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Aeneas of Gaza and Zacharias Scholasticus on Plotinus Enn. 4.3 Sarah Klitenic Wear

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Aeneas of Gaza and Zacharias Scholasticus on Plotinus Enn. 4.3 Sarah Klitenic Wear Another Link in the Golden Chain: Aeneas of Gaza and Zacharias Scholasticus on Plotinus Enn. 4.3 Sarah Klitenic Wear URING the late fifth century and early sixth century, the school of rhetoric in Gaza was an offshoot of the great school of Alexandria, with a prominent Christian D 1 membership educated in Platonism. At this time, two note- worthy philosophers emerged from this school: Aeneas, the so- called founder of the school of Gaza and a pupil of Hierocles, and Zacharias, a pupil of Ammonius Hermeiou, who spent little of his life in Gaza, but was immersed in the school of Alexandria.2 Both exhibit an appropriation of Hellenic thought 1 I. P. Sheldon-Williams calls this school of Gaza an offshoot of Alex- andria as Alexandria had been an offshoot of Athens: “The Reaction Against Proclus,” in A. Armstrong (ed.), Cambridge History of Later Greek and Early Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge 1970) 484. Although in a general sense this is true, Gaza never had the predominance that Alexandria had as a major center of learning. Much of the recent scholarship on the Platonists in Gaza looks to their relationship with the contemporary monastic move- ment. For a general history of the Hellenic movement in Gaza see Y. Ashkenazi, “Sophists and Priests in Late Antique Gaza according to Cho- ricius the Rhetor,” in B. Bitton-Ashkelony and A. Kofsky (eds.), Christian Gaza in Late Antiquity (Leiden 2004) 195–198; cf. R. Van Dam, “From Paganism to Christianity in Late Antique Gaza,” Viator 16 (1985) 1–20. For an older but thorough study see G. Downey, “The Christian Schools of Palestine: A Chapter of Literary History,” Harvard Library Bulletin 12 (1958) 297–319. 2 The relationship between Gaza and Alexandria was very close in the late fifth and early sixth centuries. Gaza was seen as an outpost of Alexan- dria and many Gazans, preparing for an academic career, went to Alex- ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 53 (2013) 145–165 2013 Sarah Klitenic Wear 146 ANOTHER LINK IN THE GOLDEN CHAIN by Christianity typical of the school of Gaza. However, neither presents arguments in Christian terms, but rather each argues using Platonist principles.3 In the thought of Aeneas of Gaza we see evidence of a Christian steeped in Hellenic rhetoric and Platonist thought who was attempting to demonstrate Christian mastery of Hellenic intellectualism. In the thought of Zacharias Scholasti- cus a new trend emerges, that of the philoponos, or Christian layman who served as a link between the intellectual circle of Christian monastic groups and the Alexandrian schools.4 Such groups of philoponoi were formed in order to offset wholly Platonist teachings on important topics, such as the creation and destruction of the universe.5 These groups met apart from normal school hours, so to speak, in order to solidify Christi- anity among Christian students who were being trained in non- Christian philosophical teachings.6 As a result, some Christian ___ andria to complete their studies and then returned to Gaza to teach. See G. Downey, Gaza in the Early Sixth Century (Norman 1963) 108. 3 Texts: M. E. Colonna: Enea di Gaza. Teofrasto (Naples 1958: cited here by page and line numbers) and Zacaria Scolastico. Ammonio (Naples 1973: cited by line numbers). Translations are my own. 4 Christopher Haas describes the philoponoi in late antique Alexandria as “zealous students who had little toleration for the paganism of their class- mates”: Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore 1997) 239. 5 On the philoponoi, laymen who functioned as a liaison between the bishop and his congregation, see E. Watts, City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria (Berkeley 2006) 214–223. According to Watts, for the Alexandrian philoponoi, the affiliated monastery was Enaton, nine miles out- side of Alexandria. The philoponoi group of which Zacharias was a member met on Saturday afternoons and every Sunday to read and discuss scripture, as well as the thought of Basil, Gregory, and Cyril. For further discussion of the relationship between Christians in the school of rhetoric in Gaza and Christians in the monastic community see Jennifer Hevelone-Harper, Disciples of the Desert: Monks, Laity, and Spiritual Authority in Sixth-Century Gaza (Baltimore 2005). 6 Watts makes the point that Zacharias’ group of philoponoi met in order to reinforce the Christian values of the members of their circle, as well as to in- ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 53 (2013) 145–165 SARAH KLITENIC WEAR 147 authors, such as Aeneas of Gaza (although not a philoponos, but rather a Christian in Gaza whose work circulated in Alexan- dria)7 and Zacharias of Gaza (a philoponos in Alexandria in the 480s)8 frequently use Hellenic literary and philosophical al- lusions, partly to assure audiences of their own learning,9 and partly for polemical purposes.10 This phenomenon is seen in Aeneas’ Theophrastus and Zacharias’ Ammonius: both critique Platonist creation via a metaphor found in Plotinus’ Enn. 4.3.9. ___ doctrinate non-Christian members of the Alexandrian schools: Watts, City and School 215–216. Ashkenazi, in Christian Gaza 197–200, makes a similar point regarding the Christians in the school of rhetoric. 7 Watts argues that Aeneas was not a philoponos and was more interested in presenting himself as an example of a well-educated Christian, knowl- edgeable in the fields of rhetoric, literature, and philosophy, and hence had little interest in Christian religious language, while his Theophrastus is replete with allusions to pre-Socratics, Plotinus, and Proclus: E. Watts, “An Alex- andrian Christian Response to Fifth-Century Neoplatonic Influence,” in A. Smith (ed.), The Philosopher and Society in Late Antiquity: Essays in Honour of Peter Brown (Swansea 2005) 215–229. This is also true of Choricius of Gaza, it seems: Ashenazi, in Christian Gaza 195–208. Cf. Stephanus Sikorski, De Aenea Gazaeo (Bresl.Philol.Abh. 9.5 [1909]), listing Aeneas’ references to Plato, Plotinus, and Xenophon (I thank Pamela Huby for sending me this lovely book). 8 Zacharias in his Life of Severus (preserved only in Syriac) describes his role as philoponos, instructing Severus about Scripture and the texts of Basil and Gregory: D. Kugener, Zacharias of Mytilene, Vie de Sévère (Patrologia Orientalis 2 [1907]), with French transl.; Engl. transl. L. Ambjǒrn, The Life of Severus by Zachariah of Mytilene (Piscataway 2008). 9 Choricius the rhetor (writing ca. 520–540) argues that the qualities of a bishop derive from his educational background which must be steeped in classical education: Laud.Marc. 2.7. This is quite unlike Basil, for instance, who does not discourage students from learning the classics but certainly never requires classical education as a requirement for clergymen. On this argument see Ashkenazi, in in Christian Gaza 197. 10 Here too I accept Watts’s thesis that Aeneas’ aim in Gaza is to demon- strate Christian learning, while Zacharias of Gaza, thirty years later in Alexandria, must make the polemical arguments of one trying to convince Christian intellectuals educated in a non-Christian environment of the superiority of their own thought: Watts, in Philosopher and Society 226. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 53 (2013) 145–165 148 ANOTHER LINK IN THE GOLDEN CHAIN Here Plotinus uses an example of light, blocked by an object which produces a shadow, to show how the One creates the lower levels without causation or change.11 Zacharias and Aeneas critique this shadow imagery in order to attribute a beginning to the causal relationship between God and the universe and to counter the Alexandrian view of creation in eternity.12 Thus, they both exhibit a similar trend among Christians in the late antique schools.13 Unlike many other Christian apologists, Aeneas and Zach- arias do not make explicitly Christian arguments, but instead prefer to keep within the thought-world of the Platonists. In 11 The shadow metaphor also makes its way into Christian accounts of the universe’s co-eternity with God, as seen in the fourth century in Basil of Caesarea Hexaemeron 1.7, where Basil first addresses the attacks of those who say that God creates the universe as an involuntary cause. 12 While the Platonist line on the creation of the universe was that it was eternal (contrary to Aristotle’s understanding of the Timaeus), the Athenian and Alexandrian Platonists differed on just what ‘eternity’ meant. This paper is limited to a general discussion of Aeneas’ and Zacharias’ use of Plotinus. On debates on the eternity of the world see Luca Obertello, “Proclus, Ammonius of Hermias, and Zacharias Scholasticus: The Search after Eternity and the Meaning of Creation,” in M. Treschow et al. (eds.), Divine Creation in Ancient, Medieval, and Early Modern Thought: Essays Presented to the Rev’d Dr. Robert D. Crouse (Leiden 2007) 173–189. Obertello outlines the history of this argument, from Plato to Aristotle to Ammonius and Philo- ponus, in “Ammonius of Hermias, Zacharias Scholasticus and Boethius: Eternity of God and/or Time?” in A. Galonnier (ed.), Boèce, ou la chaîne des savoirs (Louvain 2003) 465–479. On Boethius and Zacharias see Ph. Merlan, “Ammonius Hermiae, Zacharias Scholasticus and Boethius,” GRBS 9 (1968) 198. 13 L. G. Westerink makes the point that Ammonius was lecturing to a mixed group of Christians and Hellenes, and that the position of the Hel- lenes had become easier towards 520 than twenty-five years previously: “The Alexandrian Commentators and the Introductions to their Commen- taries,” in R. Sorabji (ed.), The Ancient Commentators and their Influence (London 1990) 328. Cf. Michael Champion’s argument that Aeneas was directing his arguments on the soul to Origenists: “Aeneas of Gaza on the Soul,” Australasian Society for Classical Studies 32 (2011) 1–11, esp.
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