Prosecuting Mass Atrocities at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC)
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Seeking Justice in Cambodia Realism
Seeking Justice in Cambodia By Gregory H. Stanton When the Khmer Rouge regime took power in Cambodia in 1975, its leaders hoped to establish a utopian rural communist society without cities, private property or money. They declared a new beginning of history, Year Zero, and a new nation, Democratic Kampuchea. Although they modeled their revolution on the Soviet Union under Stalin and China under Mao Tse-Tung, they believed those regimes had not gone far enough, fast enough in killing class enemies. The Khmer Rouge also eschewed the cults of personality established by Stalin and Mao. Instead the secretive Khmer Rouge power elite named themselves the Angkar, the organization, and claimed absolute obedience from every Kampuchean. Religion and worship were abolished. Buddhist monks were disrobed and often killed. Muslim Chams and the few Christians were murdered at a rate much higher than ordinary Kampucheans. Vietnamese Cambodians were forced to flee to Vietnam until 1977, when the border was closed and the remaining Vietnamese were murdered. Minority ethnic groups were forced to live in Khmer-speaking communes, and forbidden to speak their languages and practice their customs. The Khmer Rouge systematically stripped rural communes of the rice they produced in order to trade it to China for weapons and machines. They substituted traditional herbal treatments for scientific “foreign” medicine and neither manufactured nor imported modern antibiotics. “New people” originally from the cities were declared to be class enemies and were literally worked to death. By 1977, the failures of the Kampuchean economy were blamed on enemies within the Communist party, and purges began all over the country. -
DC-Cam 2015 Annual Report
mCÄmNÐlÉkßrkm<úCa DOCUMENTATION CENTER OF CAMBODIA Phnom Penh, Cambodia DC-Cam Annual Report: January 1, 2015-December 31, 2015 Prepared and Compiled by Dr. Kok-Thay ENG and Dara VANTHAN Deputy Directors Edited by Cindy Coleman SRI Board Meeting at Stanford University Second from left Professor Ron Slye, Professor John Ciorciari, Professor Jaya Ramji-Nogales, Professor Beth van Schaack, Youk Chhang, and Dr. Markus Zimmer Documentation Center of Cambodia Searching for the Truth: Memory & Justice EsVgrkKrBitedIm, IK rcg©MnigyutþiFm‘’ 66 Preah Sihanouk Blvd.P.O.Box 1110Phnom PenhCambodia t(855-23) 211-875f (855-23) 210-358 [email protected] www.dccam.org TABLE OF CONTENTS DOCUMENTATION CENTER OF CAMBODIA ............................................................................... 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................................................ 2 ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................ 3 Summary .................................................................................................................................... 4 AUGMENT AND MAINTAIN A PUBLICALLY ACCESSIBLE HISTORICAL RECORD OF THE KR PERIOD ...................... 4 SUPPORT THE KRT .......................................................................................................................... 5 INCREASE CAMBODIA’S PUBLIC KNOWLEDGE OF THE KR PERIOD ............................................................. -
Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia August, 2019 Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia
BRIEFING PAPER Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia August, 2019 Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia Case 002/2: Death of Nuon Chea Nuon Chea, popularly known as “Brother No. 2” to indicate his position as second only to Pol Pot in command of the Khmer Rouge, died at the age of 93 on August 4, 2019 at the Khmer-Soviet Friendship Hospital. He had been convicted as a senior leader of the Khmer Rouge of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The Supreme Court Chamber affirmed a 2014 Trial Chamber Judgment in 2016. A second Trial Chamber Judgment, issued with full reasoning in March 2019, was on appeal to the Supreme Court when Nuon Chea died. He was sentenced to life in prison under both judgments. Only the second judgment included charges of genocide. The second trial against Nuon Chea, with Khieu Samphan as his co-accused, was the most far-reaching of the court, covering crimes committed at a number of cooperatives, worksites, security centers, and execution sites across the country. The trial lasted 24 months and included the testimony of 185 people and over 5,000 evidentiary documents. Unlike the first trial, the second included genocide charges. Nuon Chea and Khieu Sampan were judged guilty of genocide with respect to Vietnamese populations and Nuon Chea was additionally found guilty of genocide with respect to Cham Muslims. The Trial Chamber Judgment, the most extensive in the court’s history, covered over 2,300 pages in English. Two days after -
Cambodia: Human Rights Before and After the Elections
May 1993 Vol.5 No.10 CAMBODIA: HUMAN RIGHTS BEFORE AND AFTER THE ELECTIONS I. INTRODUCTION Cambodians will go to the polls on May 23 in an atmosphere of political and ethnic violence and renewed civil war. The elections are the culmination of a 17-month United Nations presence, the largest, most ambitious and most expensive peace-keeping effort ever, which was supposed to bring about an end to the conflict. Instead, Cambodia is faced with as much fighting as when the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) entered the country in March 1992, and a spiralling level of serious human rights abuses. The "neutral political environment" that was supposed to be the precondition for elections is entirely absent. The five permanent members of the Security Council and other drafters of the 1991 Paris peace accords, formally known as the Agreements on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict, are determined to go ahead with the elections regardless. But what happens on May 23 is almost less important than what happens in the days after the results are announced. Asia Watch believes that an analysis of the missteps that led to the current human rights situation is critically important to determining how, or perhaps whether, human rights of Cambodians can be protected under whatever government comes to power then. The reasons for the deterioration in the human rights situation in late 1992 and early 1993 are complex. None of the parties to the conflict has a history of respect for human rights and one, Democratic Kampuchea, better known as the Khmer Rouge, has one of the worst human rights records in modern history. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 18 September 2020
United Nations A/75/242 General Assembly Distr.: General 18 September 2020 Original: English Seventy-fifth session Agenda item 141 Proposed programme budget for 2021 Request for a subvention to the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia Report of the Secretary-General Summary In his previous request for a subvention to the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (A/74/359), the Secretary-General identified progress made in the judicial work across all sets of proceedings before the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. The Secretary-General also highlighted the continuing financial challenges facing both the international and national components of the Extraordinary Chambers and requested the approval of a subvention of up to $8.5 million for the year 2020. By its resolution 74/263 A, the General Assembly authorized the Secretary- General, as an exceptional measure, to enter into commitments in an amount not exceeding $7 million to supplement the voluntary financial resources of the international component of the Extraordinary Chambers for the period from 1 January to 31 December 2020, and requested the Secretary-General to report on the use of the commitment authority in the context of his next report. In the present report, the Secretary-General outlines the judicial progress of the Extraordinary Chambers since the issuance of the previous report, provides a projection regarding the anticipated use of the commitment authority for 2020, presents information on the proposed budget of the Chambers for 2021 and seeks the approval by the Assembly of an appropriation for a subvention for the international component of the Chambers in the amount of $8.5 million for 2021. -
31 YEARS SINCE the KHMER ROUGE TOOK CONTROL on APRIL 17, 1975 by NUSARA THAITAWAT Tuesday April 18, 2006 Post Publishing Public
FOCUS / CAMBODIA : 31 YEARS SINCE THE KHMER ROUGE TOOK CONTROL ON APRIL 17, 1975 By NUSARA THAITAWAT Tuesday April 18, 2006 Post Publishing Public The making of a Khmer Rouge ideologue Nuon Chea talks about his time as a student at Thammasat University, a civil servant of two ministries in Bangkok and a member of the Communist Party of Thailand; and what inspired him to join the Khmer Rouge "Thammasat taught me to serve the people. Thammasat also taught me to sacrifice personal interest for the public good. I was deeply touched by the principles of justice, equality and democracy that Thammasat stood for," said Nuon Chea, with his wife close by, at his modest wooden house close to the Thai border in Pailin, western Cambodia. The old man expressed fond memories of his youthful days at the university, just like many of his Thai contemporaries who attended class there in the 1940s. His Thai had the eloquence and tone of a learned man, and as he spoke, he often quoted from Thailand's most respectable political thinkers. "Cambodia gave me my natural life; Thammasat gave me my political life. I will always be grateful to Thammasat," he said. While Nuon Chea cherishes his memories of Thammasat, the university doesn't seem to recall having had him as a student. His academic record is nowhere to be found and there is minimal effort to assist genocide researchers from Cambodia who have asked for cooperation to complete his profile ahead of the opening of the United Nations-sponsored tribunal in Cambodia later this year. -
ECCC, Case 002/01, Issue 72
KRT TRIAL MONITOR Case 002 ■ Issue No. 72 ■ Hearing on Closing Statements Week 3 ■ 28-31 October 2013 Case of Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan * Asian International Justice Initiative (AIJI), a project of East-West Center and UC Berkeley War Crimes Studies Center They had the temerity to say that the policy program was not unusual or unreasonable, and certainly not unlawful. It was unlawful.1 - Keith Raynor, prosecutor I. OVERVIEW Over the course of three days this week, the Trial Chamber concluded the final hearings of Case 002/01. After 64 weeks of evidentiary hearings and 2 weeks of closing statements, this week brought the case to a close, with the conclusion of closing statements from the Khieu Samphan defense, responses to both defense teams’ rebuttals from the Civil Parties and the Co-Prosecutors, and rare final statements from the Co-Accused themselves. The Khieu Samphan defense started the week with their continued depiction of their client as a popular but powerless figure in the DK regime. Lawyers for the Civil Parties followed the next day with an aggressive reaction to the defense teams’ dismissal of victims’ painful experiences. Prosecutors then sought to establish the legal basis for convictions of the co- Accused for their alleged involvement in a joint criminal enterprise, which directed two forced population movements, as well as the execution of former Khmer Republic officials at Tuol Po Chrey. The Co-Accused and their lawyers spent the final day of hearings responding to these assertions one last time before the Trial Chamber adjourned to determine a verdict. -
Cambodia Freedoms of Expression, Association and Assembly: a Shrinking Space
CAMBODIA FREEDOMS OF EXPRESSION, ASSOCIATION AND ASSEMBLY: A SHRINKING SPACE International FACT-FINDING MISSION Report with cooperation from the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) © Peter Harris - Fotojournalism.net September 2010 SOS-Torture Network TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms 4 I. Introduction 5 1. Delegation’s composition and objectives of the mission 5 2. Context of the mission 5 II. Legal framework governing fundamental freedoms 9 1. Impending adoption of a law regulating NGOs’ activities 10 2. The new Criminal Code 11 3. Restrictions on the right to peaceful demonstration 13 4. The draft Trade Union Law 15 5. The Anti-Corruption Law 16 6. Existing legal framework on freedom of the media 17 III. Attacks against land activists in the framework of land conflicts 18 1. Land conflicts: “A core area for concern” 18 2. Historic context and legal framework 19 3. Threats and violence against land activists 20 IV. Threats against trade unionists 24 1. The trade union landscape 24 2. A change of strategy: from overt violence to legal threats 24 V. Threats against journalists and the problem of self-censorship 28 VI. Conclusion 30 VII. Recommendations 32 Annex 1: Persons met by the mission 35 Annex 2: LICADHO’s list of human rights defenders detained as of December 8, 2009 in 18 prisons (out of a total of 25) 37 This report has been produced with the support of the European Union, the International Organisation of the Francophonie and the Republic and Canton of Geneva. Its content is the sole responsibility of FIDH and OMCT and should in no way be interpreted as reflecting the views of the supporting institutions. -
Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: the Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954
The Journal of Asian Studies http://journals.cambridge.org/JAS Additional services for The Journal of Asian Studies: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954 Shawn McHale The Journal of Asian Studies / Volume 72 / Issue 02 / May 2013, pp 367 - 390 DOI: 10.1017/S0021911813000016, Published online: 19 March 2013 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0021911813000016 How to cite this article: Shawn McHale (2013). Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Signicance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954. The Journal of Asian Studies, 72, pp 367-390 doi:10.1017/S0021911813000016 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JAS, IP address: 128.164.150.96 on 16 Sep 2013 The Journal of Asian Studies Vol. 72, No. 2 (May) 2013: 367–390. © The Association for Asian Studies, Inc., 2013 doi:10.1017/S0021911813000016 Ethnicity, Violence, and Khmer-Vietnamese Relations: The Significance of the Lower Mekong Delta, 1757–1954 SHAWN MCHALE This essay argues that to understand twentieth-century Khmer-Vietnamese ethnic antag- onism, the contest for the lower Mekong Delta (in today’s Vietnam) since the mid- eighteenth century has been key. It argues, however, that while this pre-1945 background can explain antagonism, it cannot sufficiently explain the violence between Khmer and Vietnamese that occurred after 1945. For that, the First Indochina War (1945–54) and decolonization marked a turning point. This period saw the creation of a dynamic of vio- lence between Khmer and Vietnamese that hardened ethnic antagonisms, shaped the character of the war, and affected arguments over sovereignty. -
Ethnic Minorities, Government Policies, and Foreign Relations 1
Ethnic Minorities, Government Policies, and Foreign Relations 1 Ethnic Minorities, Government Policies, and Foreign Relations The Ethnic Chinese in Vietnam and Ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia Ramses Amer ASIA PAPER June 2014 Ethnic Minorities, Government Policies, and Foreign Relations: The Ethnic Chinese in Vietnam and Ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia Ramses Amer Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu Ethnic Minorities, Government Policies, and Foreign Relations: The Ethnic Chinese in Vietnam and the Ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia is an Asia Paper published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research cent- ers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Trans- atlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse com- munity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. The opinions and conclusions expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Security and Development Policy or its sponsors. -
02-08-12 CTM Blog Entry Trial
Nuon Chea continues his testimony in Case 002 before the ECCC on Wednesday. Trial Chamber Concludes Examination of Accused Nuon Chea in Case 002 “People needed to be controlled, conquered; the more the better.” - Nuon Chea By: Randle DeFalco J.D. Rutgers School of Law – Newark Legal Advisor, Documentation Center of Cambodia On Wednesday, February 8, 2012, the Trial Chamber of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) resumed hearing substantive evidence in Case 002 following three days of testimony by Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC- Cam), regarding the Center’s process of collecting and cataloguing documents related to the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) period (1975-1979). The accused in Case 002 are Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan. Ieng Sary Retires Earlier than Usual Before the day’s proceedings could begin, national counsel for Ieng Sary, Ang Udom, rose and informed the Chamber that Ieng Sary was experiencing “swelling in his feet” and back pain. As a result, Ieng Sary wished to retire to the holding cell for the entire day’s proceedings to participate via audio-visual link. This request was early, even for Ieng Sary, who recently has adopted the custom of requesting to be excused prior to the morning session break at 10:30 a.m. Chamber The Cambodia Tribunal Monitor 1 http://cambodiatribunal.org President Nil Nonn granted this request and reminded Ang Udom of the need to submit a written waiver signed by Ieng Sary. International counsel Michiel Pestman revisits a previous application by the Nuon Chea defense. -
Issue 5: Cambodia – in the Shadow of the Khmer Rouge on the Record
Issue 5: Cambodia – In the Shadow of the Khmer Rouge On the Record: Women of Southeast Asia Fight Violence March 9, 1999 Issue 5: Cambodia – In the Shadow of the Khmer Rouge * Cambodian Women at Year Zero by Laura McGrew * Opinion by Craig Etcheson. Why an International Tribunal Is Essential to Heal Cambodia * Two Decades of Impunity. Fifteen Attempts Have Been Made to Call the Khmer Rouge to Account. Not One Has Succeeded * Opinion by Laura McGrew. A Tribunal for the Khmer Rouge? The Cambodian People Must Be Consulted * Who to Contact on the Khmer Rouge From the Editorial Desk Cambodia provides a dramatic example of violence against women. Between 1975 and 1979, countless numbers of Cambodians died during the rule of the Khmer Rouge. Cambodians are still struggling to come to terms with this dreadful legacy, and they received a rough jolt recently when two of the former Khmer Rouge leaders and architects of the killings – Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan – emerged from hiding, issued a vague statement of regret, and demanded to be treated as ordinary citizens. That mass murder was committed under the Khmer Rouge is not in doubt. But how can they be called to account for their terrible crimes? The UN is currently reviewing the possibilities for establishing a criminal tribunal, and the report of a team of legal specialists could be released any day now. Human rights groups are outraged at the thought of Khmer Rouge leaders going scot-free, and many support the proposal for a tribunal. Indai Sajor, who led the training in Cambodia, argued that a tribunal could address the wounds suffered by many Cambodian women who were raped or whose relatives were killed during that terrible period.