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RESNICK, Enoch F., 1939- the COUNCIL of STATE and SPANISH AMERICA: 1814— 1820

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RESNICK, Enoch F., 1939- the COUNCIL of STATE and SPANISH AMERICA: 1814— 1820 70 - 23,272 RESNICK, Enoch F., 1939- THE COUNCIL OF STATE AND SPANISH AMERICA: 1814— 1820. The American University, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan ^ Copyright by Enoch F, Resnick 1970 THE COUNCIL OF STATE AND SPANISH AMERICA: 1814-1820 by Enoch F. Resnick Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Signatures of Committee: CfvSTriiian: UfaA— X.. Dean of the College vJ Date 1970 The American University Washington, D. C. THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY Jttfi4 1970 PREFACE This paper attempts to analyze the discussions of the Council of State during the absolutist regime of Ferdinand VII, from 1814 to 1820. More particularly, it examines the debates and the ensuing policy recommendations relating to the independence move­ ments in Spanish America. Secretaries with portfolio, ex-officeholders, presidents of the different councils, and personages selected by the king consti­ tuted the Council of State. The counsellors discussed a wide range of subjects; that these were not limited in scope served to differ­ entiate them from the discussions of the Council of the Indies, the Council of War, and other advisory bodies. In addition, the king attended most of the meetings and a scribe kept minutes of the deliberations. Before presenting their proposals on America to the king, the counsellors considered the national as well as the international implications of their recommendations. Because of possible reper­ cussions, they recommended that the government pursue a policy which was founded on the formula of an iron hand in a velvet glove. That program, however, failed to stop the progress of the rebellions. The counsellors recognized a need for more drastic measures. Therefore, the government pressed forward with preparations for the expedition to Buenos Aires. iv This study will endeavor to trace the deliberations of the Council of State that culminated in the government’s decision to use force to pacify the colonies. It concludes with a discussion of the consequences of the king's ultimate sanction of the proposal to reconquer America. The chapters will be topical and somewhat chronological. For convenience sake, biographical sketches will appear in an appendix. The author is indebted to all those who have guided him through the maze of problems encountered in preparing this disser­ tation. He wishes to thank, among others, in Washington, D.C.: Dr. Harold E. Davis, Dr. Javier Malag6n-Barcel6, Dr. Manoel Cardozo, and Dr. John J. Finan; in Madrid: don Juan Manzano and don Alfonso Garcfa Gallo, catedrAticos of the University of Madrid, and don Ramon Bela, Director of the Fulbright Commission in Spain; in Barcelona: don Demetrio Ramos, catedrAtico of the University of Valladolid; in Seville: don Octavio Gil Munilla, don Antonio Muro 0rej6n, the late don Manuel Gimenez FernAndez, catedrAticos of the University of Seville, and don Miguel Maticorena Estrada of the Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos ; and in London: Professor R. A. Humphreys and Dr. John Lynch. Moreover, the writer is indebted for many courtesies received from the staff of the Public Record Office, and from the personnel and officials of archives in Spain, among them: Rear Admiral Julio Fernando Guillen y Tato, Director of the Museo Naval and the Archivo Baz4n (Archivo General de Marina); don Federico Navarro, Director of the Archivo de Palacio; don Luis Sinchez Belda, Director of the Archivo Hist6rico Nacional; don Jose Marfa de la Pefia Camara, former Director of the Archivo General de Indias, and Dr. Vicenta Cortls Alonso, a former staff member of the same institution. TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE...................................................... i i i INTRODUCTION ................................................... 1 I. THE RESTORATION OF FERDINAND VII AND THE RE-ESTABLISH­ MENT OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE (1814-1820) ............ 4 Reassertion of Absolute Authority .................. 4 Organization of Government ............................ 10 Re-establishment of the Council of State ....... 12 Purported Role of the Camarilla in Affairs of State . 19 II. CONSIDERATION OF THE EXPEDIENTE ON THE PACIFICATION OF AMERICA IN THE COUNCIL OF STATE (1816-1818).......... 25 III. CAUSES FOR THE REBELLIONS AS VIEWED IN THE DISCUSSIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF S T A T E ............................ 46 External Causes ...................................... 46 Internal Causes .................................... 50 IV. PROPOSALS OF POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS CONSIDERED BY THE COUNCIL OF S T A T E .............................. 56 Pacific Attempts to End the Rebellions Prior to Recommendations by the Council of State .......... 56 Vazquez's Proposal to Re-establish the Ministry of the Indies ............................. 61 Amnesty and Pardon for the Rebels in America and for the Liberals and Spanish Exiles ......... ..... 64 vii Appointment of Competent Americans and Spaniards to Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical Posts .......... 72 Freedom of Manufacture and Cultivation ........ 73 Military Reforms......................... 75 An Attempt at Direct Negotiations with the Insurgents 77 V. EVOLUTION OF THE COUNCIL*S VIEWS TOWARD GRANTING THE COLONIES FREE TRADE WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES .......... 84 The Question of Free Trade in the Council of the Indies ...... 84 Discussions of the Council of State .......... 96 The Competing Factions ................................ 103 The Progressives .......... 104 The Standpatters.................................... 106 VI. CONSIDERATION OF PROPOSALS TO SEEK EUROPEAN ASSISTANCE . 119 Relations with Continental Europe (1814-1817) .... 119 Hispanic-British Relations ............................ 133 Mediation and the Pacification of America in the Council of State .................. 154 Mediation by England Discussed . ................ 155 Mediation by the Powers in Concert.......... 158 Ambassadorial Conference at Paris ........ 160 Other negotiations and debates................. 167 Aix-la-Chapelle .................................. 171 viii VII. RECOURSE TO FORCE: CONSIDERATION OF PROBLEMS RELATED TO THE USE OF MILITARY MEASURES........................ 177 Spain’s Financial Straits ..... ................ 177 Problems with the Armed Forces...................... 186 VIII. CONSIDERATION OF SPAIN’S ALTERNATIVE TO SOUTH AMERICA'S INDEPENDENCE: THE EXPEDITION TO THE RIO DE LA PLATA . 198 Hispanic-Portuguese Relations .......... ........ 199 The R{o de la Plata in the SpanishPacification Scheme 214 Organizing the Expedition ...................... 220 IX. CONCLUSION............................................... 234 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................ 239 APPENDIX .................................................... 250 INTRODUCTION When Ferdinand VII returned to Spain in 1814, after six years of exile in Valencey, France, royalist hopes for a victory in America were encouraging. The government controlled most of the provinces, and the rebels were in retreat. Lima continued to be the bastion of regal authority in South America, with the viceroy dispatching troops to subdue the rebels in Quito, Cuzco, and other insurrectionary areas. In Chile, the patriots, their rsnks split by the struggle between Bernardo O'Higgins on one side and the Carrera brothers on the other, had relinquished control to the royalists. By the end of 1814, Sim6n Bolivar had been forced to abandon Venezuela for Jamaica. Only in the old Viceroyalty of La Plata did concerted resistance to Spanish authority appear to exist. But here, too, the insurgents were divided. Under the leadership of Jos£ Gaspar de Francia, Paraguay had declared her independence from both Spain and Buenos Aires. The Banda Oriental, modern Uruguay, had not followed the lead of Buenos Aires, but had remained loyal to Spain. Nevertheless, Jos£ Artigas, the gaucho leader, dominated the interior of the captaincy- general, and he fought against both the Spaniards and the Buenos Aires* patriots. Moreover, in 1813, the portefio armv under General Manuel Belgrano had been defeated in Upper Peru by the royalist forces commanded by General Joaqufn de la Pezuela, who in 1816 2 became the new Viceroy of Peru. Finally, in the Viceroyalty of New Spain, effective resistance had ceased. But tranquility was not restored in the colonies. Outside the urban centers, insurgents continued to harass government forces; and, even in the cities, the patriots had allies. The Spanish government had been disheartened by the overall situation in the colonies. The officials had hoped that news of the forthcoming restoration of Ferdinand to the throne would mean an end to the rebellions, and that the empire would be reunited. In order to appraise Ferdinand of the state of affairs in Spain and America, the legislators sent two letters to their king, who was on his way to Valencia after leaving France. The note of April 25, 1814, which was signed by five officials of the Cortes, two of whom were Americans, urged the king to come to Madrid as soon as possible to assume control of the government, and to take the prescribed oath to the recently promulgated Constitution, that "Magna Carta of civil liberty." The signers felt that the restoration and the implemen­ tation of the new charter, recognized by the various governments of Europe, would guarantee national prosperity and would mean the return to tranquility In America. The king's return,
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