitely seen in The Four Continents. She proves to be an intelligent and important part of European and Rococo style and shows there is much more to her work than “pretty pictures of women.”
Bibliography
"Signs, Symbols and Icons:." Google Books. Google, n.d. Web. 15 May 2013. Jeffares, Neil. "Dictionary of Pastellist before 1800." Pastel Lists. Pastellists.com, 21 Apr. 2013. Web. 15 May 2013. Women,Art and the Politics of Identity in Eighteenth-Century Eupope, ed. Melissa Hyde and Jennifer Milan (London,2003) W.Chadwick, Women, Art and Society (New York,1990) “Drawings by Rosalba,” The Burlington Magazine 139 (1997): 196-7 Rosalba Carriera’s “Young Lady with a Parrot” Bernardina Sani, Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studios, Vol. 17, No. 1, Italian Drawings at The Art Institute: Recent Acquisition and Discoveries (1991), pp. 74-87+95 Two Venetian Portraits of the Young Pretender: Rosalba Carriera and Francesco Guardi F.J.B. Watson, The Burlington Magazine, Vol.111, No. 795 (Jun., 1969), pp.333-337 52
A Young Lady with a Parrot, c.1730, Rosalba Carriera, Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies,Vol.26, No.1, Maineri to Miro: The Regenstein Collection since 1975 (2000), pp.30-31 Rosalba Carriera: lettere, diari, farmmenti by Bernardina Sani, Review by:Francis Haskell, The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 129, No. 1007 (Feb., 1987), pp. 122-123 Teresa del Po: A Pre-Rosalba Pastel Portraitist,Donald Rabiner, Woman’s Art Journal,Vol.5, No. 1 (Spring-Summer, 1984), pp.16-22 Art’s Looking Glass: Fifteen Self Portraits, L. U. B, The Massachusetts Review , Vol.13, No. ½, Woman: An Issue (Winter – Spring, 1972) pp.189-204 Anna Jameson on Women Artists, Adele M. Holcomb, Woman’s Art Journal , Vol. 8, No. 2 (Autumn, 1987 – Winter, 1988), pp. 15-24 Colnaghi. London, Review by: David Ekserdjian, The Burlington Magazine , Vol.128 No. 1000 (Jul., 1986), pp. 524-526 Color Plates, Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies , Vol. 17, No. 1, Italian Drawings at the Art Institute: Recent Acquisitions and Discoveries (1991), pp.41-46 Back Matter, The Burlington Magazine , Vol.126, No. 980 (Nov., 1984) The “ Makeup” of the Marquise: Boucher’s Portrait of Pompadour at Her Toilette, Melissa Hyde, The Art Bulletin, Vol. 82, No.3 (Sep., 2000), pp. 453-475
53
Symbols of Power at the Villa Farnese in Viterbo, Italy
Melissa Crouch
The Villa Farnese, located in Caprarola near Viterbo is a structure that embodies the power of the Farnese family. I will explore the detailed and fascinating way they used Roman and Catholic symbolism in the architecture and decoration of the Villa, to anthropomorphize their power and their God-given right to do so. This Villa symbolizes their power from the oval shape of the courtyard down to the number of columns surrounding it.
The frescos identify to the different Farnese family members with their own symbols to enhance their status and power. They would even have bust of the old Roman empires claiming that they are related or just associating their bloodline to that of the old emperors of Rome. As well as to make their
Exterior View of the Villa Farnese power greater, they made sure to marry their
Image Source: http://commons.wikimedia.org family to some of the most powerful families in Europe. Behind the scenes lies the head of the family Alessandro Farnese, also the original patron of the Villa. Alessandro Farnese later became Pope Paul III (1468-1549). However, before that, he was a Cardinal in the Roman Catholic Church. He acquired the property at Caprarola around 1520 and commissioned for a villa to be built.
The family Farnese originally hailed from a small revered country aristocracy in the Latium region. They were known for their family’s military services and their devotion and loyalty to the church. As thanks to the Farnese family’s loyalties, the popes would bestow upon them estates and privileges. So, when Alessandro Farnese entered the papacy he would ascend the ranks in which later he would have help from his sister Giulia Farnese. She was known for her exquisiteness and would become the lover of Pope Alexander VI, so Alessandro would uses his sister’s relationship with the pope in his favor. 54
Soon after he became a Cardinal of the church, he was nicknamed "The Petticoat Cardinal'' due to his sister’s influence on the Pope. Alessandro was known for his intelligence, as he studied in Florence at the Academy of Lorenzo il Magnifico and afterwards in Rome, at the studio of Pamponio Leto. Although, having been a Humanist and having an extreme passion and love for the classical, he was dragged closer to paganism and heresy, and Alessandro even fathered four children. But this would not stop him from achieving the highest position of the Roman Catholic Church. He became Pope in 1535 and took the name of Pope Paul III.
He became Pope in an uncertain time for Italy's safety and future. Charles VIII of Florence and Francis I of Spain were simultaneously fighting for Italian properties. Astonishingly, Pope Paul was able to stay neutral of both powers and keep the peace to the best of his abilities. Also, the Protestant Reformation was threatening the power of the Roman Church. In response, he had to have a council held with the dignitaries of the church.
Pope Paul III started the Council of Trent, and the sessions went on years following his death. In spite of all this chaos and lunacy, Paul III was still able to influence the arts. He would attract some of the great artists of the time, and also commissioned great works of art from them. He would commission buildings like the Palazzo Farnese that Michelangelo was credited on. The Villa Farnesina was also graced with paintings by Raphael and the Carracci brothers. When Pope Paul III planned to build the Villa at Caprarola, he had his two sons in mind. Pope Paul III
1Titian, Pope Paul III with his Grandsons acquired the property in 1504, and planned to make it a Alessandro and Ottavio Farnese, 1546, oil on perpetual Vicariate – (an office of a representative of a canvas bishop) for his teenage sons Ranuccio (1509-1528) and Image source: http://commons.wikimedia.org Pier Laigi (1503-1547). Pope Paul III had two more children; a son and daughter that had already died and Ranuccio would die young as well at the age of 19, leaving him with only one child left - his son Pier Laigi.
Pier Laigi would father four children to his wife Gerolama. His father and the pope would marry them off to powerful families in Europe and give them powerful prestige in the church and 55 politics - in doing so, giving the Farnese family an even more powerful rank and influence in Europe. Pier Laigi also gained from his father’s high position in the church. His father made him Duke of Castro and estate near Lake Bolsena. However, Pier Laigi had bigger plans for himself.
In the case of his reputation, he was known for his homoerotic behavior. He even caused a scandal with one of the Bishops; apparently he died at the young age of 24 from shame and a broken heart because of Pier Laigi. In the book The House of Farnese, the author states "Except for his homosexuality, Pier Luigi was a man full of good qualities.” Soon after he started to “behave himself”, he achieved his secret desire of dominating the two cities of Parma and Piacenza that held much political power. Pier Laigi eventually executed his ambition and became First Duke of Parma and Piacenza. In gaining this title, danger loomed until he was ultimately assassinated on the orders of Charles V, who wanted the two cities. So in the year 1547, Pier Laigi was stabbed mercilessly with a dagger and died.
Pier Laigi's two sons Ottavio and Alessandro Farnese ended up siding with Charles V and helping with the death of Pope Paul III. Charles V was under the assumption that the Pope would die of melancholia, reeling from the news of his only son’s death, but Pope Paul did not die. What brought him toward the darkness was the despair of his two grandsons, Ottavio and Alessandro, siding with Charles V instead of himself.
Pope Paul died in 1549, two years after his son. After his death, Ottavio Farnese became the new Duke of Parma and Piacenza and Alessandro became a Cardinal of the Church. Cardinal Alessandro had ambitions to become the Pope but it never came into fruition. Instead, he became one who votes in choosing the future popes. Like his grandfather, Cardinal Alessandro stimulated the artists of that time. After his grandfather’s death, he became the patron of the Farnese Villa at Caprarola.
When Pope Paul III originally organized plans for the Villa, Baldassare Peruzzi was hired to design the plain and build the Villa. Peruzzi drew out plans that included a pentagonal shape and for it to resemble a fortress. There were many holes in this plan, for the rooms were oddly shaped due to the pentagonal plan. Peruzzi died before he could finish the Villa’s plans, and the Pope also died before the Villa was completed. Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who hired the architect Giacomo Vignola (1507-1575) to finish the Villa, resumed the construction of the Villa. 56
His solution for Peruzzi's pentagonal plan consisted of a circular courtyard that would help the layout of the rooms. Cardinal Alessandro changed it into more of a villa than a fortress layout. The interior of the Villa is decorated with many frescos by many different artists. Some of the rooms discussed will be The Room of Farnese Deeds, painted by Taddeo Zuccaroe between 1562 and 1563. The painter of the Room of Penitence was Jacopo Bertoia, done in 1570. The last fresco room was painted by Giovanni Antonio Vanosino da Varese and some other artists in the Room of Maps. The architecture and paintings of the villa are all statements of the power of the Farnese family.
Many of architectural elements of the Villa Farnese contain specific symbolic representations of the power of the Farnese. The original architect Peruzzi and his pentagonal fortress project had five perimeter walls using the pentagon shape. Facade has a door with five windows. When Vignola started his work on the Villa, besides the pentagonal plan, curtain walls and five bastions all the rest of the design of the villa is Vignola's. He designed double stairs to enter the front of the villa. The stairs are very similar to the Poggio a Caiano, villa Medici that also has the double stairs leading to the front entrance. In the courtyard framing it, there are Ionic columns, Ionic entablatures, rounded arches, semicircular columns, Ionic volutes and decorative ovals, that all evoke a celestial sphere.
Elaborating on the idea that the courtyard’s pavement is divided in to ten segments, to which ten can be the sum of whole number like 1, 2, 3, and 4. These numbers are the musical harmony that the universe is based on. Also, three and four can have different religious subtexts. Three can represent the Holy Trinity of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit and four represent the four Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.
In the middle of the circular courtyard is cistern. On it is a cover that is a Mascherone. Mascherone are grotesque masks, a symbol of the material world, or marine deity that represents the transformation within the terrestrial world. For the cistern itself under the courtyard, used for capturing rain water but there are symbolic meanings to it. It is referring to the mythic hero Hercules and the sacrifice of Christ.
The cistern has a miniature water filled volcanic center that is representing the myth of Hercules. The circular courtyard enforces this symbolism of the myth. Servius wrote that you 57 should build circular temples to honor Hercules. Cardinal Farnese connected himself to Hercules and even includes Hercules in his family’s ancestry. Also, in Renaissance, Hercules was known as a Christ like. Hercules’ heroic act of smashing his club into the ground and bringing water out symbolizes the self-sacrifice of Christ and the Baptism. The circle was associated with death and the resurrection of Christ, as well the sign of unity and justice of God. Hercules’ club is referred to as a sort of Axis Mundi, mediating between heaven and Earth in the center of the courtyard.
Hurling the club can also be attributed to Cardinal Farnese's personal device of an arrow that strikes the center of a shield. Shields were seen as an act of Christ-like reasoning and promoting salvation. The shields alluded to sheltering the church and the Christian commonwealth. Also, the courtyard being interpreted as a shield, the pentagonal plan was associated with shields since the time of antiquity. In short, the cistern is supposedly Hercules’ club that brings the water of baptism, connecting the Farnese with a heroic, divine and prestigious family linage.
The circular courtyard style in villas and palaces had just started in the Renaissance. Before this, only squire of rectangular shapes were used. The circular design for courtyards may have come from Roman circular temples and round rooms in the bathhouses. The circular courtyards were very rare in the Renaissance with only two built before the central one at Caprarola. One was the villa for the Medici Pope and the other was an imperial palace for Charles V. Both the villa and palace circular courtyard were never completed, this shows us that circular courtyards were arduous to design and exorbitant to build.
There are two main reasons to build this kind of courtyard; the first being the reception area for esteemed people to gather, second is to demonstrate a symbolic statement or both. Also, considering the first two patrons of the circular courtyards - they were high ranking people of Europe, the Pope and an Emperor. The next was at Caprarola, by the Pope and later Cardinal Farnese to show their high ranking position and power of Europe. Also, building the circular courtyard at Caprarola symbolizes the earthly dominion and the symbol of spiritual authority. To this, Cardinal Farnese would express his families’ claims to the states of Castro, and Ronciglione, both located in Parma and Piacenza. So the circular courtyard would symbolize their right to supreme authority of these territories. 58
The decorations of the porticoes are coats of arms of the many families that married into the Farnese family. So it's a portico of Farnese genealogy and includes some of the most powerful families in Europe. The lower portico is where the 46 coats of arms are. They were made by the artist Antonio Tempesta (1555-1650). There’s the coat of arms of Charles V; Ottovio Farnese was married to his daughter. All the different coats on the portico are displayed by hierarchal scale to show us all the powerful families the Farnese’s are related to. The Farnese’s will honor them-selves with linking their family heritage to the first twelve Emperors of Rome.
The upper portico was originally decorated with 12 life-size marble busts of the first Roman Emperors, placed in niches. Cardinal Farnese had 12 of the same busts of the Emperors in the Palazzo Farnese in Rome as well. Theses marble busts were likely used as models for the Caprarola marble busts. The Caprarola marble busts were made by the artist who made the Mascherone for the cistern.
The Roman Emperor’s busts in the niches of the portico are following a Roman practice of placing ancestral busts in the atrium of Roman houses…showing us that the Farnese's are claiming the Caesars as their ancestors, but doing this was not uncommon of the sixteenth century Italian noble families. In claiming blood ties to the line of Roman Emperors, it shows that they are following the Caesar legacy.
Back to the lower portico, there are vaults that are decorated with paintings of geometric designs, vegetation, and many different kinds of birds, butterflies, a cat, and a snake. The vaults have been symbols of the heavens since antiquity, adding to this the decoration that transforms it into a paradise or a Garden of Eden. A cat that eats a mouse and the serpent represent sin and the fall of humanity. Clusters of white and purple grapes recall Christ's sacrifice and the white and red roses signal the purity and suffering of the Virgin. An older emblem is of the birds and butterflies; symbolizing liberated souls and together with perfumed white jasmine is a metaphor for salvation. Supporting the vaults are images of Fleur' de lis, lilies that represent celestial lilies and a device of the Farnese. This symbolizes the vaults as heavenly, and the Fluer-de lis as supporting the heavens, and being a device of the Farnese family. So the Farneses are the supports to heaven and God.
In one of the vaults, there is an imperial eagle that is linked to the classical Roman god Jupiter. The eagle also became a Christian sign for Christ's divinity and his sacrifice channeled 59 through baptism. Red roses and grapes around the eagle show more significance of the sacrificial Christ. Below the eagle is the turkey from the new world that symbolizes the Christian empire's expansion to all ends of the world. All the birds are shown to symbolize different things to enhance the Farnese power and supremacy, even showing their lilies, supporting the heavens.
In the Villa at Caprarola, there are 43 rooms and loggias all decorated with frescos. The first room of frescos I will focus on is The Room of Farnese Deeds. This room was the main or principal audience room of the Villa, painted by Taddeo Zuccoro and his workshop between 1562 and 1563. Taddeo would paint five rooms at Caprarola and had done work in the Palazzo Farnese. Vasari describes Taddeo as “unable to refuse work in any way”. Vasari stresses his talent for organizing large scale decorative works. Using the work at Caprarola as an example, Vasari said that it shows Taddeo's talent of directing intelligence at every stage of work.
The frescos of the room of Farnese Deeds can be shown as an extension of the motif of power and ancestry of the portico. The scenes are filled with the Farnese family showing their military victories and there servitude to the church as well to the Christian commonwealth. In the frescos they show the family portrayed as high ranking people of ancient Rome, again associating themselves with the Roman Emperors.
Immediately upon entering the Room of Farnese Deeds, first thing noticeable is the vault with the Farnese coat-of-arms, with 16 fleurs-de-lis and a spear. The fleur de-lis are lilies a personal devise of Pope Paul III. Iris in Latin means both lily and rainbow; this can mean the rainbow of god's agreement with man after the flood, and a symbol of god's justness. The spear that pierces the inside of a shield hanging from a tree was the particular insignia of Cardinal Farnese. The slogan (strike so), derives from Homer's Iliad (VIII 282). This device alludes to military victories, innocence and god's shield of protection and salvation. Both insignias used together enhance the Farnese as being good, serving the church and their duty to god.
Trailing below the Lily and spear device are both allegorical figures of spiritual Sovereignty, Temporal Sovereignty, valor or called the Allegory of Fame and Allegory of Rome. All of the Allegories are in some way symbolizing the Roman Empire and the Christian commonwealth. Allegory of Rome is dressed in Roman clothes with the she-wolf, Romulus and Remus. Also, she holds a winged Nike with Laurel Crown that symbolizes victory. Allegory of Rome symbolizes 60
Rome’s victory of spreading Christianity throughout the world and linking the Farnese with their devices, showing that they defend the Church.
The first few frescos of the historic paintings of the Farnese are of members before Pope Paul III. The paintings show their triumphs of war for the Church, some not historically accurate. But they were changed in their ways that enhanced their tie to Roman ancestry. The Pieto Farnese painting shows his conquest over Cosa, in the name of the Church. This painting links the Farnese to ancient Rome, which also defeated the Etruscans for Cosa in 273 BC. Illuminating this idea is the fact they are dressed in Roman clothes and the composition is based on Roman relief sculptures. For the paintings depicting Pope Paul III, the continued theme of showing their power and the prominent families of Europe that has joined the Farnese line.
The main focus of the up-to-date family genealogy, is that of the main Farnese family and the most powerful families that have married into the Farnese. The most significant Farnese’s are: Pope Paul III, Peirt Lurgi, Ottavio who marred the daughter of Charles V, and Cardinal Farnese. Besides the Farnese family, these paintings center on the two most influential families in Europe that both had daughters married to Farnese boys. Charles VIII, Emperor of Florence and Francis I king of Spain.
The family paintings mainly show their union through the weddings of their children and paintings of Charles VIII and Francis I saying they are great protectors of the Farnese family. In some of the Room of Farnese Deeds symbolizes their family power, their ancestry to the Roman Emperors and the Farnese achievements protecting the Christian commonwealth.
The Room of Penitence in the Villa Farnese is painted by Jacopo Bertoia around 1570. The frescos depict the following early Christian hermits; the Prophet Elijah, St. John the Baptist, St. Paul, St. Anthony, St. Hilarion, Macarius of Egypt, St. Marcarius of Alexandria, St. Pambo, Arsenius, and the hermit called Pior. All the paintings of these holy people were well thought out in their execution, but not by Bertoia. He was not given much creative room in the program of the Room of Penitence. This room, in short, shows the many Christian hermits and their stories of coming closer to god through their suffering and denial of fleshly desirers.
On the ceiling of the room of Penitence is an oval fresco with the cross of Christ and the crown of thorns held by three angels on top of clouds. The cross and crown are symbols of 61
Christ’s passion. Actually with Christ being absent from the cross the hermit substitutes himself on the cross take on Christ suffering. The three angles holding the cross is sexually ambiguous can be seen as both Venus/Virgin, Apollo/Christ types. They embody human desire and visual discipline.
What the author of The Room of Penitence, Loren Partridge, omits in his piece is the oval shape of the fresco. The Oval is a sign of heaven using the angels, and the cross can be considered the heavenly realm. More importantly, flanking the oval are the four abstracted Fleur-de-lis supporting the Oval or heavenly realm of god. With the Fleur-de- lis being a device of the Farnese, it can be said that the Farnese are the supports of heaven in the same way that they are the supports of the Roman Church. This is showing us another example of the Farnese divine right for claim to power.
The art and program of the Room of Penitence seems to poke fun at the Protestants. In one of the frescos of St. Anthony, he is having a mystical vision, which the Protestants did not approve of post apostolic revelation. Another fresco shows Macarius of Alexandria, where he is “mortifying his tormenting flesh by carrying a basket of sand on his shoulders.” Martin Luther, leader of the Protestant Reformation saw the monastic self-mortification as a joke. He speaks “Inscribe above their monasteries (Deny yourself). For them it really means: desert a poor kitchen and enter a well-stocked one.” So this room can be interpreted as a jab at the Protestant Reformation and also be exemplifying the Counter Reformation.
Last of the frescoed rooms of the Villa Farnese I will be going over is the Room of Maps, painted by Giovanni Antonio Vanosino da Varese. He also painted similar astrological ceilings in the Villa Farnesina. Both astrological rooms in Villa Farnese and Villa Farnesina are dining rooms. Having astrological decorations in dining rooms was common in ancient Rome; even the Emperor Nero had one, again another link to Rome royalty. This room really develops the link to ancient Rome more so than the others. They are using the Roman-style Zodiac signs with Christian undertones and Roman gods and other heroes.
On the ceiling of the Room of Maps is the Sky Map containing 12 signs of the Zodiac, a ship of the Argo constellation and Jupiter. The Argo Constellation is a device of Cardinal Farnese; Argo commemorated the Farnese's victory over Pope Julius III, and gaining power of Parma and 62
Piacenza. Argo can be read as a sign of the family’s eternal claims to the dukedom of the twin cities. In the Sky Map, Argo sails toward the constellation of the Gemini.
The twins Gemini can symbolize Cardinal Farnese and his brother Ottavo as the Gemini were Protectors of the warriors in battle and they saved the ship Argo. So, this could mean the two Farnese brothers were protectors of the twin cities and the church. Opposite Argo is Jupiter riding on his eagle throwing a thunderbolt at Phaethon. This was a device of Cardinal Farnese given to him by his grandfather Pope Paul III. The device can mean the power of government that the pope gave to him.
Closest to the Argo ship are the Virgin and Unicorn device, both used by Cardinal Farnese. Unicorns are supposed to purify water of snakes and symbols of Christ's triumph over evil as well the horn of the unicorn a sign of Crucifixion. The Virgin embodies purity and her ability to calm beasts. In the vault’s satyrs are holding the coat of arms of the Farnese family. The V-shaped motifs arching upward show ascent from earthly to heavenly realm and with the coats of arms signal ecclesiastical rank, family status, virtue, and merit. They’re also beside the sky map of the heavens and zodiacs in the Room of Maps, modern worldly maps, seven of them.
The maps show the four continents on the side walls, oval world map, Palestine and Italy. Above the maps, plain in design, have allegorical figures seated above them, enhancing the symbolism of the maps. For the map of Italy, the allegorical figure is the embodiment of Rome, outfitted in Roman cuirass and helmet. She holds a Nike and by her the she-wolf and Romulus and Remus the founders of Rome. The meaning is the triumphant of military power, prosperity, and the superlative authority of modern Italy. In the Renaissances, using ancient Rome was not uncommon for papacy model for the universality of the perfect Christian Commonwealth under the control of the pope with the power of Christ and Caesar.
The maps are accurate straightforward records, but can be seen as political and religious in subtext with the allegorical figures seated above the maps. Cardinal Farnese, knowing that the Counter-Reformation would no longer allow paintings of forthright self-glory of the family and himself he used other means of doing this. Cardinal Farnese did this well throughout the Villa Farnese to glorify the power of his family and himself, especially. 63
Throughout this paper, I have given many examples of the Roman and Catholic symbols the Farnese used as signs of their power, and how it’s used to gain more, as well show their divine right to that power. The Farnese family, only starting off as loyal lower-ranking aristocracy, eventually became one of the most powerful families in Europe. With Pope Paul holding the highest ranking place in the Roman church and using this power to expand on the family’s power. Arranging marriages, giving high ranking territories and bumping family members into high positions in the church, Pope Paul III had a game plan for his family and him, for the most part, succeeded. Cardinal Farnese went on continuing this idea and completed the work at the Villa Caprarola.
In this, Villa the Farnese will claim the rightful bloodline of the first 12 Roman Emperors - having marble portraits of the emperors, and depicting paintings that would link their family to the 12 emperors of Rome. Cardinal Farnese also includes the Roman hero Hercules in his family tree. Hercules being a device of his own and Hercules as seen as a Christ type in the Renaissance works well for expanding on the divine right of Farnese power. Luckily for me, the Farnese were power- hungry and self-impotent people with a love for the classical, so they gave me fascinating reasons for supporting the thesis of this essay. They were one of the powerful families of the late Renaissance and funded some beautiful works of art. The Farnese would use the art as propaganda of power, but this has always been done, and continues to be done in some form, to this day. This also allows artists to create great works of art like at the Villa Farnese.
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