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Home , Thomas Paine

COMMON SENSE

Thomas Paine

edited by Edward Larkin

broadview editions Appendix B: Responses to

1. [], The True Interest ofAmerica Impartially Stat­ ed, in Certain Strictures on a Pamphlet In titled Common Sense (: Humphreys, 1776)

[An Anglican minister and later rector of Trinity Church in New York, Charles Inglis published a number of pamphlets and essays in opposition to the . He arrived in the colonies in 1775 just months before the publication of Common Sense. He published The Tme Interest about a month after Paine's pamphlet appeared. Like many Tories, Inglis left for Nova Scotia during the War of Indepen­ dence. Below are selected sections of The True Interest which in its entirety was about as long as the text of Common Sense. These selec­ tions are taken from the second edition, published by James Humphreys.]

PREFACE

THE following pages contain an answer to one ifthe most ariful, insid­ ious and pernicious pamphlets I have ever met with. It is addressed to the passions of the populace, at a time when their passions are much inflamed. At such junctures, cool and judgment are too apt to sleep: The mind is easily imposed on and the most violent measures will, therefore, be thought the most salutary. Positive assertions will pass for demonstration with many, rage for sincerity, and the most glaring absurdities and falshoods will be swallowed. The author if COMMON SENSE, has availed himself ifall these cir­ cumstances. Under the mask iffriendship to America, in the present calami­ tous situation of affairs, he gives vent to his own private resentment and ambition, and recommends a scheme which must i/"!fallibly prove minous. He proposes that we should renounce our allegiance to our Sovereign, break off all connection with Great-Britain and set up an independent empire ifthe republican kind. Sensible that such a proposal must, even at this time, be shocking to the ears of Americans; he insinuates that the novelty of his sen­ timents is the only obstacle to their success.-that, "perhaps they are not yet sr!ificiently fashionable to procure them general favour; that a long habit f not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in dfence ifcustom. "

COMMON SENSE 151 In this he imitates all other enthusiasts and visiollary assertors ifpara­ from the duplicity and criminal insincerity with which this pamphlet doxes, who were conscious that the common feelilgs of mankind mllst revolt pirtually (haJ?es them. against their schemes: TIle author, however, though he did not illteld it here, The reader, howelJer, must not expect that I should submit to the drtlgery pays compliment to the Americans; for this amounts to a confessiorl that returning a distinct answer to elJery part of a pamphlet, in which the lines amidst all their grievances, they still retain their allegiance and With the same lJiew, I presume, to make his pamphlet go down the bet­ in many places are out-numbered by falshoods; where the author's malice and antipathy to monarchical , misrepresent almost everything relative ter, he prifixes the title of Common Sense to it-by a figure ill fo the sl/bject. I have done, notwithstanding, what I conceilJe to be suffi­ which is called a Catechresis, that is, in plain English, an abuse of words. Under this title, he counteracts the clearest dictates f reason, tmtll and com­ cient-I have developed his leading principles, and obviated such misrepre­ mon sense, TIws halJe I seen a book written by a popisll bigot, elltitled, sentations as are aptest to mislead the unwary. I have, moreover, shewn that this scheme is b(g with ruin to America--that it is contrary to the sentiments and Truth; or Charity maintained; in which the allfitor very and charitably damns all heretics. of the colonists, alld that in a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, on solid, cOllStitutional principles, excluding all parliamentary taxatiorl, the happiness I find no Common Sense in this pamphlet, but much uncommon mId prosperity of this continent, are only to be sought or folltld. phrenzy. It is an outrageous insult on the common sense q/Americans; an I neither halJe, nor can possibly have any itlterests separate from those of insidious attempt to poison their minds, and seduce them from their loyalty America--any object itl view but her welfore. My fate is involved in her:,. If and truest interest. TIle principles of government laid down in it, are IlOt only she becomes a conquered country, or an independent , I can promise but too absurd to have ever entered the 1lead of a crazy politician before. advantage or emolument in either case; Imt must inevitably share Even Hobbes would blush to own the author for a disciple.1 He unites the with millions in the evils that will ensue. TIlis I can declare, bifore the violellce and rage of a republican, with all the entllUsiasm and folly if afanat­ searcher ifhearts, is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth . ic. Ifprinciples f truth and common sense, however, ulould flOt serlJe his Can the autilor f Common Sense do the same? Can he truly and sin­ scheme, he could not help that by any other method than by inlJeflting such as would; alld this he has done. cerely say, that he has no honour, power, or profit in view, should his darling republican scheme take place? If not, then he is an interested, prejudiced per­ No person breathin,g, has a deeper sense of the present distresses ifAmer­ SOIl, and lJery unfit to advise in this matter. We should /le distrusful of his thall I halJe--or would rejoice more to see them remolJed, and our liber­ judgment, and on our guard against what he recommends. ties settled on a permanent, constitutional foundation. But this author's pro­ The at/thor calls himself an Englishman, but whether he is a native posal, instead of remolJing our grievances, would aggravate them a thousand Old , or New England, is a thing I tleither know nor care about. fold. The remedy is infinitely worse than the disease. It ulould be like wttirlg off a leg, because the toe happened to ache. I am only to know him by the features he hath here exhibited of himself, It which are those of an avowed, violent Republican, utterly averse and is probable that this pamphlet, like others, will soon sink in obliv­ unfriendly to the English constitution. He hath not prifixed his name to his ion-that the destructilJe plan it holds out, will speedily be forgotten, and pamphlet; neither shall I prifix mine to this. But as I fear his alJilities like the baseless fabric of a vision; yet, while any honest mall is in as little as I love his republican cause, I hereby pledge myself,that in case he danger of beillg seduced by it-whilst there is even a possibility that the should reply, and publish his name; I also, should I think it necessary to dreadful evils it is calculated to produce, should overtake tiS, I think it a shall publish my name. I honour genius wherever I meet with it; but duty which I owe to , to my King and Country, to counteract, in this detest its prostitution to bad purposes. The few faint glimmeriflgs f it that manner, the poison it contains. Nor do I think it less a duty thus to lJirl­ are thinly scattered through this pamphlet, are but a poor compensation for dicate our honourable Congress, and my injured countrymen in its malevolent, pernicious design; and serve only to raise our indignation and abhorrence. (1588-1679) was one of the most important English I hope the reader will distinguish-where there is a real difference-­ of the Levial/lan seventeenth century. His remains one of between his Republican's cause, and that of America. Ifnot, and ifhe is not the most influential works of ever written. In to listen calmly to tmth, I adlJise him to stop here and lay down this Leviathan Hobbes presents a somewhat brutal and violent vision of if human nature. But the case be othenvise, I have only to beseech him, whilst perusing these STRICTURES, to rememiJer, that they were written to promote

152 APPENDIX n COMMON SENSE 153 our Reconciliation with a King and nation, whom, not long since, we sin­ the rant which this author throws out, as if America would be per­ cerely loved and esteemed. The bitterest enmity I know is that which subsists petually embroiled with England hereafter, unless we declare for between those who were once friends, but have fallen out. On such occasions, independency. and while our resentment is high, the advice which tends to gratify that For my part,I look upon this pamphlet to be the most injurious, resentment may be the most welcome. But when our passions subside, our for­ in every respect, to America, of any that has appeared since these mer 4iections will also return; and we shall then look upon him to be much troubles began.Its natural and necessary tendency is, to produce jeal­ more our friend who would calm our resentment than him who would ousy, dissention and disunion among us. The , inflame it. From our former connection Ivith Great Britain, we have already the several Provincial Congresses and Assemblies, have all unani­ derived numberless advantages and benefits;from a closer union with her, on mously and in the strongest terms, disclaimed ever y idea of Inde­ proper principles, we may derive still greater benefits in future. Duty, grati­ pendency. They have repeatedJy declared their abhorrence of such a tude, interest, nay Providence, by its all-wise dispensations, loudly call on step; they have as often declared their firm attachment to our Sov­ both countries to unite, and would join them together; and may infamy be ereign and the Parent State. They have declared that placing them in the portion of that wretch who would put them asunder. the same situation that they were at the close of the last war, was February 16, 1776. their only object; that when this was done, by repealing the obnox­ ious acts, our former harmony and friendship would be restored. I * * * appeal to the reader whether all this had not been done from one end of the continent to the other. Consider this matter as you will, view the Declaration of Indepen­ Yet here steps forth a writer, who avers with as much assurance dency in what light you please; the win of America must be the as if he had the whole continent on his back, and ready to support inevitable consequence. Our author's earnestness and zeal therefore, his asseverations-That Independency is our duty and interest­ that we should declare ourselves Independent, serves only to prove That it was folly and rashness to go to the expence we have been at that he himself is desperate; and that he would gladly bring his whole for the sake of repealing those obnoxious acts; and moreover, loads continent into the same situation. with the most opprobious terms, that Sovereign and Nation to But our author repeatedly tells us-"That to expend so many which we had declared our attachment! In what light can this be millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, is unworthy viewed in Britain? Must it not weaken the influence of our the charge:' Now to pass over the gross insult here offered to the friends--strengthen the hands of the ministry--and give weight to Continental Congress, who had this important object principally in every thing our enemies have said to to our disadvantage? Must it view, in the spirited measures they have taken:I answer--That if five not induce people to suspect our candour-that all our declarations times as many millions had been expended, America would be an were insincere, fallacious-intended only to amuse and deceive?-lt immense gainer, provided those acts are repealed, and her , is as much to vindicate my injured countrymen from this disgrace, , and trade, are settled on a firm basis, by a Constitutional which they deserve not, as to oppose the destructive project ofInde­ Union with Great-Britain. Were that measure once effected, the pendency, that I appear on this occasioIl-a project which is as neU! and prosperity of this continent would be as immutably and as it is destructive. certainly secure as any thing in this world can.We should be the hap­ I have now considered every thing in this Incendiary's pamphlet, piest people in the world. The Americans have fully evinced, to the that deserves notice.If some things are passed over, it is not because conviction of the most incredulous, that they have an high sense of they are unanswerable; but because they are not worthy of an their liberties, and sufficient spirit to vindicate those liberties. Their answer. I have on purpose omitted ever y subject, the discussion of numbers, strength, and importance, will be daily increasing; these which might tend to raise jealousy among the colonists; such as reli­ will command respect from Great-Britain, and insure to them a mild gion, the claims of some colonies on other s, besides many more of and equitable treatment from her. She will not hereafter be over anx­ the same kind. But it was more difficult to avoid speaking of these, ious to contend, or come to blows with them. This I think is clear than to point out what prolifiC sources of animosity, bitterness and to demonstration; and hence we may learn to set a proper value on bloody contests they must infallibly prove, were America to become

154 APPENDIX B COMMON SENSE 155 independent. The whole is freely submitted to the reader's candid, trammels of any party, as not to desert it, the moment is deserts the dispassionate judgment. interests of my country. He The Author of Common Sense may probably call me "a disguised recommends a new, untried, romantic scheme, at which we tory, a prejudiced man," or what in his estimation "will be productive would at first have shuddered-which is bi g with inevitable ruin, I of more calamities to this continent than all others-a moderate man." and is the last stage of political phrenzy. am for pursuing the same But I am too conscious of the sincerity of my own heart, and of the object, and acting on the same principles and plan with which we rectitude of my intentions, to pay any regard to whatever he is pleased set out, when this contest began, and of whose success there is a to call me. Who indeed would be ambitious of his approbation, when moral certainty. he expressly reprobates Moderation-that offspring of true wisdom This, as far as I can know or see, is the true state of our case-let and sound judgment? The welfare of America is what I wish for above Heaven and Earth judge between us. any earthly thing. I am fully, firmly and conscientiously persuaded,that America is far frombeing yet in a desperate si tuation. I am confi­ our author's scheme of Independency and , is big with dent she may obtain honourable and advantagious terms from Great will ruin-with inevitable ruin to America. Against this scheme therefore, Britain. A few years of peace soon retrieve all her losses. She will which totally changes the ground we set out on, as an honest man, as rapidly advance to a state of maturity, whereby she may not only a friend to human nature, I must and will bear testimony. repay the parent state amply for all past benefits; but also lay under . Let the spirit, design and motives which are undeniably evident in the greatest obligations. America, till very lately, has been the happi­ our respective pamphlets, decide which should be attended to most. est country in the universe. Blest with all that nature could bestow The author of Common Sense is a violent stickler for with the profusest bounty, she enjoyed besides, more , greater or Republicanism only--every other species of government is privileges than any other land. How painful is it to reflect on these to reprobated by him as tyrannical: I plead for that constitution which things, and look forward to the gloomy prospects now before us! has been formed by the wisdom of ages-is the admiration of But it is not too late to hope that matters may mend. By prudent mankind-i s best adapted to the genius of Britons, and is most management her former happiness may again return; and continue to friendly to liberty. encrease for ages to come, in a union with the parent state. He takes pleasure in aggravating every circumstance of our However di stant humanity may wish the period; yet, in the rotation affairs, unhappy di spute-would inspire others with the same rage that of human a period may arrive, when, (both countries being pre­ instigates himself, and would set his fellow subjects to cutting each pared for it) some terrible disa ster, some dreadful convulsion in Great others throats. I would most gladly, were it in my power, draw a veil Britain, may transfer the seat of empire to this western hemisphere­ of eternal oblivion over any errors which Great Britain or the where the British constitution, like the Phrenix from its parent's ashes, colonies may have fallen into-I would willingly persuade them to shall rise with youthful vigor and shine with doubled splendor. mutual harmony and union; since on these their mutual happiness But if America should now mistake her real interest-if her sons; and interest depend. infatuated with romantic notions of conquest and empire, ere things He is evidently goaded on by ambition and resentment, to seek are ripe, should adopt this republican's scheme: They will infallibly for the gratifIcation of those passions in an independent republic destroy this smiling prospect. They will dismember this happy coun­ here; which would reduce America to the same desperate state with try-make it a scene of blood and slaughter, and entail wretchedness himself I have no interest to serve but what is common to my coun­ and mi ser y on millions yet unborn. trymen-but what every American of property is concerned in Quod a nobis procul averta::.1 equally with me. FINIS. He places hi mself at the head of a party; and spurns from him with the utmost contempt and indignati on, all who will not enlist under his banner: I am of no party, but so far as the welfare of Amer­ " ica is aimed at; and I believe there are many who aim at thisin every "Which thing may God avert far away from us ; or, more colloquially, " party. I have not learnt to pace with such intire acquiescence in the "May God keep this far from us.

COMMON SENSE 157 156 APPENDIX B 2. Candidus [James Chalmers], Plain Truth; Addressed to improper to remind my readers, that the investigation of my subject, the Inhabitants of America, COtJtaining, Remarks on a Late demands the utmost of enquiry. I therefore entreat hi s Pamphlet, Entitled Common Sense (Philadelphia: Bell, 1776) indulgence; and that he will carefully remember, that intemperate zeal, is as injurious to liberty, as a manly discussion of facts is friend­ fA wealthy landowner who had arrived in Maryland in 1 ly to it. "Liberty, says the great , is a right of doing Chalmers would not only write Plain Truth but later become Lieu­ whatever the laws permit; and if a citizen could do what they for- tenant-Colonel of a Maryland battalion of Loyalist fighters. ­ he would no longer be possessed of liberty, because all hi s fel­ lished about a month after T11c True Interest, Chalmers' pamphlet was low citizens would have the same power."! In the beginning of his dedicated to John Dickinson, who had not yet been persuaded to pamphlet, the Author asserts,"that in every state is a blessing. support independence. Unfortunately for Chalmers, Plain Truth was This in the sincerity of my heart I deny; for it is supreme misery to published on the eve of one of the colonies' first significant victories be associated with those, who to promote their ambitious purposes, in the military conflict flagitiously pervert the ends of political society. I do not say that our with Great Britain Boston), which played (the British evacuation of a crucial role in cementing support for the Author is indebted to BURGH'S POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, or to war. Robert Bell, always at the center of controversy, ROUSSEAU'S Social Compact for his definition of Government, and published the edition of Plain Truth reprinted his large Tree; although I wish he had favoured his readers with the following extract from that sublime reasoner. "To investigate those INTROD UCTI ON. conditions of society which may best answer the purpose of nations, would require the abilities of some superior intelligence, who IF indignant at the Doctrine contained in the Pamphlet, entitled should be witness to all the passions of men, but be subject itself to COMMON SENSE: none, who should have no connections with human nature, but I have expressed myself, in the following Obser vations, with some should have a perfect knowledge of it:A Being, in short, whose hap­ ardor; I entreat the Reader to impute my indignation, to honest zeal piness should be independent of us, and who would nevertheless against the Author's Insidious Tenets. Animated and impelled by employ itself about us. It is the province of to make the laws every inducement of the Human Heart; I love, and (if I dare so for Men."With the utmost deference to the celebrated ROUSSEAU, I express myself,) I adore my Country. Passionately devoted to true cannot indeed imagine, that laws even so constructed, would mate­ Liberty; I glow with the purest flame of Patriotism. Silver'd with age rially benefit our imperfect race; unless omniscience deigned previ­ as I am, if I know myself, my humble Sword shall not be wanting to ously to exalt our nature. The judicious reader will therefore per­ my Country; (if the most Honorable Terms are not tendered by the ceive, that malevolence only, is requisite to declaim against, and British Nation) to whose Sacred Cause, I am most fervently devot­ arraign the most perfect . Our Political Quack, avails ed. The judicious Reader, will not impute my honest, tho bold himself of this trite expedient, to cajole the people into the most Remarks, to unfriendly designs against my Children-against my abject slavery, under the delusive name of independence. His first Country; but to abhorrence of Independency; which if effected, indecent attack is against the English constitution; which with all its would inevitably plunge our once pre-eminently envied Country imperfections, is, and ever will be the pride and envy of mankind. into Ruin. Horror, and Desolation.

PLAIN TRUTH; Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron of Montesquieu (1689-1755) was an Laws CONTAINING eminent French and man of letters. His Spirit cifthe REMARKS ON A LArE PAMPHLET, ENTITLED, is one of the most influential worb in both the history cal theory and of . It had a profound impact on eighteenth­ COMMON SENSE century political thought and was especially important to American and French ,for whom it provided many of the founding I HAVE now before me the Pamphlet, entitled COMMON SENSE; on structures of modern democracy, including the division of political which I shall remark with freedom and candour. It may not be power into legislative, executive and judiciary.

158 APPENDIX II COMMON SENSE 159 To this panegyric involuntarily our author subscribes, by granting sifting and scrutinizing, by every captious rule of logic, in every individuals to be safer in England, than in any other part of Europe. or position in which it may be placed." He indeed insidiously attributes this pre-eminent excellency, to the Say ye votaries of honour and truth, can we adduce a stronger constitution of the people, rather than to our excellent constitution. of our Author's turpitude, than his quoting the anti-­ To such contemptible is our Author reduced. I would ask story why did not the constitution of the people afford them supe­ archs. Briefly examining the story of this contemptible race, more nor safety, in the reign of Richard the Third, Henry the Eighth, and barbarous than our savages: We find their history a continued suc­ other tyrannic princes?i Many pages might indeed be filled with cession of , astonishing our imaginations, and exercising our encomiums bestowed on our excellent constitution, bv illustrious faith. Mter wandering forty years in horrid desarts, they are chiefly authors of different nations. condemned to perish for their perverseness, although under the This beautiful system (according to MONTESQUIEU) our constitu­ immediat e dominion of the KING OF HEAVEN. At length, they arrive tion is a compound of , Aristocracy, and Democracy. But in the sterile country of Palestine; which they conquer, by extermi­ it is often said, that the Sovereign, by honours and appointments, nating the inhabitants, and warring like Demons. The inhabitants of 2 influences the Commons. The profound and elegant HUME agitat­ the adjoining regions, justly therefore held them in detestation, and ing this question, thinks, to this circumstance, we are in part indebt­ the Jews finding themselves constantly abhorred, have ever since ed for our supreme felicity; since without such controul in the hated all mankind. This people, as destitute of arts and industry, and Crown, our Constitution would immediately degenerate into humanity, had not even in their language a word expressive of edu­ Democracy; a government, which in the sequel, I hope to prove cation. We might indeed remind our Author, who so readily drags in ineligible. Were I asked marks of the best government, and the pur­ the to support his sinister measures; that we could pose of political society, I would reply, the encrease, preservation, and draw from that source, many texts, favourable to prosperity of its members, in no quarter of the Globe, are those onscious, that the Mosaic Law, way to the Gospel Dis- marks so certainly to be found, as in Great Britain, and her The reader no doubt will be by the following dencies. After our Author has several pages, to break the extract from a most primitive Christian. "Christianity is a spiritual bounds of society by debaing Monarchs: He says, " truth relative only to celestial objects. The Christian's inheritance is, that the antiquity of English Monarchy will not bear looking is not of this world. He performs his duty it is true, but this he does into." with a profound indifference for the good or ill success of his HUME treating of the original contract, has the following melan­ endeavours: Provided he hath nothing to reproach himself, it is of choly, but sensible observation, "Yet reason tells us, that there is no little consequence to him whether matters go well or ill here below. property in durable objects, such as lands, and houses, when careful­ If the state be in a flourishing condition, he can hardly venture to ly examined, in passing from hand to hand, but must in some peri­ rejoice in the public felicity, least he should be puffed up, with the od, have been founded in fraud and injustice. The necessities of inordinate price of his country's glory. If the state decline, he bless­ human society, neither in private or public life, will allow of such an es the hand of GOD, that humbles his people to the dust:' accurate enquiry; and there is no virtue or moral duty, but what may, Having defined the best government, I will humbly attempt to with facility, be refined away, if we indulge a false philosophy, in describe good Kings by the following unerring rule. The best Princes are constantly calumniated by the envenomed tongues and pens of the most worthless of their subjects. For this melancholy III (1452-85) 1483 1485. Richard ruled England briefly do I appeal to the testimony of from to Henry VIII (1491-1547) ruled England for almost 40 years. '-Af''-.U'-H'-'-. The noble impartial historian 2 (17] 1-76) was the foremost f'lLU''',Vf'llCl almost divine Henry the Fourth of France says , "Thus was the god­ lightenment. His ideas about causality and his skeotlclsm like represented (by the discontented of these days) almost a crucial role in the history throughout his whole kingdom, as a furious, and implacable tyrant: from his essay "Of the Original Contract" which his Essays. Moral and Political (]748). They were never without one set of arguments to engage his

160 APPENDIX B COMMON SENSE 161 catholic nobility in a rebellion against him; and another to sow sedi­ is extremely plausible, and indeed flattering to the pride of mankind. tion among his protestant officers and gentry."! HUME say s, that the The demagogues therefore, to seduce the people into their criminal cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the Second of Spain, with his infer­ designs ever hold up democracy to them: although conscious it nal Inquisition, was not more detested by the people of the Nether­ never did, nor ever will answer in practice. If we believe a great lands; than was the human e Charles, with his inoffensive Liturgy; by Author, "There never existed, nor ever will exist a real democracy in his mutinous subjects.2 The many unmerited insults offered to our the World." If we examine the of Greece and Rome, we gracious Sovereign; by the unprincipled Wilkes, and others down to ever find them in a state of war domestic or foreign. Our Author this late Author; will forever disgrace humanity." For he say s, "that therefore makes no mention of these ancient States. "When Alexan­ monarchy was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on der ordered all the , to be restored throughout the citi es, it was foot for the promotion of idolatry. It is the pride of Kings which found that the whole amounted to twenty thousand, the remains throws mankind int o confusion: In short, continues this Author, probably of still greater slaughters and massacres. 1 What an astonish­ monarchy and succession, have laid not this or that kingdom only, ing number in so narrow a country as ancient Greece? and what but the World in blood and ashes." How deplorably wretched the domestic confusion,jealousy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings must condition of mankind, could they believe such execrable flagitious tear those cities, where factions were wrought up to such a degree jargon. Unhappily indeed, mankind in every age are susceptible of of fury and despair." Apian's history of the civil wars of Rome, con­ delusion; but surely our Author's poison carries its antidote with it. tains the most fright ening picture of massacres, proscriptions, and Attentive to the spirit of his publication, we fancy ourselves in the forfeitures that ever were presented to the world.2 barbarous fifteenthcentury: in which period our Author would have The excellent Montesquieu declares, "That a democracy suppos­ figured with his "C ommon Sense---and blood will attend it." es the concurrence of a number of circumstances rarely united, in the After his terrible anathema against our venerable constitution, first place, it is requisite that the state itself should be of small extent; and monarchy ; let us briefly examine a democratical state; and see so that the people might be easily assembled and personally known whether or not it is a government less sanguinary. This government to each other. Secondly, the simplicity of their manners, should be such as to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in di scussing them: And thirdly, there should subsist a great degree of equality Maximilien de Bethune, Duke de Sully (1560-1641) was the lifelong between them, in point of right and authority: Lastly, there should be friend and loyal minister of Henry IV. Mter Henr y was assassinated in little or no luxury, for luxury must either be the effect of wealth, or 1610, Sully was forced to retire from the government. In 1638 he pub­ lished his Memoirs, in which he celebrated Henry's vision and accom­ it must make it necessary. It corrupts at once, both rich and poor: plishments. The one,by the possession, and the other, by the want of it." To this 2 Chalmers contrasts Philip II of Spain (1527-98), the Catholic monarch may be added continues the same Author, "that no government is so who attempted to eradicate from The subject to CIVIL WARS, and INTESTINE COMMOTIONS, as that of the under Spanish rule), with Charles I of England (1600-49), who tried to democratical or popular form; because, no other tends so strongly force Presbyterian Scotland to adopt a new liturgy based on the Book of and so constantly to alter, nor requires so much vigilance, and forti­ Common Prayer (the standard liturgy of the Anglican Church). The tude to preserve it from alteration. It is indeed, in such a constitution, Inquisition was originally a tribunal established by the particularly, that a Citizen should alway s be armed with fortitude, in the 13th century to tr y people accused of heresy. It was one of the constancy ; and should every day, in the sincerity of his heart, guard instruments used by Philip II to combat the Protestant Reformation against corruption, arising either from selfishness in himself, or in his which began in the sixteenth century. 3 John Wilkes (1725-97) was a controversial politician and journalist who in became Lord Mayor of London 1774. As a member of Parliament and Alexander the Great (356-23 BCE) began his career in Macedon, north his North Briton, in newspaper, Wilkes promoted a radical political agenda of Greece, and conquered much of the then-known world before his and soon became a populist hero. In the end, however, Wilkes seems to death at the age of 33. have been not so much a committed reformer as an opportunist who 2 Appian. who lived in the 2nd century CE, was an early historian of his saw radical popular political views as a way to promote own career. Rome.

162 APPENDIX B COMMON SENSE 163 compatriots; for if it once enters into public transactions, to root it into her militia, (her only army.) I have been extremely concerned out afterwards would be miraculous." at the separation of the Connecticut men from our army. It augur'd

* * * not an ardent enthusiasm for liberty and glory.We still have an army before Boston, and I should be extremely happy to hear substantial proofs of their glory. I am still hopeful of great things from our army I shall humbly endeavour to shew, that our author shamefully mis­ before Boston, when joined by the regiments now forming, which represents facts, is ignorant of the true state of Great Britain and her WANT OF BREAD will probably soon fIll. Notwithstanding the Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous task, he has presump­ predilection I have for my countrymen, I remark with gr ief, that tuously assumed; and ardently intent on seducing us to that precipice hitherto our troops have displayed but few marks of Spartan or on which himself stands trembling.To elucidate my strictures, I must Roman enthusiasm. In the sincerity of my heart, I adjure the read­ with fidelity expose the circumstances of Great Britain and her colonies. If therefore, er to believe, that no person is more sensibly afflicted by hearing the in the energy of description, I unfold certain enemies of America remark, that no General ever fell singly and so bold and honest truths with simplicity, the judicious reader will ingloriously unrevenged before the inauspicious affair of Quebec.1 I remember, that true knowledge of our situation, is as essential to our safety, as ignorance am under no doubt, however, that we shall become as famed for thereof may endanger it. In the English martial courage, as any nation ever the sun beheld. Sanguine as I am, provinces, exclusive of negroe and other slaves, we have one hundred and respecting the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on sixty thousand; or one hundred and seventy thousand men capa­ £ra, ble of bearing arms. the history of mankind, since the Chr istian I cannot however If we deduct the people called , imagine, the zeal for liberty will to such glorious efforts of heroism, Anabaptists,l and other religionists averse to arms; a considerable as religious enthusiasm hath often impelled its votaries to perfor m part of the emigrants, and those having a grateful predilection for the [ . ] .. . ancient constitution and parent state, we shall certainly reduce the With the utmost deference to the honorable Congress; I do not first number to sixty or seventy thousand men. Now admitting those view the most distant gleam of aid from foreign powers.The princes equal to the Roman legions, can we suppose them capable of defending against alone, capable of succouring us, are the Sovereigns of France and the power of Britain, a country nearly twelve hun­ dred miles extending Spain. If according to our Author, we possess an eighth part of the on the ocean. Suppose, our troops assembled in New-England, if habitable globe, and actually have a check on the West India com­ the Britons see not fit to assail them, they haste merce of England. The French indigo, and other valuable West India to and desolate our other provinces, which eventually would reduce commodities, and the Spanish galeons, are in great jeopardy from New England. If by dividing our forces, we pretend to defend our our power. The French and Spaniards are therefore wretched politi­ provinces, we also are infallibly undone. Our most fertile provinces, cians, if they do not assist England, in reducing her colonies to obe­ filled with unnumbered domestic enemies, slaves; intersected by nav­ dience.--Pleasantry apart! Can we be so deluded, to expect aid igable rivers, every where accessible to the fleets and armies of Britain, can make from those princes, which inspiring their subjects with a relish for no defence. If without the medium of passion and liberty, might eventually shake their arbitrary thrones.-Natural prejudice, we view our other provinces, half armed, destitute of avowed enemies to our sacred cause: Will they cherish, will they money and a navy: We must confess, that no power ever engaged such POTENT ANTAGONISTS, support the flame of liberty in America? Ardently intent, on extin­ under such peculiar circumstances of guishing its latent dying sparks in their respective dominions. Can infelicity. In the better days of Rome, she permitted no regular we believe, that those pr inces will offer an example so dangerous to troops to defend her. Men destitute of property she admitted not

In one of the early engagements of the War of Independence, colonial The Anabaptists were one of the many radical Protestant groups to forces invaded Canada. Led by General , the expe­ emerge during the sixteenth century. Known primarily for their belief in dition, which culminated in the siege of Quebec in the winter of 1775- adult baptism,pacifism, as Chahners suggests, was another one of the key 76, failed miserably. The plan was largely an attempt to incorporate tenets of their belief. Canada into the conflict with Great Britain.

164 APPENDIX B COMMON SENSE 165 * * * their subjects and colonies, by aiding those provinces to indepen­ dence? If independent, aggrandized by infinite numbers from every our prayers have part of Europe, this Continent would rapidly attain power astonish­ "Every quiet method of peace has been ineffectual; with the people ing to imagination. Soon, very soon would we be conditioned to been rejected with disdain."I do not indeed agree laboured to conquer Mexico, and all their West India settlements, which to of England in saying, that those, who so successfully That they who annoy, or possess, we indeed are most happily situated. Simple and widen the breach--desired nothing less than peace. best disciplined obvious as these truths are, can they be unknown to the people and shortly were to command the most numerous and with the fleets of princes of Europe? Be it however admitted, that those princes army under Heaven; and a navy fit to contend to be just. I high­ unmindful of the fatal policy of RICHLIEU'S arming Charles's sub­ England;imagining, the time had found us, disdained indeed the hon­ jects against him, and the more fatal policy of LEWIS the fourteenth ly venerate a majority of the Delegates.I have not I wish the Gen­ permitting our glorious deliverer to effect the Revolution.1 I say, be our of knowing all the worthy members; however, their important charge, it admitted, that those princes regardless of future consequences, and tlemen of the Congress, 'ere they entered on of our friends in par­ the ineptitude of the times, are really disposed to succour us. Say, ye had been better acquainted, with the strength not receive the last friends of liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue from an liament. I sincerely lament, that the King did as sincerely ",'.ish, the army of French and Spaniards in the bosom of America? would ye excellent petition from the Congress; and I themselves at that not dread their junction with the Canadians and Savages, and with Gentlemen of the Congress had not addressed matters;' (con­ the numerous Roman Catholics, dispersed throughout the juncture, to the people ofIreland. "As to government ain to do this Con­ Colonies? tinues our Author,) "it is not in the power of Brit too weighty and intri­ Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied state of Great tinent :The business of it will soon be of convenience, by a Britain.If we regard the power of Britain, unembarrassed with Con­ cate to be managed with any tolerable degree of us; for if they tinental connections, and the political balance, we may justly pro­ power so very distant from us, and so very ignorant The difference between nounce her what our author does, AMERICA;-"A match for all cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. unlocated lands, Europe." Amazing were the efforts of England, in the war of Queen Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, respecting some and fully proves, Ann, when little benefited by colony commerce, and e' er she had shews the insignificance of a British government, regulate Continental availed herself of the courage, good sense, and numbers of the peo­ that nothing but Continental authority can ple of Scotland and Ireland. nutters." itain has afforded to That England then prescribed laws to Europe, will be long Until the present unhappy period, Great Br lenient, and mag­ remembered. Last war, her glory was, if possible, more eminently all mankind, the most perfect proof of her wise, proofS to which we exalted, in every quarter of the globe did victory hover round her nanimous government of the Colonies-The , and amazing increase. armies and navies, and her fame re-echoed from pole to pole. At already have alluded, viz. our supreme felicity Omnipotence only present Great Britain is the umpire of Europe. Than the affair of the Connecticut invaders; of our for­ could grant us stronger for praying a continuance per­ mer beneficent government. Most certainly, every dispassionate that the Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642) was leader of son, as well as the plundered Pennsylvanians, must confess; XIII aforesaid, the French royal council under Louis and a powerful advocate of Arm of Great Britain alone detained those Free-booters all doubt, absolutism who also laid the foundation for France's cultural dominance from seising the city of Philadelphia, to which without of Europe in the late seventeenth century. During Richelieu's tenure as Pennsylvania, they have as just a claim, as to those fertile regions in I XIV first minister, Charles was drawn into war with France, Louis of.In wrath to which they surrreptitiously have possessed themselves (1638-1715) ruled France from the age offive until his death four days permit our Author's new fangled govern­ III mankind, should Heaven before his 77th birthday. "Our glorious deliverer" refers to William explore to exist;I, as a friend to Pennsylvanians, advise them to (also known as William of Orange) whom Louis was forced to recognize ment and avoid the cruel mortification of being expelled as king of England in spite of his belief that James II was the new settlements, abodes and pleasing fields.-"But appointed heir the British throne. by the Saints from their delicious

COMMON SENSE 167 166 APPENDIX B sterling. now indebted nearly thrice that sum; is not (says the Author) the most powerful argument is, that nothing but arrived at the zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps possible independence, (that is a Continental for m of government) can keep to form a specious system of government on paper which may seem the peace of the Continent, and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. practicable, and to have the consent of the people; yet it will not I dread the event of a reconciliation now with Britain, as it is more answer in practice nor retain their approbation upon trial. "All plans than probable, that it will be followed by revolt somewhere; the con­ of government (says HUME) which suppose great reformation in the sequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of maillers of mankind, are merely imaginar y." 1 Britain. Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity, thousands The fabricators of Independency have too much influence; to be more will probably share the same fate. These men have other feel­ entrusted in such arduous and important concerns. This reason ings, than those who have nothing suffered: All they now possess is alone, were sufficient at present, to deter us from altering the Con­ liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and hav­ stitution. It would be as inconsistent in our leaders in this hour of ing nothing more to lose, they disdain all submission." danger to form a government; as it were for a Colonel forming his Here we cannot mistake our author's meaning, that if one or battalion in the face of an enemy, to stop to write an essay on war. more of the middle or southern Colonies reconcile with Great This author's Quixotic system, is really an insult to our understand- Britain, they will have war to sustain with New England; "the con­ it is infinitely inferior to HUME"S idea of a perfect Common sequences of which may be more detrimental, than all the malice of Wealth, which notwithstanding his acknowledged greatness of genius, Britain."This terrible denunciation, fortunately for such Colonies; is is still reprehensible. It is not our business to examine, in what manner as futile as its author. Should Great Britain re-establish her authori­ this author's associates, acquired their knowledge in national affairs;but ty in the said Colonies by negociation; surely it is not temerity to we may predict, that his scheme of independency would soon, very add, that the weight of Britain, in the scale of those provinces, would soon give way to a goverrunent imposed on us, by some Cromwell of preponderate against the power of New England. If Britain should our armies. Nor is this sentiment unnatural, ifwe are attentive to con­ reduce the Colonies by ar ms, (which may Heaven avert!) The New stant experience, and human nature. The sublime MONTESQUIEU, so England provinces will have as little inclination, as ability, to disturb quoted by the Congress, unhappily corroborates our doctrine the peace of their neighbours. I do indeed most sincerely compas­ "from he) a manner of thinking that prevails amongst mankind. sionate those unhappy men, who are ruined by our unfortunate dis­ They set a higher value upon courage than timorouSlless, on activity tractions. I do fervently pray, that Britain, and the Colonies may most than prudence, on strength than counsel. Hence, the army will ever effectually consider their peculiar infelicity. Such attention will do despise a senate, and respect their own officers. They will infinite honour to the parent state; who cannot view them as ene­ slight the order sent them by a body of men whom they look upon as mies, but as men unhappily irritated by the impolitic measures of cowards, an d therefore unworthy to command them, so that as soon as Great Britain. the army depends on the legislative body, it becomes a military

* * * and ifthe contrary has ever happened, it has been owing to some extra­ ordinary circumstances, such as Holland being able to drown her gar­ risons, and the Venetians having it in their power to compel their troops I shall no longer detain my reader, but conclude with a few remarks to obedience by the vicinity of the European armies. Resources to on our Author's scheme. The people of those Colonies would do which we forever must be strangers. If independence takes place, the well to consider the character, fortune, and designs of our Author, and his independents; and compare them with those of the most amiable and venerable personages in, and out of the Congress, who This quotation is from Hume's essay on the "Idea of a Perfect Common­ abominate such nefarious measures. I would humbly observe, that wealth," Essay 16, which he published in Part II of his Political Discourses the specious of , is of all others, the most delusive. In the same essay he proposes his own scheme for a perfect form Soon after the Revolution; the ablest states-men in England, and of government. 2 The passage is from the chapter of TIle Spirit ifthe LAws devoted to an other part of Europe; confidently predicted National ruin, infallible analysis "Of the Constitution of England," (Part 2, Book 11, Chapter 6). ruin, soon as the Public debt exceeded fiftv millions

COMMON SENSE 169 168 APPENDIX B New England men by their consequence therein; will assume a supe­ riority, impatiently to be born by the other Colonies. Notwithstanding our Author's fine words about toleration: Ye sons of peace and true christianity; believe me, it were folly supreme, madness, to expect angelic toleration from New-England, where she has constantly been detested, persecuted and execrated. Even in vain would our Author: or our CROMWELL cherish toleration; for the people of New-England, not yet arrived in the seventeenth or eigh­ teenth century, would reprobate her.-It is more than probable to suppose, that the New-England governments would have no objec­ tion to an Agrarian law; nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that such division of property would be very agreeable to the soldiers. Indeed their General could not perhaps with safety to his existence as a General, refuse them so reasonable a gratification, particularly, as he will have more than one occasion for their services. Let us however admit that our General and troops, contradicting the experience of ages; do not assume the sovereignty. Released from foreign war; we would probably be plunged into all the misery of anarchy and intes­ tine war. Can we suppose that the people of the south, would sub­ mit to have the seat of Empire at Philadelphia, or in New England; or that the people oppressed by a change of government, contrast­ ing their misery with their former happy state, would not invite Britain to reassume the sovereignty.

* * *

Volumes were insufficient to describe the horror, misery and deso­ lation, awaiting the people at large in the syren form of American independence. In short, I affirm that it would be most excellent pol­ icy in those who wish for TRUE LIBERT Y to submit by an advanta­ geous reconciliation to the authority of Great Britain; "to accom­ plish in the long run, what they cannot do by hypocrisy, fraud and force in the short one." INDEPENDENCE AND SLAVERY ARE SYNONYMOUS TERMS.

FINIS.

3. Selections from "Cato's Letters" [William Smith] and "The Forester" [Thomas Paine] Pennsylvania Gazette (1776)

[From March through June of 1776 the major Philadelphia newspa­ pers all reprinted the debate between "Cato" and "The Forester."

170 APPENDIX B