COMMON SENSE Thomas Paine
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COMMON SENSE Thomas Paine edited by Edward Larkin broadview editions Appendix B: Responses to Common Sense 1. [Charles Inglis], The True Interest ofAmerica Impartially Stat ed, in Certain Strictures on a Pamphlet In titled Common Sense (Philadelphia: Humphreys, 1776) [An Anglican minister and later rector of Trinity Church in New York, Charles Inglis published a number of pamphlets and essays in opposition to the Revolution. He arrived in the colonies in 1775 just months before the publication of Common Sense. He published The Tme Interest about a month after Paine's pamphlet appeared. Like many Tories, Inglis left for Nova Scotia during the War of Indepen dence. Below are selected sections of The True Interest which in its entirety was about as long as the text of Common Sense. These selec tions are taken from the second edition, published by James Humphreys.] PREFACE THE following pages contain an answer to one ifthe most ariful, insid ious and pernicious pamphlets I have ever met with. It is addressed to the passions of the populace, at a time when their passions are much inflamed. At such junctures, cool reason and judgment are too apt to sleep: The mind is easily imposed on and the most violent measures will, therefore, be thought the most salutary. Positive assertions will pass for demonstration with many, rage for sincerity, and the most glaring absurdities and falshoods will be swallowed. The author if COMMON SENSE, has availed himself ifall these cir cumstances. Under the mask iffriendship to America, in the present calami tous situation of affairs, he gives vent to his own private resentment and ambition, and recommends a scheme which must i/"!fallibly prove minous. He proposes that we should renounce our allegiance to our Sovereign, break off all connection with Great-Britain and set up an independent empire ifthe republican kind. Sensible that such a proposal must, even at this time, be shocking to the ears of Americans; he insinuates that the novelty of his sen timents is the only obstacle to their success.-that, "perhaps they are not yet sr!ificiently fashionable to procure them general favour; that a long habit f not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in dfence ifcustom. " COMMON SENSE 151 In this he imitates all other enthusiasts and visiollary assertors ifpara from the duplicity and criminal insincerity with which this pamphlet doxes, who were conscious that the common feelilgs of mankind mllst revolt pirtually (haJ?es them. against their schemes: TIle author, however, though he did not illteld it here, The reader, howelJer, must not expect that I should submit to the drtlgery pays compliment to the Americans; for this amounts to a confessiorl that returning a distinct answer to elJery part of a pamphlet, in which the lines amidst all their grievances, they still retain their allegiance and With the same lJiew, I presume, to make his pamphlet go down the bet in many places are out-numbered by falshoods; where the author's malice and antipathy to monarchical government, misrepresent almost everything relative ter, he prifixes the title of Common Sense to it-by a figure ill fo the sl/bject. I have done, notwithstanding, what I conceilJe to be suffi which is called a Catechresis, that is, in plain English, an abuse of words. Under this title, he counteracts the clearest dictates f reason, tmtll and com cient-I have developed his leading principles, and obviated such misrepre mon sense, TIws halJe I seen a book written by a popisll bigot, elltitled, sentations as are aptest to mislead the unwary. I have, moreover, shewn that this scheme is b(g with ruin to America--that it is contrary to the sentiments and Truth; or Charity maintained; in which the allfitor very and charitably damns all heretics. of the colonists, alld that in a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, on solid, cOllStitutional principles, excluding all parliamentary taxatiorl, the happiness I find no Common Sense in this pamphlet, but much uncommon mId prosperity of this continent, are only to be sought or folltld. phrenzy. It is an outrageous insult on the common sense q/Americans; an I neither halJe, nor can possibly have any itlterests separate from those of insidious attempt to poison their minds, and seduce them from their loyalty America--any object itl view but her welfore. My fate is involved in her:,. If and truest interest. TIle principles of government laid down in it, are IlOt only she becomes a conquered country, or an independent republic, I can promise but too absurd to have ever entered the 1lead of a crazy politician before. advantage or emolument in either case; Imt must inevitably share Even Hobbes would blush to own the author for a disciple.1 He unites the with millions in the evils that will ensue. TIlis I can declare, bifore the violellce and rage of a republican, with all the entllUsiasm and folly if afanat searcher ifhearts, is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth . ic. Ifprinciples f truth and common sense, however, ulould flOt serlJe his Can the autilor f Common Sense do the same? Can he truly and sin scheme, he could not help that by any other method than by inlJeflting such as would; alld this he has done. cerely say, that he has no honour, power, or profit in view, should his darling republican scheme take place? If not, then he is an interested, prejudiced per No person breathin,g, has a deeper sense of the present distresses ifAmer SOIl, and lJery unfit to advise in this matter. We should /le distrusful of his thall I halJe--or would rejoice more to see them remolJed, and our liber judgment, and on our guard against what he recommends. ties settled on a permanent, constitutional foundation. But this author's pro The at/thor calls himself an Englishman, but whether he is a native posal, instead of remolJing our grievances, would aggravate them a thousand Old England, or New England, is a thing I tleither know nor care about. fold. The remedy is infinitely worse than the disease. It ulould be like wttirlg off a leg, because the toe happened to ache. I am only to know him by the features he hath here exhibited of himself, It which are those of an avowed, violent Republican, utterly averse and is probable that this pamphlet, like others, will soon sink in obliv unfriendly to the English constitution. He hath not prifixed his name to his ion-that the destructilJe plan it holds out, will speedily be forgotten, and pamphlet; neither shall I prifix mine to this. But as I fear his alJilities like the baseless fabric of a vision; yet, while any honest mall is in as little as I love his republican cause, I hereby pledge myself,that in case he danger of beillg seduced by it-whilst there is even a possibility that the should reply, and publish his name; I also, should I think it necessary to dreadful evils it is calculated to produce, should overtake tiS, I think it a shall publish my name. I honour genius wherever I meet with it; but duty which I owe to God, to my King and Country, to counteract, in this detest its prostitution to bad purposes. The few faint glimmeriflgs f it that manner, the poison it contains. Nor do I think it less a duty thus to lJirl are thinly scattered through this pamphlet, are but a poor compensation for dicate our honourable Congress, and my injured countrymen in its malevolent, pernicious design; and serve only to raise our indignation and abhorrence. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was one of the most important English I hope the reader will distinguish-where there is a real difference- philosophers of the Levial/lan seventeenth century. His remains one of between his Republican's cause, and that of America. Ifnot, and ifhe is not the most influential works of political philosophy ever written. In to listen calmly to tmth, I adlJise him to stop here and lay down this Leviathan Hobbes presents a somewhat brutal and violent vision of if human nature. But the case be othenvise, I have only to beseech him, whilst perusing these STRICTURES, to rememiJer, that they were written to promote 152 APPENDIX n COMMON SENSE 153 our Reconciliation with a King and nation, whom, not long since, we sin the rant which this author throws out, as if America would be per cerely loved and esteemed. The bitterest enmity I know is that which subsists petually embroiled with England hereafter, unless we declare for between those who were once friends, but have fallen out. On such occasions, independency. and while our resentment is high, the advice which tends to gratify that For my part,I look upon this pamphlet to be the most injurious, resentment may be the most welcome. But when our passions subside, our for in every respect, to America, of any that has appeared since these mer 4iections will also return; and we shall then look upon him to be much troubles began.Its natural and necessary tendency is, to produce jeal more our friend who would calm our resentment than him who would ousy, dissention and disunion among us. The Continental congress, inflame it. From our former connection Ivith Great Britain, we have already the several Provincial Congresses and Assemblies, have all unani derived numberless advantages and benefits;from a closer union with her, on mously and in the strongest terms, disclaimed ever y idea of Inde proper principles, we may derive still greater benefits in future.