Condorcet and I - a Fictional Conversation Between Condorcet and Me: on the Outlines of an Historical View of the Progress of the Human Mind Michael S
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Revolutionary Networks in the Age of Revolutions
REVOLUTIONARY NETWORKS IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS Heather Freund University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign In Paris in 1790, the Marquis de Lafayette gave the key to the Bastille to Thomas Paine to present to George Washington. Paine wrote to Washington that it was “an early trophy of the Spoils of Despotism and the first ripe fruits of American principles transplanted into Europe...That the principles of America opened the Bastile [sic] is not to be doubted, and therefore the Key comes to the right place.”1 Paine and Lafayette knew each other, and Washington, through their participation in the American Revolution. Thus, the episode was a symbolic token of the connection between the American and French Revolutions and tangible evidence of lasting personal relationships in the Age of Revolutions.2 Along with Thaddeus Kosciuszko, Paine, and Lafayette are examples of individuals who participated in more than one theater of this revolutionary age. This paper focuses on how their international fights for liberty resulted in complex notions of personal and national identity and connections between revolutions. The fact that these individuals and others participated in more than one theater of the Age of Democratic Revolutions and recognized it as a time of great promise demonstrates its significance and the importance of understanding the dynamics of the period from both an individual and international perspective. Historians often refer to the period from approximately 1776-1830 as the Age of Atlantic Revolutions, a time in which people on both sides of the Atlantic rebelled in the name of liberty and equality, amongst other things. -
The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
4 The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION Enlightenment These revolutions and the • Enlightenment • representative ideas helped bring about the documents they produced have • social contract government American and French inspired other democratic • natural rights • federal system revolutions. movements. • separation of • United Nations powers SETTING THE STAGE The Renaissance continued to affect European thinking throughout the 17th century. The Renaissance emphasis on the individual and on expanding human potential were especially influential. At the same time, Europeans began to explore their physical world. They extended the boundaries of the known world in what came to be called the Age of Exploration. New ideas and discoveries had a great impact on Europeans’ understanding of themselves and the world. TAKING NOTES Enlightenment Thinkers and Ideas Outlining Use an outline During the 17th and 18th centuries, an intellectual movement called the to organize the main ideas and details. Enlightenment developed. Enlightenment thinkers tried to apply the principles of reason and the methods of science to all aspects of society. They built upon I. Enlightenmentg the long history of Western thought. Thinkers and Ideas The philosophers of ancient Greece had established the idea of natural laws A. that could be discovered by careful observation and reasoned inquiry. B. Christianity contributed the belief in the equality of all human beings. (This belief II. The Beggginnings of Democracy in America would later lead to the principle of equal rights in society.) During the Renaissance, thinkers had focused on worldly concerns. They criticized medieval philosophy A. for concentrating on questions that seemed unrelated to human conditions. -
A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods
A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods Shankar N. Sivarajan Undergraduate, Department of Physics Indian Institute of Science Bangalore 560 012, India [email protected] Faculty Advisor: Prof. Y. Narahari Deparment of Computer Science and Automation Revised Version: December 4, 2017 Abstract In this paper, we propose a family of approval voting-schemes for electing committees based on the preferences of voters. In our schemes, we calcu- late the vector of distances of the possible committees from each of the ballots and, for a given p-norm, choose the one that minimizes the magni- tude of the distance vector under that norm. The minisum and minimax methods suggested by previous authors and analyzed extensively in the literature naturally appear as special cases corresponding to p = 1 and p = 1; respectively. Supported by examples, we suggest that using a small value of p; such as 2 or 3, provides a good compromise between the minisum and minimax voting methods with regard to the weightage given to approvals and disapprovals. For large but finite p; our method reduces to finding the committee that covers the maximum number of voters, and this is far superior to the minimax method which is prone to ties. We also discuss extensions of our methods to ternary voting. 1 Introduction In this paper, we consider the problem of selecting a committee of k members out of n candidates based on preferences expressed by m voters. The most common way of conducting this election is to allow each voter to select his favorite candidate and vote for him/her, and we select the k candidates with the most number of votes. -
1 Introduction 2 Condorcet and Borda Tallies
1 Introduction General introduction goes here. 2 Condorcet and Borda Tallies 2.1 Definitions We are primarily interested in comparing the behaviors of two information aggregation methods, namely the Condorcet and Borda tallies. This interest is motivated by both historical and practical concerns: the relative merits of the two methods have been argued since the 18th century, and, although variations on the Borda tally are much more common in practice, there is a significant body of theoretical evidence that the Condorcet tally is in many cases superior. To begin, we provide formal definitions of both of these methods, and of a generalized information aggregation problem. An information aggregation problem, often referred to simply as a voting problem, is a problem which involves taking information from a number of disparate sources, and using this information to produce a single output. Problems of this type arise in numerous domains. In political science, they are common, occurring whenever voters cast votes which are used to decide 1 the outcome of some issue. Although less directly, they also occur in fields as diverse as control theory and cognitive science. Wherever there is a system which must coalesce information from its subsystems, there is potentially the need to balance conflicting information about a single topic. In any such circumstance, if there is not reason to trust any single source more than the others, the problem can be phrased as one of information aggregation. 2.1.1 Information Aggregation Problems To facilitate the formalization of these problems, we only consider cases in which a finite number of information sources (which shall henceforth be re- ferred to as voters) provide information regarding some contested issue. -
Voltaire's Conception of National and International Society
Voltaire's Conception of National and International Society LilIy Lo Manto Faced with the crumbling of their beloved Greek city-states, during the 4th century before our era, the Stoics used reason to explain their uncertain future in the huge global polis of the Macedonian empire. Two thousand years later, the economic, political and social turmoil brewing in France would foster the emergence of the French Enlightenment. Championed by the philosophes, this period would also look to reason to guide national and international security. Indeed, eighteenth century France was a society in ferment. After the death of Louis XIV, in 1715, the succeeding kings, Louis XV and XVI, found themselves periodically confronted, primarily by the pariements, with an increasing rejection of the absolutist claims and ministerial policies of the throne. l Like his Stoic forefathers, Fran~ois Marie Arouet (1694-1778), otherwise known as "Voltaire", extolled the merits of reason and tolerance,2 believing that the world would be a better place if men only behaved rationally.3 His primary focus was peace; how to obtain, preserve and propagate it. In order to comprehend Voltaire's conception of world peace, this essay will analyze what he believed to be its foundations, namely: the rights and roles of individuals based on their social class, and the role of an ideal state which would foster domestic harmony. According to Voltaire, the key to obtaining international peace stemmed from the relationship between the individual and the State. The relationship between the individual and the state, outlined in the Social Contract, could only succeed if man maintained his role and exercised his rights while the state assured him of his fundamental liberties. -
Stable Voting
Stable Voting Wesley H. Hollidayy and Eric Pacuitz y University of California, Berkeley ([email protected]) z University of Maryland ([email protected]) September 12, 2021 Abstract In this paper, we propose a new single-winner voting system using ranked ballots: Stable Voting. The motivating principle of Stable Voting is that if a candidate A would win without another candidate B in the election, and A beats B in a head-to-head majority comparison, then A should still win in the election with B included (unless there is another candidate A0 who has the same kind of claim to winning, in which case a tiebreaker may choose between A and A0). We call this principle Stability for Winners (with Tiebreaking). Stable Voting satisfies this principle while also having a remarkable ability to avoid tied outcomes in elections even with small numbers of voters. 1 Introduction Voting reform efforts in the United States have achieved significant recent successes in replacing Plurality Voting with Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) for major political elections, including the 2018 San Francisco Mayoral Election and the 2021 New York City Mayoral Election. It is striking, by contrast, that Condorcet voting methods are not currently used in any political elections.1 Condorcet methods use the same ranked ballots as IRV but replace the counting of first-place votes with head- to-head comparisons of candidates: do more voters prefer candidate A to candidate B or prefer B to A? If there is a candidate A who beats every other candidate in such a head-to-head majority comparison, this so-called Condorcet winner wins the election. -
Revolution and Modern Political Thought FALL 2014, Government 150W 06
Revolution and Modern Political Thought FALL 2014, Government 150W 06 Professor Ross Carroll E mail: [email protected] Class time: TR 3:30- 4:50pm Office: Blow Hall 151 Classroom: Morton Hall 4 Office Hours: Wed, 9am-12 and by appointment Course Description The concept of revolution stands at the center of our understanding of modern politics. Journalists and political scientists routinely use the term ‘revolution’ to capture phenomenon as disparate as the Arab Spring and the Tea Party movement, while the roster of celebrated revolutionaries has included communist guerrillas (Che Guevara) and conservative US Presidents (Reagan). Yet the casualness with which the language of revolution is employed conceals the fact that few concepts in the history of political thought have had their meaning as heavily disputed. Focusing primarily on the American and French revolutions of the late eighteenth century we will trace the troubled conceptual career of revolution, posing the following questions as we go: What distinguishes a revolution from a mere rebellion, revolt or other tumultuous event? What sources of authority or legitimacy have modern revolutionaries drawn upon? Are revolutions inextricably associated with political violence and if so how can that violence be tempered? Are attempts to remodel society in accordance with some rational scheme necessarily doomed to fail? Accompanying us in our engagement with these questions will be a group of eighteenth and nineteenth century political theorists and polemicists who came to grips with the phenomenon of revolution, its promises and its dangers, like few others before or since: John Locke, Thomas Paine, Edmund Burke, Abbé Sieyès, the Marquis de Condorcet, Benjamin Constant, Mary Wollstonecraft, Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx and Hannah Arendt The course concludes with a set of reflections on contemporary attempts to revive and reinterpret the eighteenth century revolutionary tradition in contemporary American and world politics. -
Cesifo Working Paper No. 9141
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Pakhnin, Mikhail Working Paper Collective Choice with Heterogeneous Time Preferences CESifo Working Paper, No. 9141 Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Pakhnin, Mikhail (2021) : Collective Choice with Heterogeneous Time Preferences, CESifo Working Paper, No. 9141, Center for Economic Studies and Ifo Institute (CESifo), Munich This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/236683 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu 9141 2021 June 2021 Collective Choice with Hetero- geneous Time Preferences Mikhail Pakhnin Impressum: CESifo Working Papers ISSN 2364-1428 (electronic version) Publisher and distributor: Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo GmbH The international platform of Ludwigs-Maximilians University’s Center for Economic Studies and the ifo Institute Poschingerstr. -
Thomas Paine Was a Radical Writer
Thomas Paine was a radical writer whose ideas grew out of the revolutionary times through which he lived and whose importance lay in his ability to move public opinion by reaching a readership beyond traditional elite politics.Edward Royle examines his impact on Liberalism and liberal thought. Thomas Paine aine was born into short period working as a teacher Thomas Paine so necessary to their livelihoods, an artisan family in in London, he was reappointed (1737–1809) and their resentment at the use Thetford, Norfolk, on in Lewes where he married his by the higher classes of paper bills 29 January 1737. His landlady’s daughter and helped and promissory notes. This fed father, a stay-maker run their tobacconist’s shop. into his anti-aristocratic politics Pand a Quaker, sent his son to the Bankruptcy, the breakdown of and his suspicion of paper money. local grammar school where he his marriage, and a second dis- Paine’s political ideal was always was well educated in English but missal from the Excise then led to be that of the small, independ- not in Latin, for his father did him to emigrate to Philadelphia ent producer, free from oppres- not approve of the pagan clas- in 1774. sion and exploitation from above sics. Thus spared learning the From this first stage in his and from poverty below. He had classical forms of rhetoric which life Paine took experiences that gained experience of the lat- were then conventional among shaped his subsequent politi- ter when he served on the vestry the educated, Paine’s later writ- cal thought. -
CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1
The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, p. 197-209. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1 In the discussions of ideas that constitute our daily intellectual environment there are certain words that reek of cordite and certain writers who give us a sense of peace. The term ‘secular’ is in the first category, and Condorcet in the second. A person who speaks of secular or non-religious education or schools, or of educational ‘neutrality’, immediately lays himself or herself open to being regarded either as a supporter of the ‘independent school’, that is private, clerical, religious, ‘right-wing’ and, needless to say, reactionary, or as a champion of public, secular, positivist, ‘left-wing’ and, needless to say, anti-clerical education. Simplistic images are powerful, and ingrained mental habits so reassuring. And yet the divisions are not always where one would like them to be. I may be that one of the first people to notice the caricatural exaggeration of this Manichaean representation of the school was in fact Condorcet, at a time when the present-day French noun denoting the principle of non-religious education did not yet exist. Rather than bludgeon the reader with an encyclopedic account of the educational writings and thought of Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, it seemed more useful to accompany this writer, insufficiently known in spite of media excitement over the bicentenary of the French Revolution, along the path that led him to discover the secular ideal. -
Regulating Violence in Video Games: Virtually Everything
Journal of the National Association of Administrative Law Judiciary Volume 31 Issue 1 Article 7 3-15-2011 Regulating Violence in Video Games: Virtually Everything Alan Wilcox Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/naalj Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Entertainment, Arts, and Sports Law Commons Recommended Citation Alan Wilcox, Regulating Violence in Video Games: Virtually Everything, 31 J. Nat’l Ass’n Admin. L. Judiciary Iss. 1 (2011) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/naalj/vol31/iss1/7 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Caruso School of Law at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the National Association of Administrative Law Judiciary by an authorized editor of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Regulating Violence in Video Games: Virtually Everything By Alan Wilcox* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................. ....... 254 II. PAST AND CURRENT RESTRICTIONS ON VIOLENCE IN VIDEO GAMES ........................................... 256 A. The Origins of Video Game Regulation...............256 B. The ESRB ............................. ..... 263 III. RESTRICTIONS IMPOSED IN OTHER COUNTRIES . ............ 275 A. The European Union ............................... 276 1. PEGI.. ................................... 276 2. The United -
Fair Shares for All
FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form.