The Status of Sexuality in Neoplatonism
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The Chimera of the Philosopher King
Roberto R. Aramayo The Chimera of the Philosopher King Around the Kantian Distinction between Moral Politician and Political Moralist: The Dilemmas of Power, or the Frustrated Love Affair between Ethics and Politics Dialectica Kantiana Hermeneutica Kantiana CTK E-Books Digital Library of Kantian Studies (DLKS) Biblioteca Digital de Estudios Kantianos (BDEK) Series Translatio Kantiana (TK) Quaestiones Kantianae (QK) Hermeneutica Kantiana (HK) Dialectica Kantiana (DK) Esta biblioteca digital se integra en la revista Con-Textos Kantianos International Journal of Philosophy (CKT-IJP) ISSN: 2386-7655 Diseño del logo de la colección CTK E-Books: Armando Menéndez e-mail: [email protected] Página web: www.con-textoskantianos.net © Roberto Rodríguez Aramayo, 2019 © De la traducción, Damián Bravo Zamora, 2019 © CTK E-Books, Ediciones Alamanda, Madrid, 2019 Diseño y maquetación: Nuria Roca ISBN: 978-84-949436-3-8 La edición electrónica de este libro es de acceso abierto y se distribuye bajo los términos de una licencia de uso y distribución Creative Common Attribution (CC BY-NC-ND International 4.0) que permite la descarga de la obra y compartirla con otras personas, siempre que el autor y la fuente sean debidamente citados, pero no se autoriza su uso comercial ni se puede cambiar de ninguna manera. Ediciones Alamanda General Zabala, 5 E-28002 Madrid CTK E-Books▐ Serie Hermeneutica Kantiana Roberto R. Aramayo The Chimera of the Philosopher King Around the Kantian Distinction between Moral Politician and Political Moralist: The Dilemmas of Power, or the Frustrated Love Affair between Ethics and Politics Traducción de Damián Bravo Zamora Índice PREAMBLE .................................................................................. 11 I. THE GYGES SYNDROME ........................................................ -
World Without End Nicholas of Cusa's View of Time And
WORLD WITHOUT END NICHOLAS OF CUSA’S VIEW OF TIME AND ETERNITY Matthieu van der Meer* In his preface to the first printed edition of Apuleius’ works, Giovanni Andrea Bussi, librarian of the Vatican Library, praised his former patron Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464) as a connoisseur, not only of authors from an- cient times, but also from the media tempestas.1 Until recently, Bussi’s remark was considered to be the first witness of Renaissance self-awareness.2 No doubt, many authors (e.g. Petrarch, Salutati, Bruni) at that time were striving for the realisation of a new concept of man in which human dependence on God (oratio) and independence through man’s own rational powers (ratio) were united.3 Subsequently, the study of what it means to be human, the studia hu- manitatis, changed the traditional curricula and opened new intellectual hori- zons. Even if Bussi’s phrase media tempestas is less new than it has been pre- sumed to be, it characterises Nicholas of Cusa as a figure at the crossroads of the middle ages and the age of humanism.4 Ever since the renewed interest in * The author wishes to thank Anthony Lewis, Daniel O’Connell and Albrecht Diem for their comments. 1 M. Miglio, Giovanni Andrea Bussi. Prefazioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pan- nartz (Milan, 1978), p. 17: “Vir ipse, quod rarum est in Germanis, supra opinionem elo- quens et latinus, historias idem omnes non priscas modo, sed mediae tempestatis, tum veteres, tum recentiores usque ad nostra temp ora, memoria, retinebat”. 2 T. -
The Analysis of the Plutarch Political Thought
Advances in Economics, Business and Management Research (AEBMR), volume 23 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017) The Analysis of the Plutarch Political Thought Ya Feng Shijiazhuang University of Applied Technology Shijiazhuang, China [email protected] Abstract—Plutarch is hailed as a great biographer, moralist, greeks, but Plutarch still could not help but to such a world but not a politician. In his code of ethics, however, politics has praise the Lord, he is "make millions of primitive tribe to the been the most prominent. He thinks the best political system is civilization of the great philosopher." The idea of [4] was the monarchy. He has a low opinion of ordinary people, who obviously influenced by Plato's philosopher-king. But it has to believe that they are ignorant and short-sighted, and that he be clear that the monarchies that Plutarch appreciates must be thinks that democracy is but a government of rabble. He virtuous, moderate and competent. Otherwise, once the king inherited Plato's philosophy that the monarch should be held by has fallen, the monarchy will become a tyrant. The tyrannical a good philosopher. But when Plutarch lived, it was impossible to rule of Plutarch is the same as that of Plato and Aristotle's achieve it, so he proposed that the philosopher should be assisted tyrannical system, which refers to the rule that no king is only by the concept of the monarch. for his subjects. Keywords—Plutarch; Political thought; Democracy; Analysis With regard to "minority rule", Plutarch clearly divided it into "aristocracy" and "oligopoly". -
Corrupted Platonism in Astrophil and Stella: the Expression of Desire
Corrupted Platonism in Astrophil and Stella: The Expression of Desire Sonia Hernández Santano UNIVERSIDAD DE HUELVA [email protected] Astrophil’s love for Stella is not the conventional Platonic love of Petrarchist poems. We cannot fully consider him the romantic lover who aspires to a spiritual enjoying of his lady’s virtues and beauty for, though he attempts to represent his feelings according to the parameters of Platonism, he also makes his basest sexual desire flourish in many of the sonnets or songs of Astrophil and Stella. It is not that his begins by being a pure love that progressively degenerates into a blatant expression of his sexual needs due to an increase of his desire. The material nature of his love as opposed to spiritual love is obvious from the very beginning of the sequence. It is, however, a fact that Astrophil does frequently express his amorous feeling by means of Platonic topics such as the correspondence between physical beauty and spiritual virtue, as in sonnet 48 when he refers to Stella’s eyes as “where Virtue is made strong by Beautie’s might” (l. 2) or that he identifies himself with the agonizing lover of Petrarchist sequences who suffers the wounds of Cupid as in sonnet 20: “Fly, fly, my friends, I have my death wound” (l. 1) or with the slave of his beloved as in sonnet 47: “What, have I thus betrayed my libertie?” (l. 1). But the Platonic representation of his love is continually corrupted by frequent ironic allusions to it and to sexual desire. -
Platonic Love for Persons Vlastos (1973) Raises a Famous Critique of Plato's Account of Love in the Symposium. the Highest
Platonic Love for Persons Vlastos (1973) raises a famous critique of Plato’s account of love in the Symposium. The highest form of erōs, as it is described in Diotima’s scala amoris, is not for any particular individual but takes as its object the form of beauty itself (211a1-d1). Furthermore, erōs for an individual features in this account purely as stepping-stone to the philosopher’s comprehension of beauty. Not only is it difficult to understand what this impersonal erōs is, but it is difficult to understand why Plato thinks it is such an important part of a life well lived. So puzzled is Vlastos by the impersonality of erōs on this account that he ultimately finds it lacking in “kindness, tenderness, compassion,” and “respect for the integrity of the beloved” (30). What is missing, he claims, is an account of love for “persons who are themselves worthy of love for their own sake.” Since the publication of Vlastos’ critique, many have attempted to save Plato’s account by showing that love of particular individuals is consistent with or important to the philosopher’s pursuit of beauty (i.e. Price 1981, Nehamas 2007, Sheffield 2009, Urstad 2010). In other words, scholars have attempted to show that the impersonal love of the Symposium is not so impersonal after all. This paper takes a somewhat different approach; it argues that the impersonal nature of erōs in the Symposium is consistent with an overarching lack of esteem for personal relationships elsewhere in the dialogues. In the Crito, for example, Socrates appears largely unconcerned with the care of his sons, ranking his obligation to them well behind his duty to the laws (54b2-3). -
Theory of Forms 1 Theory of Forms
Theory of Forms 1 Theory of Forms Plato's theory of Forms or theory of Ideas[1] [2] [3] asserts that non-material abstract (but substantial) forms (or ideas), and not the material world of change known to us through sensation, possess the highest and most fundamental kind of reality.[4] When used in this sense, the word form is often capitalized.[5] Plato speaks of these entities only through the characters (primarily Socrates) of his dialogues who sometimes suggest that these Forms are the only true objects of study that can provide us with genuine knowledge; thus even apart from the very controversial status of the theory, Plato's own views are much in doubt.[6] Plato spoke of Forms in formulating a possible solution to the problem of universals. Forms Terminology: the Forms and the forms The English word "form" may be used to translate two distinct concepts that concerned Plato—the outward "form" or appearance of something, and "Form" in a new, technical nature, that never ...assumes a form like that of any of the things which enter into her; ... But the forms which enter into and go out of her are the likenesses of real existences modelled after their patterns in a wonderful and inexplicable manner.... The objects that are seen, according to Plato, are not real, but literally mimic the real Forms. In the allegory of the cave expressed in Republic, the things that are ordinarily perceived in the world are characterized as shadows of the real things, which are not perceived directly. That which the observer understands when he views the world mimics the archetypes of the many types and properties (that is, of universals) of things observed. -
Reason and Necessity: the Descent of the Philosopher Kings
Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Philosophy Faculty Research Philosophy Department 2011 Reason and Necessity: The Descent of the Philosopher Kings Damian Caluori Trinity University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/phil_faculty Part of the Philosophy Commons Repository Citation Caluori, D. (2011). Reason and necessity: The descent of the philosopher kings. Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 40, 7-27. This Post-Print is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Damian Caluori, Reason and Necessity: the Descent of the Philosopher-Kings Reason and Necessity: the Descent of the Philosopher-Kings One of the reasons why one might find it worthwhile to study philosophers of late antiquity is the fact that they often have illuminating things to say about Plato and Aristotle. Plotinus, in particular, was a diligent and insightful reader of those great masters. Michael Frede was certainly of that view, and when he wrote that ”[o]ne can learn much more from Plotinus about Aristotle than from most modern accounts of the Stagirite”, he would not have objected, I presume, to the claim that Plotinus is also extremely helpful for the study of Plato.1 In this spirit I wish to discuss a problem that has occupied modern Plato scholars for a long time and I will present a Plotinian answer to that problem. The problem concerns the descent of the philosopher kings in Plato’s Republic. -
Cusanus, on Learned Igorance-17Z8dxd
On Learned Ignorance Harries 1 Karsten Harries Nicholas of Cusa On Learned Ignorance Seminar Notes Fall Semester 2015 Yale University Copyright Karsten Harries On Learned Ignorance Harries 2 Contents 1. Introduction 3 Book One 2. Learned Ignorance 17 3. The Coincidence of Opposites 30 4. The Threat of Pantheism 47 5. The Power of Mathematics 61 6. Naming God 76 Book Two 7. The Shape of the Universe 90 8. Matter and Becoming 105 9. The Condition of the Earth 118 Book Three 10. The Need for Christ 131 11. Death and Resurrection 146 12. Faith and Understanding 162 13. Death, Damnation, and the Church 176 On Learned Ignorance Harries 3 1. Introduction 1 Many philosophers today have become uneasy about what philosophy has become and where it has led us. Nietzsche and Heidegger, Derrida and Rorty are just a few names. Their uneasiness mirrors widespread concern about the shape of our modern culture. As more and more begin to suspect that the road on which we have been travelling may be a dead end, attempt are made to retrace steps taken; a search begins for missed turns and for those who may have misled us. Among these Descartes has long occupied a special place as the thinker whose understanding of proper method helped found modern philosophy, science, and indeed the shape of our technological world. It is thus to be expected that attempts to question modernity, to confront it, in order perhaps to take a step beyond it, should have often taken the form of attempts to confront Descartes or Cartesian rationality. -
Images of Homeric Manuscripts from the Biblioteca Marciana1
2008 Annual Conference of CIDOC Athens, September 15 – 18, 2008 Christopher W. Blackwell IMAGES OF HOMERIC MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE BIBLIOTECA MARCIANA1 Christopher W. Blackwell Classics University or Organization: Furman University Address: 3300 Poinsett Highway Greenville, SC 29609 USA E-Mail: [email protected] URL: http://chs.harvard.edu/chs/homer_multitext Abstract This paper describes the manuscript Marcianus Graecus Z.454 (=822), the “Venetus A” and the work of capturing high-resolution digital images of its folios. The manuscripts is a masterpiece of 9th Century “information technology”, combing a primary text, the Homeric Iliad, with secondary texts in the form of scholiastic notes, and other metadata in the form of critical signs. Thus the images of this manuscript provide wide access to an invaluable window into two millennia of the history of the Homeric tradition. INTRODUCTION In May of 2007 an international team of Classicists, conservators, photographers, and imaging experts came together in the Biblioteca Marciana—the Library of St. Mark—in Venice, in order to bring to light a cultural treasure that had been hidden away for over 100 years. The Venetus A manuscript of the Iliad (Marcianus Gr. Z. 454 [=822]), the 1 The following paper is about a collaborative project, of which I am one of four primary editors. We have worked together to produce a number of presentations and publications connected to the project over the past year, including the forthcoming book: Recapturing a Homeric Legacy: Images and Insights from the Venetus A Manuscript of the Iliad. For this reason, this paper should be considered to be co-authored by Casey Dué, Mary Ebbott, and Neel Smith. -
Concepts of Love and Some Implications for Education
CONCEPTS OF LOVE AND SOME IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION Dina Andersen A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the Department of Theory and Policy Studies in Education, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the Universis. of Toronto Copyright 0 Dina Andersen 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to ~ibliothequenationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de rnicrofiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otheMrise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS When 1 decided to undertake a study of love 1 did not realize that rnany would express hesitations and personal reservations about the topic. 1 am therefore doubly grateful to Dr. Clive Beck, chair, for his continuous support, and to Dr. Grace Feuerverger as well as Dr. -
Nicholas of Cusa and Modern Philosophy
//FS2/CUP/3-PAGINATION/HRP/2-PROOFS/3B2/9780521846486C09.3D 173 [173–192] 2.5.2007 8:03AM 9 DERMOT MORAN Nicholas of Cusa and modern philosophy ‘‘Gatekeeper of the modern age’’ Nicholas of Cusa (Niklas Krebs, known as Cusanus, 1401–64), one of the most original and creative intellects of the fifteenth century,1 has been variously described as ‘‘the last great philosopher of the dying Middle Ages’’ (Alexandre Koyre´), as a ‘‘transition-thinker’’ between the medieval and modern worlds (Frederick Copleston),2 and as the ‘‘gatekeeper of the modern age’’ (Rudolf Haubst).3 He is a lone figure with no real successor although he had some influence on Copernicus, Kepler, Bruno, and, tangen- tially, on Descartes. The German Idealists showed some interest in Nicholas of Cusa but the real revival of his thought was stimulated by the neo-Kantian philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874–1945) who called him ‘‘the first modern thinker’’ and by the existentialist Karl Jaspers.4 Cassirer compared him to Kant for his view that objects have to be understood in terms of the categories of our own thought.5 Other scholars, notably Alexandre Koyre´,6 Hans-Georg Gadamer7 Hans Blumenberg,8 Werner Beierwaltes,9 and Karsten Harries,10 all see him in a certain way as a harbinger of modernity.11 Yet his outlook is essentially conservative, aiming, as Hans Blumenberg has recognized, to maintain the medieval synthesis.12 Cusanus was a humanist scholar, Church reformer – his De concordantia catholica (On Catholic Concord, 1434) included proposals for the reform of Church and state – papal diplomat, and Catholic cardinal. -
Chryssa Maltezou Still More on the Political Views of Bessarion
Chryssa Maltezou (Venedig) Still more on the political views of Bessarion An imposing universal figure, Bessarion, metropolitan of Nicaea and in later life a cardinal of the Catholic Church, was undoubtedly one of the most important personalities of the 15th century. He played a key role in the renewal of intellectual life in Italy, offering the western community the benefit of his own special perspective on the world and, along with other Byzantine men of letters, familiarising Western Europe with what has aptly been called ‘Proto- Europe’, i.e. the thousand-year-old Byzantine Empire1). The nature of Bessa- rion’s conduct and deeds in general have tended to create an ideologically loaded picture as regards his political conscience: his actions lay beyond the normal pattern of the Byzantine or Western world, suggesting a broader European synthesis. According to his contemporary, the Italian humanist, Loren- zo Valla, Bessarion was “in Rome the most Latin of the Greeks and in Constantinople the most Greek of the Latins” (Latinorum graecissimus, Graeco- rum latinissimus),2) while Bessarion’s protégé, the scholar and scribe Michael Apostoles, considered the cardinal to be among the “last of the Greeks” and the “first of the Europeans” (eön tvqn Graikvqn toiqw uÖstaßtoiw kaöntoiqw prvßtoiw tvqn Euörvpaißvn).3) Modern scholars have since emphasized from time to time either the Greek or the Latin dimension of his personality. His decision to embrace the Latin Church and his stance on the issue of the union of the churches explains why western