Revolution and Modern Political Thought FALL 2014, Government 150W 06
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CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1
The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, p. 197-209. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1 In the discussions of ideas that constitute our daily intellectual environment there are certain words that reek of cordite and certain writers who give us a sense of peace. The term ‘secular’ is in the first category, and Condorcet in the second. A person who speaks of secular or non-religious education or schools, or of educational ‘neutrality’, immediately lays himself or herself open to being regarded either as a supporter of the ‘independent school’, that is private, clerical, religious, ‘right-wing’ and, needless to say, reactionary, or as a champion of public, secular, positivist, ‘left-wing’ and, needless to say, anti-clerical education. Simplistic images are powerful, and ingrained mental habits so reassuring. And yet the divisions are not always where one would like them to be. I may be that one of the first people to notice the caricatural exaggeration of this Manichaean representation of the school was in fact Condorcet, at a time when the present-day French noun denoting the principle of non-religious education did not yet exist. Rather than bludgeon the reader with an encyclopedic account of the educational writings and thought of Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, it seemed more useful to accompany this writer, insufficiently known in spite of media excitement over the bicentenary of the French Revolution, along the path that led him to discover the secular ideal. -
Enlightenment and Dissent No.29 Sept
ENLIGHTENMENT AND DISSENT No.29 CONTENTS Articles 1 Lesser British Jacobin and Anti-Jacobin Writers during the French Revolution H T Dickinson 42 Concepts of modesty and humility: the eighteenth-century British discourses William Stafford 79 The Invention of Female Biography Gina Luria Walker Reviews 137 Scott Mandelbrote and Michael Ledger-Lomas eds., Dissent and the Bible in Britain, c. 1650-1950 David Bebbington 140 W A Speck, A Political Biography of Thomas Paine H T Dickinson 143 H B Nisbet, Gottfried Ephraim Lessing: His Life, Works & Thought J C Lees 147 Lisa Curtis-Wendlandt, Paul Gibbard and Karen Green eds., Political Ideas of Enlightenment Women Emma Macleod 150 Jon Parkin and Timothy Stanton eds., Natural Law and Toleration in the Early Enlightenment Alan P F Sell 155 Alan P F Sell, The Theological Education of the Ministry: Soundings in the British Reformed and Dissenting Traditions Leonard Smith 158 David Sekers, A Lady of Cotton. Hannah Greg, Mistress of Quarry Bank Mill Ruth Watts Short Notice 161 William Godwin. An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice ed. with intro. Mark Philp Martin Fitzpatrick Documents 163 The Diary of Hannah Lightbody: errata and addenda David Sekers Lesser British Jacobin and Anti-Jacobin Writers during the French Revolution H T Dickinson In the late eighteenth century Britain possessed the freest, most wide-ranging and best circulating press in Europe. 1 A high proportion of the products of the press were concerned with domestic and foreign politics and with wars which directly involved Britain and affected her economy. Not surprisingly therefore the French Revolution and the French Revolutionary War, impacting as they did on British domestic politics, had a huge influence on what the British press produced in the years between 1789 and 1802. -
Editor's Preface Shortly Before His Tragic and Untimely Death, Cohen Discussed with Michael Otsuka His Plans for Producing
Editor’s Preface I think I may try to publish a book of wholly unpublished material, consisting of my lectures, or some of them, on political (and some moral) philosophy, with chapters on Plato, Hobbes, Locke, Hume, Kant, Hegel, Marx and maybe Nietzsche. The good thing about the project is that the lectures are, if I may say so, stimulating and interesting. The bad thing is that they don’t refer at all to recent scholarly literature on their subjects. — Jerry Cohen, email (June 14, 2007) Shortly before his tragic and untimely death, Cohen discussed with Michael Otsuka his plans for producing volumes of his then- uncollected papers. They also considered how to bring that work to completion if he did not live to finish the task— a conversation that was sadly prophetic. Two volumes of his papers are now published, under Mike’s superb editor ship. It was suggested that I might edit a third volume, and I was honored to take on this task. Cohen’s writings in this volume fall into two parts. The main section contains Cohen’s previously unpublished lectures on the history of moral and political philosophy. The second part reprints some writings bearing on the history of political philosophy and ethics that have not previously been included in collections of Cohen’s work. The third part contains a memoir of Cohen that I wrote for the Proceedings of the British Acad- emy, and sets out an account of Cohen’s remarkable life and work. One surprise for many readers will be that this volume does not in- clude lectures on Marx. -
Smith, Rousseau and Kant: Moral and Political Philosophy Prof. C. Wilson CUNY GC Fall 2016 6:30-8:30 Tuesdays Rm
Smith, Rousseau and Kant: Moral and Political Philosophy Prof. C. Wilson CUNY GC Fall 2016 6:30-8:30 Tuesdays Rm. 7314 [email protected] or else [email protected] (this one has less spam, so I check it more frequently). Phone: 301-747-5975 (from 21 August) Office hours: Tuesday 4:30-6:30 and other times by arrangement. Description This is a seminar in 18th century Enlightenment moral and political philosophy. The main foci will be: (1) Adam Smith’s attempt to understand morality from a psychological and social perspective; (2) the anthropological approach to human nature and human culture and Rousseau’s civilisation critique; and (3) Kant’s resistance to both movements, as seen in his return to metaphysical foundations for morality, his belief in an inherent teleology to nature; and his commitment to a European ‘civilising’ mission. Finally, for comparison between the German ‘moderate’ Enlightenment and the Franco-Scottish ‘radical’ Enlightenment, we will look at just two representatives of the latter, the Marquis de Condorcet and Charles Fourier. Readings Here are the main primary texts we will use: Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments ed. Patrick Hanley, London, Penguin, 2009. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings, ed. Victor Gourevitch, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997. Immanuel Kant, Anthropology, History and Education, ed. G. Zoeller and R.B. Louden, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011. As we will read substantial portions of these texts, you are encouraged to purchase them outright and bring them to the seminar. They should be available used. If you find them for free on the Internet, be sure to print them out, as I ask you not to bring laptops, phones, iPads, etc. -
The French Revolution's Influence on Women's Rights
The French Revolution’s Influence on Women’s Rights Kelsey Flower When looking back on the French Revolution, many think of the natural human rights men gained with the adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in August of 1798. However, most people disregard the progress in women’s rights that also occurred during the revolution. As Shirley Elson Roessler, author of the book Out of the Shadows, says, “The topic of women’s participation in the French Revolution has generally received little attention from historians, who have displayed a tendency to minimize the role of women in the major events of those years, or else to ignore it all together.”1 While it is true that women did not gain explicit rights during this time, the women of the French Revolution and the activities they participated in did influence feminism and women’s rights from that point forward. The French women’s March on Versailles, their political clubs and pamphlets, and their prominent women political figures all contributed to changing the way women were viewed in society. Although these views and rights were taken away again during Napoleon’s rule, they set the precedent for women’s rights in the future. During the Ancien Régime, the political and social system in France before the revolution occurred,2 both single and married women had few rights. Until they were married, women were controlled by their fathers and after marriage this control shifted to the husband. Women had no power over their property or even over their own person. -
Adam Smith's Role in the French Revolution*
ADAM SMITH’S ROLE IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION* I ‘It is no more possible to write political economy without a detailed knowledge of Smith’s book, than it is possible to write natural history while remaining a stranger to the works of Linnaeus’.1 This verdict on Smith, by an anonymous reviewer in the journal La De´cade philosophique, was becoming commonplace in France by 1804.2 In the previous year Jean-Baptiste Say had declared in the first edition of his Traite´ d’e´conomie politique that ‘there was no political economy before Smith’.3 Such evidence confirms that Smith’s work was being read and appreciated on the eve of the establishment of the First Empire. For certain historians of economic analysis, Smith’s establishment of a science of political economy was itself sufficient to convince French con- temporaries that a new dawn of intellectual endeavour was upon them — the assumption being that if Smith’s book was read his * Thanks to Donald Winch and Brian Young for comments on an earlier version of this paper. The research was supported by grants from the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trust, and the School of Advanced Study at the University of London. 1 Review of J.-C.-L. Simonde de Sismondi, De la richesse commerciale, ou principes d’e´conomie politique applique´sa` la le´gislation du commerce, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1803), in P.-L. Ginguene´ et al. (eds.), La De´cade philosophique, politique et litte´raire, 42 vols. (Paris, 1794–1807), xxxvii, 16. 2 See the references to Smith’s political economy in Joseph Droz, Des lois relatives aux progre`s de l’industrie (Paris, 1802); Nicolas Canard, Principes de l’e´conomie politique (Paris, 1801); A. -
The Original Theory of Constitutionalism
D AVID SINGH GREWAL & JEDEDIAH PURDY The Original Theory of Constitutionalism The Sleeping Sovereign: The Invention of Modern Democracy BY RICHARD TUCK CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2016 authors. Professor of Law, Yale University, and Robinson O. Everett Professor of Law, Duke University. The authors wish to thank Bruce Ackerman, Akhil Amar, Jack Balkin, Daniela Cammack, Sandipto Dasgupta, Stefan Eich, Daniel Herz-Roiphe, Jeremy Kessler, Madhav Khosla, Michael Klarman, Sanford Levinson, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Lev Menand, Bernadette Meyler, Sam- uel Moyn, Isaac Nakhimovsky, Robert Post, David Pozen, Aziz Rana, Jed Rubenfeld, Stephen Sachs, Melissa Schwartzberg, Neil Siegel, Reva Siegel, Lawrence Solum, Mark Somos, Richard Tuck, and the editors of the Yale Law Journal for helpful comments and criticisms. All errors remain the authors’. 664 the original theory of constitutionalism book review contents introduction: constitutionalism and democratic authority 666 i. the political theory of modern constitutionalism 669 A. Premodern Politics 671 B. Thomas Hobbes 673 C. Jean-Jacques Rousseau 675 D. The Revolutionary Generation 677 ii. the constitutional paradox 681 A. Popular Authorship and Present Consent 683 B. Univocal Sovereignty 686 C. Multitudinous Constitutionalism 688 iii. living with article v 691 A. The Curious Twinning of Originalism and Living Constitutionalism 692 B. Governmental Sovereignty 696 C. Democracy Without Sovereignty 698 1. Putting Governmental Democracy First 699 2. An Objection: Does Sovereignty Matter Today? 701 D. Refining Judicial Reason 702 conclusion 704 665 the yale law journal 127:664 2018 introduction: constitutionalism and democratic authority The conflict between various versions of “originalism” and “living constitu- tionalism” has defined the landscape of constitutional theory and practice for more than a generation, and it shows no sign of abating. -
The Best of the Oll
THE BEST OF THE OLL #50 Condorcet and Olympe de Gouges, “The Rights of Women” (1790-91) <oll.libertyfund.org/title/2553> “The rights of men result simply from the fact that they are rational, sentient beings, susceptible of acquiring ideas of morality, and of reasoning concerning those ideas. Women having, then, the same qualities, have necessarily the same rights.” Condorcet (1743-1794) and Olympe de Gouges (1748-1793) The Best of the Online Library of Liberty <oll.libertyfund.org/title/2465> The Best of Bastiat <oll.libertyfund.org/title/2477> [July, 2013] 1 Editor’s Introduction The Marquis de Condorcet (1743-1794) was a mathematician, a philosophe, permanent secretary of the French Academy of Sciences (from 1776), and a “Mothers, daughters, sisters, and, the politician during the French Revolution in the liberal representatives of the nation demand Girondin faction. He was active in a number of committees which drew up legislation during the to be constituted into a national Revolution (especially on public education and assembly. Considering that ignorance, constitutional reform) but became a victim of Jacobin repression when the liberal Girondin group was omission, or scorn for the rights of the expelled from the Convention. He was guillotined in woman are the only causes of public March 1794. He was also a pioneer in advocating the right of women to vote and to participate fully in misfortunes and of the corruption of politics, writing “On the Admission of Women to the Rights of Citizenship” in 1790. governments, they have resolved to set Marie Gouze (1748-1793), who wrote under the forth in a solemn declaration the name of Marie-Olympe de Gouges, was the daughter of a butcher who became a playwright and early natural, inalienable,and sacred rights feminist during the French Revolution. -
Alexis De Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Carlyle on Democracy
ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE, JOHN STUART MILL AND THOMAS CARLYLE ON DEMOCRACY GEORGE HENRY WILLIAM CURRIE SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 1 STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY I, George Henry William Currie, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to examine and compare the thought of Alexis de Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Carlyle on modern democracy. Throughout their works, Tocqueville, Mill and Carlyle showed a profound engagement with the phenomenon of democracy in their era. It was the crux around which their wider reflections on the period revolved. -
Adam Smith and the Marquis De Condorcet. Did They Really Meet?
Adam Smith and the Marquis de Condorcet. Did they really meet? Simona PISANELLI University of Salento [email protected] Received: 31/03/2015 Accepted: 01/07/2015 Abstract This article focuses on the alleged direct acquaintanceship between Condorcet and Adam Smith. Mistaken infor- mation about this issue was repeated many times in the literature of the late 1800s and 1900s. It is presumed that they met in France, during Smith’s journey there, chez Sophie de Grouchy. I will attempt to show that the meeting be- tween the two authors was not in fact arranged by Sophie de Grouchy, Condorcet’s wife, even though she was very interested in Smithian theories, especially about the category of “sympathy”, as confirmed by her French translation of the Theory of Moral Sentiments. My purpose is to demonstrate that Madame de Condorcet did never meet Smith and, as a result, she could not have introduced Condorcet to Smith. A greater degree of probability can be attributed to the version that indicates Turgot as the intermediary between Condorcet and Smith. In my opinion, not even this hypothesis is totally convincing, because neither Smith nor Condorcet ever talk about their meeting. Moreover, there is no evidence of correspondence between them. Key-words: Enlightenment, Adam Smith, Condorcet, Sophie de Grouchy, Turgot. JEL Classification: B11, B12 Contents: 1. Introduction. 2. Smith’s journey and the success of Theory of Moral Sentiments. 3. Sophie de Grouchy and Condorcet. 4. Smith, Turgot, Condorcet. 5. The circulation of Wealth of Nations in France before Smith’s death. 6. Conclusions 1. -
Machiavelli and the Politics of Democratic Innovation
MACHIAVELLI AND THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIC INNOVATION CHRISTOPHER HOLMAN Machiavelli and the Politics of Democratic Innovation UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London © University of Toronto Press 2018 Toronto Buffalo London utorontopress.com Printed in the U.S.A. ISBN 978-1-4875-0393-2 Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable-based inks. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Holman, Christopher, 1979–, author Machiavelli and the politics of democratic innovation / Christopher J. Holman. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4875-0393-2 (cloth) 1. Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469–1527 – Criticism and interpretation. 2. Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469–1527 – Political and social views. 3. Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469–1527. Principe. 4. Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469–1527. Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio. I. Title. JC143.M4H65 2018 320.1 C2018-902598-0 CC-BY-NC-ND This work is published subject to a Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivative License. For permission to publish commercial versions please contact University of Tor onto Press. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the fi nancial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency -
POL10 Are Examined Separately, So Second-Year Students Will Sit a Different Exam Paper to Third-Year Students
HUMAN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCES TRIPOS PART IIA / POL 8 PART IIB / POL 10 HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT c. 1700 – c. 1890 COURSE GUIDE 2021 – 2022 Course organiser (POLIS): Dr Tom Hopkins <[email protected]> 1. Introduction to the History of Political Thought Papers For several decades now, Cambridge has been an international centre for teaching and research on the history of political thought, a subject which has formed a substantial component of the undergraduate degrees in both History and Politics. On the Politics side, there is a widespread view among those who teach the subject here that the study of political ideas in their historical contexts offers an invaluable training for thinking critically and flexibly about politics more generally. Much of the teaching for this paper is organised by the History Faculty. It is responsible for the production of the reading lists, and will have arranged the lectures that will be delivered throughout the academic year. Sometimes Politics students feel intimidated by the lectures—they worry that they don’t know enough about modern European history, for example, and they come to believe that the History students are better placed than they are to benefit from what’s being said. But if you have thoughts like this, it’s worth exploring the other side of the coin. It’s true that Historians may initially be more familiar with some aspects of the subject than Politics students. But Politics students (especially if they have taken the Part I paper, POL1) usually have considerably more experience at handling political argument at a decent level of sophistication by the time they come to study for this paper, and that gives them a very useful platform on which to build their engagement with the syllabus here—since taking political argument seriously is ultimately what this paper is about 1 2.