The Role of Smart Power in U.S.-Spain Relations, 1969-1986
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Spain and the United States: So Close, Yet So Far
Spain and the United States: So Close, Yet So Far William Chislett Working Paper (WP) 23/2006 25/9/2006 Area: US & Transatlantic Dialogue – WP 23/2006 September 2006 Spain and the United States: So Close, Yet So Far1 William Chislett * For Antonio Muñoz Molina and Elvira Lindo, citizens of Madrid and New York Summary: This Paper updates the author’s book Spain and United States: The Quest for Mutual Rediscovery (www.realinstitutoelcano.org/publicaciones/libros/ChislettEsp-EEUU- ingles.pdf), published by Elcano in November 2005, in a much abbreviated form. It incorporates the latest figures and material regarding trade, investment, political and cultural relations and other areas. Contents Historical Overview Political Relations US Investment in Spain Spanish Investment in the United States Foreign Trade The Hispanic Community in the United States Cultural Relations Anti-Americanism in Spain Conclusion Appendix Bibliography Historical Overview Spain’s involvement in the United States stretches back to 1513 when Juan Ponce de León landed on the east coast of what is today the state of Florida and claimed it for the Spanish crown.2 Within three decades of his landing, the Spanish became the first Europeans to reach the Appalachians, the Mississippi, the Grand Canyon and the Great Plains. Spanish ships sailed along the East Coast, reaching present-day Bangor, Maine, and up the Pacific Coast as far as Oregon. In all, Spaniards probed half of today’s lower * Former correspondent for The Times in Spain (1975-78) and the Financial Times in Mexico (1978-84). 1 This Paper updates the author’s book Spain and United States: The Quest for Mutual Rediscovery (www.realinstitutoelcano.org/publicaciones/libros/ChislettEsp-EEUU-ingles.pdf), published in November 2005 by the Elcano Royal Institute, in a much abbreviated form. -
De La Iconografía Histórica Al Santoral Político. El Biopic
STUDIA HUMANITATIS JOURNAL, 2021, 1 (1), pp. 41-57 ISSN: 2792-3967 DOI: https://doi.org/10.53701/shj.v1i1.23 Artículo / Article DE LA ICONOGRAFÍA HISTÓRICA AL SANTORAL POLÍTICO. EL BIOPIC TELEVISIVO COMO CONSTRUCCIÓN MEDIÁTICA DE LA TRANSICIÓN1 2 FROM HISTORICAL ICONOGRAPHY TO POLITICAL SAINTS THE TELEVISION BIOPIC AS A MEDIA CONSTRUCTION OF THE TRANSITION Amparo Guerra Gómez Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España ORCID: 0000-0001-6895-1927 [email protected] | Resumen | En las primeras décadas del presente siglo, y coincidiendo con aniversarios y publicaciones ad hoc, triunfan en las pantallas televisivas españolas series y miniseries históricas, gracias al auge del biopic desarrollado desde los años 90. Mezcla de ficción y no ficción, este género se constituye en soporte ideal para la representación y (de)construcción de toda una galería de personajes y cargos públicos, constituidos en iconografía y santoral político de la España reciente. A través del análisis de tres miniseries estrenadas en cadenas generalistas: 23-F: el día más largo del Rey (2009), Adolfo Suárez, el presidente (2010), y De la ley a la ley (2017), este estudio se aproxima a un tipo de representación y de relato sobre los considerados responsables del milagro político del post franquismo. En fechas cercanas a la celebración del 40 Aniversario de la Constitución Española de 1978, las figuras de la monarquía moderna, del primer Presidente de Gobierno en democracia, y del considerado su arquitecto legal y parlamentario, aparecen a modo de salvífica trinidad a la medida de una memoria colectiva reciente. Palabras clave: Transición española, Iconografía política, Miniseries, Biopic, Memoria colectiva. -
William Chislett
ANTI-AMERICANISM IN SPAIN: THE WEIGHT OF HISTORY William Chislett Working Paper (WP) 47/2005 18/11/2005 Area: US-Transatlantic Dialogue – WP Nº 47/2005 18/11/2005 Anti-Americanism in Spain: The Weight of History William Chislett ∗ Summary: Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). The same degree of coldness towards the United States was brought out in the 16-country Pew Global Attitudes Project where only 41% of Spaniards said they had a very or somewhat favourable view of the United States. This surprises many people. After all, Spain has become a vibrant democracy and a successful market economy since the right-wing dictatorship of General Franco ended in 1975 with the death of the Generalísimo. Why are Spaniards so cool towards the United States? Spain’s feelings toward the United States are the coldest in Europe after Turkey, according to a poll by the German Marshall Fund. And they have been that way for a very long time. The country’s thermometer reading on a scale of 0-100 was 42º in 2005, only surpassed by Turkey’s 28º and compared with an average of 50º for the 10 countries surveyed (see Figure 1). -
The Isaiah Berlin Papers (PDF)
Catalogue of the papers of Sir Isaiah Berlin, 1897-1998, with some family papers, 1903-1972 This finding aid was produced using ArchivesSpace on 2019-10-14 Finding aid written in English Bodleian Libraries Weston Library Broad Street Oxford, , OX1 3BG [email protected] https://www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/weston Catalogue of the papers of Sir Isaiah Berlin, 1897-1998, with some family papers, 1903-1972 Table Of Contents Summary Information .............................................................................................................................. 4 Language of Materials ......................................................................................................................... 4 Overview ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Biographical / Historical ..................................................................................................................... 4 Scope and Contents ............................................................................................................................. 5 Arrangement ........................................................................................................................................ 5 Custodial History ................................................................................................................................. 5 Immediate Source of Acquisition ....................................................................................................... -
Writing from and for the Periphery Carving out a Place for Spanish Food Studies
103Repensar los estudios ibéricos desde la periferia editado por José Colmeiro y Alfredo Martínez-Expósito Writing from and for the Periphery Carving Out a Place for Spanish Food Studies Lara Anderson (The University of Melbourne, Australia) Abstract This article explores the notion of the periphery as it concerns Hispanic food studies. It argues that the periphery has a multiplicity of meanings in this context, and also that it is useful for various methodological and substantive reasons. These include the initial academic marginalisation of food studies itself, the slow acceptance of culinary texts as an object of academic study, as well as the ongoing drive to move food studies from the margins of Hispanic cultural studies. By refer- ence to the Author’s own research on Spanish culinary nationalism, this article also shows how the tension between centre and periphery is key to understanding Spanish food discourses of the past few centuries. This discussion hopes to show that the academy is increasingly paying attention to peripheral cultures and objects of study. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Food Studies: Transcending the Periphery. – 3 Spanish Food Culture and the Peripheral. Keywords Hispanic food studies. Spanish food studies. Culinary nationalism. Spanish cuisine. Spanish regionalisms. 1 Introduction Hispanic food studies is a most apt topic for any discussion of the periphery. Food studies, broadly speaking, has slowly moved from a peripheral position in the academy to one of prestige and popularity. If, however, food studies scholars have been alive to the food cultures and discourses of countries such as France, England and Italy, the Spanish-speaking world has only recently begun to receive this type of scholarly attention.1 Although academic inquiry into the food cultures of the Spanish world is relatively new, journalistic dis- cussions about the nature of Spanish cuisine date back to the late nineteenth century. -
Los Discursos Políticos Televisivos Durante La Transición Española Natalia Ardanaz
LOS DISCURSOS POLÍTICOS TELEVISIVOS DURANTE LA TRANSICIÓN ESPAÑOLA NATALIA ARDANAZ Introducción El objetivo de este artículo (1) es exponer sucintamente el importante papel que durante la Transición española a la democracia, jugó la televisión como principal medio de difusión de la imagen oficial del proceso. Analizaremos especialmente cómo, a través de este medio de comunicación, se constituyó la imagen de los principales protagonistas influyendo directamente en la valoración y apoyo de la sociedad española. En 1975, año de la muerte de Franco, la sociedad española contaba con unos hábitos culturales modernos fruto del desarrollo económico que llevaban experimentando desde la década de los sesenta los españoles. Sin embargo, carecía de una cultura política con la que afrontar el cambio a un sistema democrático. A pesar de las mayoritarias aspiraciones democráticas, los españoles desconocían los mecanismos propios para su participación, por lo que se encontraban en una situación de moldeabilidad y receptibilidad muy ata. Hay que tener en cuenta que la sociedad española no había tenido ninguna opción política durante la dictadura, al haber contado únicamente con el partido del Movimiento. Por lo que en 1975, salvo una minoría activa que venía luchando en la clandestinidad, los españoles tuvieron que comenzar a definir sus orientaciones políticas. En esas circunstancias, fue fundamental para los líderes políticos y sus partidos configurar una imagen influyente que declinara al electorado desde la indecisión hasta el voto. Douglas Kellner (2) señala que a menudo, son las imágenes y figuras de los discursos de la cultura de masas los que constituyen el imaginario político a través del cual los individuos interpretan los procesos, acontecimientos y personalidades políticas. -
Joint Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Joint Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights On the occasion of the review of Spain´s 5th Periodic Report at the 48th Session, May 2012 Executive Summary SUBMITTED BY: CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS (CESR) OBSERVATORIO DE DERECHOS ECONÓMICOS, SOCIALES Y CULTURALES (OBSERVATORI DESC) ASOCIACIÓN ASPACIA ASOCIACIÓN ESPAÑOLA PARA EL DERECHO INTERNACIONAL DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS (AEDIDH) COMITÉ ESPAÑOL DE REPRESENTANTES DE PERSONAS CON DISCAPACIDAD (CERMI) CONFEDERACION ESPAÑOLA DE AGRUPACIONES DE FAMILIARES Y PERSONAS CON ENFERMEDAD MENTAL (FEAFES) COORDINADORA DE ONG PARA EL DESARROLLO- ESPAÑA CREACIÓN POSITIVA FEDERACIÓN DE ENTIDADES DE APOYO A LAS PERSONAS SIN HOGAR (FEPSH) FUNDACIÓN SECRETARIADO GITANO FUNDACIÓN TRIÁNGULO MÉDICOS DEL MUNDO MOVIMIENTO CUARTO MUNDO ESPAÑA PLATAFORMA UNITARIA DE ENCUENTRO PARA LA DEMOCRATIZACIÓN DE LA ONCE (PUEDO) PROVIVIENDA RED ACTIVAS RED DE LUCHA CONTRA LA POBREZA Y LA EXCLUSIÓN SOCIAL (EAPN) RED ESPAÑOLA CONTRA LA TRATA DE PERSONAS SAVE THE CHILDREN Full report submitted in Spanish on 15 March 2012 Joint Submission to the Committee for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 5th Periodic Review of Spain, 48th Session of the CESCR, May 2012 1 INTRODUCTION This executive summary highlights the key concerns and recommendations contained in the joint submission to the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by 19 civil society organizations on the occasion of Spain’s review before the Committee at its 48th session in May 2012. The report complements information presented in Spain´s 5th Periodic Report of June 2009, highlighting key areas of concern regarding the State’s compliance with its obligations under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), with particular reference to issues insufficiently addressed or omitted from the State report and the list of issues put forth by the Pre- sessional Working Group of the Committee in May 2011. -
Human Rights in Spain – a Mere National Topic?
ÖGfE Policy Brief 27'2015 Human rights in Spain – a mere national topic? By Ruth Simsa & Luis Berraquero-Díaz Vienna, 27 July 2015 ISSN 2305-2635 Policy Recommendations 1. Europe must respond to the recently toughened Spanish law on public security that is bound to lead to a severe restriction of civil rights. 2. The observation and documentation of human rights violations in EU member states should be improved. 3. An active role of European politics in fostering civil and social rights in all member states would comply with its crucial values and could increase trust in the EU. Abstract Millions of Spanish people have been protesting security, civil rights have been even further restric- against austerity policies and their consequences. ted: High penalties are foreseen for activities that The Spanish government has responded with a law form the core of the civic right to express opinions on public security that leads to a severe restric- and protest. Spain is not the only European country tion of civil rights to demonstrate and protest. In weakening human rights protection. This deve- recent years, activists have already faced incre- lopment should not be treated mainly as a matter asing repression, with a rise in financial penalties of national affairs. It threatens essential aspects and arrests as well as bodily harm even in nonvi- of the European political culture and its values. olent demonstrations. With the new law on public Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik (ÖGfE) | Rotenhausgasse 6/8-9 | A-1090 Wien | [email protected] | oegfe.at | +43 1 533 4999 1 Human rights in Spain – a mere national topic? ÖGfE Policy Brief 27’2015 The protest movement as a While Spain was called to order several times for consequence of the social and police torture cases before the rise of social acti- political crisis vism2, police brutality has been denounced by the Council of Europe in 20133. -
Internship Placements – Valencia, Spain (Per Company Type)
Internship Placements – Valencia, Spain (Per Company Type) INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS/MARKETING (Sports) VILLARREAL CF (Villarreal Football Club) Villarreal CF is a Spanish football club that was founded in 1923 and currently competes in the Spanish Football League ‘La Liga’, highly regarded as one of the best teams in the first division. It is a successful organization that seeks to develop the excellence of sports and its youth development. The Villarreal CF stadium has a capacity of 24,500 people. The intern will manage the club’s new business and social media accounts, be in charge of identifying key multimedia elements concerning digital football, adapt content to international markets (mainly by identifying the correct themes to promote, cutting video clips and creating subtitles when needed) and help build a stronger networking platform with media professionals from all over the world. Business specific interns will be in charge of market research, prospective clients, industry trends analysis and contact with potential partners. ART ACANTHUS Acanthus offers a wide range of techniQues to its clients. Services such as conservation, restoration and rehabilitation of pieces that are part of our heritage. The intern’s role will involve participating in the restoration of cultural property. They will specifically be involved in the restoration process that takes place at the workshop and complete technical reports. Other daily duties will be assigned by the supervisor based on current projects and demands of the business. ALBA CABRERA Alba Cabrera Gallery is a contemporary art gallery in Valencia. With over 25 years of experience, the gallery has exhibited, marketed and projected local artists worldwide. -
Whpr19741121-012
· Digitized from Box 5 of the White House Press Releases at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library '-....• Henry A. Kissinger Secretary ofState and Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Henry A.Kissinger was sworn in as the 56th Secretal"Y of State Septem~ ber 22, 1973, in a ceremony in the East Room cE ';;j,lI! 'White 'Hou£'"~. He also continues to serve in his White House positiml as Assht~mt to the President for National Security Affairs. Dr. Kissinger became Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs in January 1969. Since 1954 he had been a member of the faculty at Harvard University both in the DepartTa.ent of Government and at the Center for Interr.ational Afiairs. He was Associate Director of the Center from 1957 to 1960. He se:rv~d as Study Director, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, for the Council on Foreign Relations from 1955 to 1956, and Director of the Harvard International Seminar in 1951. Dr. Kissinger is the author of six books and over forty articles on foreign policy. He is a recipient of the Guggenheim Fellowship (1965-66) and the Woodrow Wilson prize (1958) for the best book in the fields of government, politics, and international affairs. A summa cum laude graduate of Harvard College, he received his M. A. in 1952 and Ph.D. in 1954 from the Harvard University Graduate Scool of Arts and Sciences. From 1943 to 1946 he served in the Army Intelligence Corps and from 1946 to 1949 was Captain of the Military Intelligence Reserve. -
Female Antagonism and Collusion with Patriarchy in Dulce Chacón's
ISSN: 1523-1720 NUMERO/NUMBER 42 Agosto/August 2019 Women at Odds: Female Antagonism and Collusion With Patriarchy in Dulce Chacón’s La voz dormida Antonia L. Delgado-Poust University of Mary Washington Abstract This article considers the intersection of the themes of female antagonism, internalized dominance—as defined by E.J.R. David and Gail Pheterson—and female collusion with patriarchy in the oppression of incarcerated women in Chacón’s La voz dormida (2002). Whereas many previous critics of the novel fittingly underscore the novelist’s portrayal of the political and psychological solidarity of the Republican female inmates in the Ventas prison, this paper proposes that the cases of female antipathy among the female characters of Chacón’s novel are symptomatic of, and helped contribute to, the Franco regime’s widespread oppression of women in the postwar years. By likening her female antagonists to men, Chacón portrays the fascist-sympathizing women of the novel as agents of patriarchy, but more importantly, as accomplices to terror and even genocide. Diverging from the work of previous scholars, the author posits that Chacón highlights the (double) subjugation of all females—Republicans and Nationalists, nuns/wardens, and prisoners, alike—who were expected to comply with orthodox gender roles and male- defined moral codes, or risk being branded as moral transgressors and, in specific cases, losing any semblance of power they thought they had. This article offers new interpretative possibilities for a popular and highly glossed text. Key words: Franco, Spain, prisons, collusion, oppression 15 Despite the fact that the Spanish Civil War officially ended in 1939, in the ISSN: 1523-1720 immediate postwar years another struggle was only just beginning—one NUMERO/NUMBER 42 that would be almost as devastating as the original military conflict. -
Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #173 (2009) Justice in Times of Transition: Lessons from the Iberian Experience Omar G. Encarnación Professor and Chair of Political Studies Bard College Division of Social Studies Annandale-on-Hudson, New York 12504 E-mail – [email protected] Abstract A key contention of the transitional justice movement is that the more comprehensive and vigorous the effort to bring justice to a departed authoritarian regime the better the democratizing outcome will be. This essay challenges this view with empirical evidence from the Iberian Peninsula. In Portugal, a sweeping policy of purges intended to cleanse the state and society of the authoritarian past nearly derailed the transition to democracy by descending into a veritable witch-hunt. In Spain, by contrast, letting bygones be bygones, became a foundation for democratic consolidation. These counter-intuitive examples suggest that there is no pre-ordained outcome to transitional justice, and that confronting an evil past is neither a requirement nor a pre-condition for democratization. This is primarily because the principal factors driving the impulse toward justice against the old regime are political rather than ethical or moral. In Portugal, the rise of transitional justice mirrored the anarchic politics of the revolution that lunched the transition to democracy. In Spain, the absence of transitional justice reflected the pragmatism of a democratic transition anchored on compromise and consensus. It is practically an article of faith that holding a departed authoritarian regime accountable for its political crimes through any of the available political and legal means is a pre-requisite for nations attempting to consolidate democratic rule.