The Children Overboard Event: Constructing the Family and Nation Through Representations of the Other
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RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL at PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; and REASONS for REJECTION by Shizuka
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL AT PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; AND REASONS FOR REJECTION By Shizuka Imamoto B.A. (Hiroshima Jogakuin University, Japan), Graduate Diploma in Language Teaching (University of Technology Sydney, Australia) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University. Japanese Studies, Department of Asian Languages, Division of Humanities, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney Australia. 2006 DECLARATION I declare that the present research work embodied in the thesis entitled, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese Proposal At Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Manoeuvres; And Reasons For Rejection was carried out by the author at Macquarie Japanese Studies Centre of Macquarie University of Sydney, Australia during the period February 2003 to February 2006. This work has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. Any published and unpublished materials of other writers and researchers have been given full acknowledgement in the text. Shizuka Imamoto ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii SUMMARY ix DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi INTRODUCTION 1 1. Area Of Study 1 2. Theme, Principal Question, And Objective Of Research 5 3. Methodology For Research 5 4. Preview Of The Results Presented In The Thesis 6 End Notes 9 CHAPTER ONE ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND WORLD WAR ONE 11 Section One: Anglo-Japanese Alliance 12 1. Role Of Favourable Public Opinion In Britain And Japan 13 2. Background Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 15 3. Negotiations And Signing Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 16 4. Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance 17 5. Third Anglo-Japanese Alliance 18 Section Two: Japan’s Involvement In World War One 19 1. -
Australia Is Awash with Political Memoir, but Only Some Will Survive the Flood
Australia is awash with political memoir, but only some will survive the... https://theconversation.com/australia-is-awash-with-political-memoir-b... Academic rigour, journalistic flair September 9, 2015 8.51am AEST For publishers, Australian political memoir or biography is likely to pay its own way, at the very least. AAP Image/Lukas Coch September 9, 2015 8.51am AEST Last year more than a dozen political memoirs were published in Australia. From Bob Author Carr’s Diary of a Foreign Minister to Greg Combet’s The Fights of My Life, from Rob Oakeshott’s The Independent Member for Lyne to Bob Brown’s Optimism, one could be forgiven for thinking Australia is a nation of political junkies. Jane Messer Or that we’re fascinated by the personalities, policies and procedures that shape our Senior Lecturer in Creative Writing, political landscape. But are we really, and if not, why so many books? Macquarie University The deluge shows no signs of abating, with a similar number of titles expected this year. Already we’ve seen the release of Shadow Minister Chris Bowen’s The Money Men, reflections by Federal Labor members Mark Butler and Andrew Leigh, with former Victorian Labor leader John Brumby’s practical “lessons”, The Long Haul, in press. Liberals, once laggards in this genre, are stepping up in growing numbers. Federal Minister Christopher Pyne’s “hilarious” A Letter To My Children is out, and Peter Reith’s The Reith Papers is underway. Also in press is the genuinely unauthorised Born to Rule: the Unauthorised Biography of Malcolm Turnbull. -
Howard Government Retrospective II
Howard Government Retrospective II “To the brink: 1997 - 2001” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 14 - 15 November 2017 Howard Government Retrospective II The First and Second Howard Governments Initial appraisals and assessments Professor Tom Frame Introduction I have reviewed two contemporaneous treatments Preamble of the first Howard Government. Unlike other Members of the Coalition parties frequently complain retrospectives, these two works focussed entirely on that academics and journalists write more books about the years 1996-1998. One was published in 1997 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) than about Liberal- and marked the first anniversary of the Coalition’s National governments and their leaders. For instance, election victory. The other was published in early three biographical studies had been written about Mark 2000 when the consequences of some first term Latham who was the Opposition leader for a mere decisions and policies were becoming a little clearer. fourteen months (December 2003 to February 2005) Both books are collections of essays that originated when only one book had appeared about John Howard in university faculties and concentrated on questions and he had been prime minister for nearly a decade. of public administration. The contributions to both Certainly, publishers believe that books about the Labor volumes are notable for the consistency of their tone Party (past and present) are usually more successful and tenor. They are not partisan works although there commercially than works on the Coalition parties. The is more than a hint of suspicion that the Coalition sales figures would seem to suggest that history and was tampering with the institutions that undergirded ideas mean more to some Labor followers than to public authority and democratic government in Coalition supporters or to Australian readers generally. -
Ministerial Staff Under the Howard Government: Problem, Solution Or Black Hole?
Ministerial Staff Under the Howard Government: Problem, Solution or Black Hole? Author Tiernan, Anne-Maree Published 2005 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Department of Politics and Public Policy DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/3587 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367746 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Ministerial Staff under the Howard Government: Problem, Solution or Black Hole? Anne-Maree Tiernan BA (Australian National University) BComm (Hons) (Griffith University) Department of Politics and Public Policy, Griffith University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2004 Abstract This thesis traces the development of the ministerial staffing system in Australian Commonwealth government from 1972 to the present. It explores four aspects of its contemporary operations that are potentially problematic. These are: the accountability of ministerial staff, their conduct and behaviour, the adequacy of current arrangements for managing and controlling the staff, and their fit within a Westminster-style political system. In the thirty years since its formal introduction by the Whitlam government, the ministerial staffing system has evolved to become a powerful new political institution within the Australian core executive. Its growing importance is reflected in the significant growth in ministerial staff numbers, in their increasing seniority and status, and in the progressive expansion of their role and influence. There is now broad acceptance that ministerial staff play necessary and legitimate roles, assisting overloaded ministers to cope with the unrelenting demands of their jobs. However, recent controversies involving ministerial staff indicate that concerns persist about their accountability, about their role and conduct, and about their impact on the system of advice and support to ministers and prime ministers. -
Howard's Decade
Lowy Institute Paper 15 howard’s decade AN AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY REAPPRAISAL Paul Kelly Lowy Institute Paper 15 howard’s decade AN AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY REAPPRAISAL Paul Kelly First published for Lowy Institute for International Policy 2006 PO Box 102 Double Bay New South Wales 2028 Australia www.longmedia.com.au [email protected] Tel. (+61 2) 9362 8441 Lowy Institute for International Policy © 2006 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part Paul Kelly is Editor-at-Large of The Australian. He was of this publication may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means (including but not limited to electronic, previously Editor-in-Chief of The Australian. He writes mechanical, photocopying, or recording), without the prior written permission of the on Australian and international issues and is a regular copyright owner. commentator on ABC television. Paul holds a Doctor of Letters from the University of Cover design by Holy Cow! Design & Advertising Melbourne and a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Printed and bound in Australia Typeset by Longueville Media in Esprit Book 10/13 Sydney. He has honorary doctorates from the University of New South Wales and from Griffi th University, and is National Library of Australia a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. Cataloguing-in-Publication data He has been a Shorenstein Fellow at the Kennedy School at Harvard University and a visiting lecturer at the Kelly, Paul, 1947- . Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard. -
Howard Government Retrospective I
Howard Government Retrospective I “1996” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 16 November 2016 Howard Government Retrospective: 1996 Introduction Perspectives and Polemics: Assessing the Howard Government Professor Tom Frame after an event will never stand as the final word. Dispassionate historical analysis takes time and the benefits ought to be savoured. The Howard Government is now being consigned to history. I base this statement on four observations. First, the Howard Government was elected more two decades ago and defeated nearly a decade ago. The passage of time has allowed the dust to settle making the genuine successes and actual failures of the Coalition a little easier to discern. Only some of what appeared to matter between 1996 and 2007 now matters. Decisions that were hailed as triumphs and policies derided as failures are now free from the forces that obscured their character and the immediacy that concealed their significance. The introduction of the GST, for instance, did not produce the range of adverse outcomes forecast by pundits. Although supporting the new tax in the Senate contributed to the demise of the Australian Democrats, the party’s leader Meg o say that something is being ‘consigned Lees continues to believe the country needed a Tto history’ might infer that an object has consumption tax. The passage of time has made no contemporary relevance or continuing it possible for historians to apply the principles significance; that it is best forgotten and wisely of their discipline to the place of the Howard struck from memory; and, that its slide from Government in the nation’s life. -
The Race Issue in Australia's 2001 Election
The Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Working Paper Series The Race Issue in Australia’s 2001 Election: A Creation of Politicians or the Press? By Paul Kelly Shorenstein Fellow, Spring 2002 Editor at Large, the Australian #2002-8 Copyright © 2002, President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved 1 The Origins of the Crisis In late August 2001, the routine journey across the Indian Ocean of a Norwegian freighter, the Tampa, would become a voyage from hell, with the Tampa itself transformed into a floating monument to inhumanity, the focus of an international political dispute, and a bitter symbol in Australia’s 2001 national election. The story of the Tampa is a modern morality tale: it documents the tragedy of refugee policy and global migrations – the conflict between asylum-seekers desperate to find a better life and the reluctance of citizenry of the rich stable democracies to embrace them. It also contains a powerful lesson for the press – and a warning of challenges to come. On August 26, the Tampa was traveling from the Australian port of Fremantle to Singapore. In response to an Australian search and rescue broadcast, it intercepted a stricken Indonesian vessel and took aboard 433 people, nearly all of them Afghans headed for Australia’s remote Christmas Island and what they hoped would be a new home in Australia itself. The pick-up occurred within the Indonesian rescue zone∗ and so the Tampa’s experienced captain, Arne Rinnan, set course for the port of Merak on the Indonesian island of Java 250 miles away, where permission to land had been given. -
LETTER from CANBERRA Saving You Time
LETTER FROM CANBERRA Saving you time. Three years on. After Letter from Melbourne, established 1994. LETTER A monthly newsletter distilling public policy FROM and government decisions which CANBERRA affect business opportunities in Australia and beyond. Saving you time. Three years on. After Letter from Melbourne, established 1994. A monthly newsletter distilling public policy and government decisions which affect business opportunities in Australia and beyond. My Country MyThe Countrylove of field and coppice, Of green and shaded lanes. TheOf ordered love of woodsfield and and coppice, gardens OfIs running green and in your shaded veins, lanes. OfStrong ordered love woodsof grey-blue and gardens distance IsBrown running streams in your and veins, soft dim skies StrongI know butlove cannot of grey-blue share distanceit, BrownMy love streams is otherwise. and soft dim skies I know but cannot share it, Warm Up Edition MyI love love a sunburntis otherwise. country, 19 December to 28 February 2011 A land of sweeping plains, Warm Up Edition IOf love ragged a sunburnt mountain country, ranges, 19Issue December 31 to 28 February 2011 AOf land droughts of sweeping and flooding plains, rains. OfI love ragged her far mountain horizons, ranges, IssueInside 31 OfI love droughts her jewel-sea, and flooding rains. • Flood levy proceeding IHer love beauty her far and horizons, her terror - Inside• Prime Minister seeking to better IThe love wide her jewel-sea,brown land for me! • Floodrepresent levy Australia(ns)proceeding Her beauty and her terror - • PrimeHer agenda Minister and seeking challenges to better TheA stark wide white brown ring-barked land for forestme! • Arepresent more federated Australia(ns) health system All tragic to the moon, • CarbonHer agenda tax/cap/trade and challenges fullish speed AThe stark sapphire-misted white ring-barked mountains, forest • Aahead more federated health system AllThe tragic hot gold to the hush moon, of noon. -
22. Flint Book Review
Autumn 2001 Book Review 233 FIGHTING FOR THE REPUBLIC , by Malcolm Turnbull, Hardie Grant Books, 2000, ix, +262. Reviewer: David Flint * Malcolm Turnbull had everything going for him. During the better part of a decade, with up to $150 million of taxpayers’ money, his Australian Republican Movement produced not one, but two republican models. And by the 1999 referendum he has the full support of the ALP, who promise to campaign as if it were a federal election. There are revealing glimpses in this memoir of Turnbull’s instructions on how Kim Beazley should present the case! He also has the support of a good part of the Liberal Party organisation, and most sitting politicians. (A whopping 93% in Tasmania.) The establishment is not only on side, but is uncharacteristically outspoken. The Vice Chancellor of Melbourne University warns a No vote will result in acute international embarrassment! Three distinguished jurists, Sir Zelman Cowan, Sir Anthony Mason and Sir Gerard Brennan, certify the model as safe, even though two of them had previously expressed serious reservations. The overwhelming majority of Australia’s political journalists, editors and the press throw themselves enthusiastically into the campaign. And Turnbull has vast resources — in the Convention elections he outspends Australians for Constitutional Monarchy 5:1. And yet, he loses. By a landslide. All States and the Northern Territory vote No. Seventy two percent of all electorates, rising to ninety three percent in Queensland and Western Australia. Why? The Yes campaign is at best mediocre. There are too many contradictory messages from the ARM and its satellite organisations. -
Tony Abbott's
In his own words Tony Abbott’s When he was Workplace Relations Minister, Tony Abbott displayed a casual disregard for workers’ rights and lack of sympathy for working Australians. He regularly sided with employers against workers. Ministerial record: Abbott was a staunch defender of WorkChoices in the Liberals’ first years in opposition – it was only recently, when he realised how unpopular WorkChoices remains – that he has changed his language. A record that shows he Here are some of his more memorable quotes: On his plans for working Australians On WorkChoices can’t be trusted by • “Well, the phrase WorkChoices is dead. No-one will • “Workchoices was a political mistake, but it may not have been an economic one.” (Tony Abbott, Battlelines, working Australians. ever mention it again, but look, we have to have a Melbourne University Press, 2009, page 87) free and flexible economy.” (press conference, 1 December 2009. Full press conference can be viewed at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ifNbQt_ gSGk) • “WorkChoices did not cost the former Government Since becoming Liberal Leader, Tony Abbott has tried to convince Australians that he is not committed to the election; it was the temporary abolition of the the extreme WorkChoices industrial relations policies of the Howard Government. • “If we are going to have productive workplaces, we No Disadvantage Test which, more than anything can never bring down the curtain on workplace else, cost the former government the election — During this Federal Election campaign he has changed his story almost daily, insisting that WorkChoices reform.” (ABC 7.30 Report, 27 July 2009, found at http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/ and WorkChoices was far more than just that.” (Hansard, content/2009/s2638036.htm) House of Representatives, at: http://www.aph.gov.au/hansard/reps/dailys/dr130809. -
Papers on Parliament No. 30
Sir Richard Chaffey Baker—the Senate’s First Republican Sir Richard Chaffey Baker—the Senate’s First Republican* Mark McKenna ate last year I received a phone call from Sue Rickard, then Senior Research Officer in Lthe Department of the Senate. Sue had seen my book The Captive Republic and expressed her surprise at the reference in the book to Richard Chaffey Baker in the chapter on federation and republicanism.1 I had claimed Baker as a republican—a description which I decided would provide an apt if not slightly mischievous title for today’s lecture. Sue asked if I would be interested in delivering a lecture on Baker—the first President of the Senate and perhaps explaining along the way how it was that one of South Australia’s most conservative politicians—a member of the Adelaide Club and a man who frequently boasted of his loyalty to the crown, could be a republican. I had little idea when I agreed to Sue’s request just how useful and interesting a lens Baker’s political life would prove to be. As we progress tentatively towards an explicitly republican form of government, it seems appropriate to reflect on the views of one of Australia’s forgotten founders. It is typical of Australia’s political history that one of the most pivotal figures in the federation period is a relatively unknown figure. In the United States, a person of similar political stature to Baker would have received far more attention. This brings to mind a comment recently made by Humphrey McQueen in his book Suspect History. -
Richard Chaffey Baker and the Shaping Of
Richard Chaffey Baker and the Shaping Rosemary Laing of the Senate It was Harry Evans who first introduced me to Sir Richard Chaffey Baker—or ‘Dickie’ Baker as he fondly called him—the first President of the Australian Senate. Baker, though a native-born South Australian, had been educated at Eton, Cambridge and Lincoln’s Inn, but had gone on to be an influential delegate at the constitutional conventions of the 1890s, bucking the standard colonial obeisance to all things Westminster. Like Tasmanian Andrew Inglis Clark and a few others, Baker questioned the very rationale of the theory of responsible government while promoting something rather more republican in character, though always under the British Crown.1 When the Senate Department’s major Centenary of Federation project, the four-volume Biographical Dictionary of the Australian Senate, began to get off the ground in the early 1990s under the indefatigable editorship of Ann Millar, four sample entries were prepared to illustrate how the project could be done and what the entries would look like. An entry on Baker, researched and written by Dr Margot Kerley, was one of those four pilot entries. Perhaps it was a strategic choice given Harry Evans’ great interest in the subject, but Harry needed little convincing that this was a worthwhile contribution to the history of federation and he remained the dictionary’s strongest supporter, particularly at Senate estimates. Harry also read all entries, continuing to do so even after retiring, bringing to the task his great critical faculties and his unrivalled knowledge of Australian political history.