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Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria. -
Historic Resource Study of Pullman National Monument
Chapter 6 EXISTING CONDITIONS The existing conditions and recent alterations in the Town of Pullman and the factory sites have been addressed well in other documents. The Pullman Historic District Reconnaissance Survey completed in 2013 offers clear and succinct assessments of extant buildings in Pullman. Likewise, the Archaeological Overview & Assessment completed in 2017 covers the current conditions of factory remnants. A draft revised National Historic Landmark nomination for Pullman Historic District, completed in August 1997 and on deposit at Pullman National Monument, includes a list of contributing and non-contributing structures.612 For the purposes of this Historic Resources Report, the existing conditions of built environment cultural resources that are not addressed in the aforementioned documents will be considered briefly for their potential significance for research and interpretation. In addition, this section will consider historical documents valuable for studying change over time in the extant built environment and also strategies for using Pullman’s incredibly rich built environment as primary historical evidence. Figure 6.1 offers a visual map showing the approximate age of extant buildings as well as major buildings missing today that were present on the 1892 Rascher Map. Most obvious from this map are the significant changes in the industrial core. Importantly, many of the 1880s buildings that no longer stand were replaced gradually over the twentieth century at first as part of the Pullman Company’s changing technological needs, then after 1959 as part of deindustrialization and the reinvention of the Calumet region. The vast majority of domestic structures from the Town of Pullman’s original construction survive. -
EXAMPLE of A+ PAPER for the “RED HANDED MURDER” SOURCE Record of a Strike the Late 19Th Century Was a Historical Period in A
EXAMPLE OF A+ PAPER FOR THE “RED HANDED MURDER” SOURCE Record of a Strike The late 19th century was a historical period in America when civil rights laws were being disputed and racial tensions kept growing. There were many feuds between plantations workers and their employers about fair wages. These disputes escalated and the militia was eventually called in which led to violence. Here, an African-American newspaper writer in Louisiana writes about the historical massacre that took place in Thibodaux, Louisiana in 1887. Penned by an anonymous journalist during the reconstruction period and the Jim Crow laws, the journalist uses the hatred between civilians and the government to make his struggle known. While largely accurate, this newspaper report shows racial biases because it gathers the viewpoints of the African-Americans but not of the government and militia. The titular headline of the newspaper article begins by acknowledging the African- Americans killed in Thibodaux, Louisiana. At the very beginning of his article he shrieks, “Murder, foul murder has been committed and the victims were inoffensive and law-abiding Negroes.” He captivates the attention of his readers by repeating “murder”; many are excited at the horror of death even if it is a cruel fact. Others are alarmed or terrified by it, but are curious to learn about it. The writer purposely chooses to begin in this way so that he can draw attention to his message. This is a primary source document that details the lynching and cruel killings of black men, women and even children to the public. The journalist expresses his anguish by the event by providing visual and psychological cues. -
The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market" (2019)
Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Honors College Theses Pforzheimer Honors College 2019 The ffecE t of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market Anthony Levesque Pace University Jouahn Nam Pace University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses Part of the Business Commons Recommended Citation Levesque, Anthony and Nam, Jouahn, "The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market" (2019). Honors College Theses. 235. https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses/235 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Pforzheimer Honors College at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market BY: ANTHONY LEVESQUE AND JOUAHN NAM MAY 2019 LUBIN SCHOOL OF BUSINESS - PACE UNIVERSITY [email protected] Levesque 2 Levesque 3 Abstract Our work seeks to determine if the act of a consumer boycott has a significant effect on the stock price of target firms and to determine what aspects of the firm either contribute positively or negatively to this effect. Most research suggests that the effects of a boycott on stock price can be highly varied with little to no explanation for this variance. We analyzed the abnormal stock returns of our 23 sample firms in the 30 day period leading up to the boycott and after the commencement of the boycott. We’ve found the results that the market overall does not react significantly to consumer boycotting. However, our results show that the firms having a bad reputation before the boycott, larger market capital, and frequent past scandals are more likely to have significant or marginally significant market reactions. -
Guarding Capital: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2004 Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre Anthony Roland DeStefanis College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation DeStefanis, Anthony Roland, "Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre" (2004). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539623451. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-d7pf-f181 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GUARDING CAPITAL: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Anthony Roland DeStefanis 2004 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPROVAL SHEET This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Anthony Roland DeStefanis Approved by the Committee, October 2004 Cindy Hahamovitch, Chair r Judith Ewell Scott R. Nelson David Montgdmeiy Yale University, (Emeritus ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements v Abstract vii Introduction 2 Chapter I. -
Kansas Populist Newspaper Editorial Response to the Homestead and Pullman Strikes: an Application of Sewell’S Theory of Structure
KANSAS POPULIST NEWSPAPER EDITORIAL RESPONSE TO THE HOMESTEAD AND PULLMAN STRIKES: AN APPLICATION OF SEWELL’S THEORY OF STRUCTURE BRUCE CARRUTHERS University of Kansas Scholars disagree on the reasons the Populist and industrial- labor movements failed to achieve a political coalition. Some attribute the cause to a backward-looking Populist ideology that searched for solutions in an imaginary yeoman republic. Populists neither understood nor had sympathy with the problems facing late nineteenth-century industrial workers. Essentially, Populists engaged in status politics. Others argue that Populism was a progressive movement that accepted industrialization but sought to bring it under government control through a political coalition of the producer class consisting of farmers, workers, and small businessmen. I argue in this paper that the editors of Populist newspapers in Kansas attempted to promote a coali- tion by utilizing the labor theory of value to educate farmers that their fate was linked to that of workers. I employ Sewell’s theory of structure, specifically his axiom on the transposability of schemas, to illustrate the editors’ transposition of the labor theory of value into a schema that defined the 1892 Homestead and 1894 Pullman Strikes as contests between the producer class (including farmers) and monopoly capital. I further argue that in addition to accounting for routine change, Sewell’s framework is useful in examining how groups attempt to make sense of altered social contexts resulting from large-scale social dislocations. I reviewed Populist newspaper editorials on the strikes from Bruce Carruthers is a PhD student in sociology at the University of Kansas. His primary interest is in social movements, particularly recruitment and retention of members. -
Labor's Untold Story: a Textbook Case
Labor’s Untold Story A Textbook Case of Neglect and Distortion ORNELL TH K C A /J OTO AP PH He who controls the present, controls the past. In the high school history textbooks our children read, too He who controls the past, controls the future.1 often we find that labor’s role in American history—and labor’s important accomplishments, which changed American life—are By The Albert Shanker Institute misrepresented, downplayed, or ignored. That is a tragedy because labor played (and continues to play) a key role in the magine opening a high school U.S. history textbook and find- development of American democracy and the American way of ing no more than a brief mention of Valley Forge, the Mis- life. This article, and the more detailed report* from which it is souri Compromise, or the League of Nations. Imagine not drawn, examines four high school textbooks developed by some finding a word about Benjamin Franklin, Lewis and Clark, of the leading publishers in the country: The American Vision, ISitting Bull, Andrew Carnegie, or Rosa Parks. That is what has hap- published by Glencoe/McGraw-Hill in 2010; American Anthem: pened to labor’s part in the American story, and to most of the Modern American History, published by Holt, Rinehart, and Win- men and women who led the labor movement. ston/Harcourt in 2009; United States History, published by Pren- tice Hall/Pearson in 2010; and The Americans, published by McDougal Littell/Houghton Mifflin in 2009.2 Together, these The Albert Shanker Institute is committed to four fundamental principles: vibrant democracy, quality public education, a voice for working people books represent a significant percentage of the purchasing market in decisions affecting their jobs and their lives, and free and open debate for high school history textbooks. -
The Little Steel Strike of 1937
This dissertation has been Mic 61-2851 microfilmed exactly as received SOFCHALK, Donald Gene. THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem ; n University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Donald Gene Sofchalk, B. A., M. A. ***** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE On Sunday, May 30, 1937, a crowd of strikers and sympathizers marched toward the South Chicago plant of the Republic Steel Corpora tion. The strikers came abreast a line of two hundred Chicago police, a scuffle ensued, and the police opened fire with tear gas and revolvers. Within minutes, ten people were dead or critically injured and scores wounded. This sanguinary incident, which came to be known as the "Memorial Day Massacre," grew out of a strike called by the Steel Workers Or&soizing Committee of the CIO against the so-called Little Steel companies. Two months previously the U. S. Steel Corporation, traditional "citadel of the open shop," had come to terms with SWOC, but several independent steel firms had refused to recognize the new union. Nego tiations, never really under way, had broken down, and SWOC had issued a strike call affecting about eighty thousand workers in the plants of Republic, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company, and Inland Steel Company in six states. The Memorial Day clash, occurring only a few days after the * strike began, epitomized and undoubtedly intensified the atmosphere of mutual hostility which characterized the strike. -
The Illinois National Guard Stands in Front of the Arcade Building - a Type of Indoor Shopping Center for Pullman Workers - on July 10Th, 1894
The Illinois National Guard stands in front of the Arcade Building - a type of indoor shopping center for Pullman workers - on July 10th, 1894. The Illinois National Guard was sent by President Cleveland at the request of George Pullman. Illinois Governor Altgeld was against the idea of breaking the strike using the State National Guard. Source: Chicago History Museum, Chicago Historical Society 1. Why would the Illinois National Guard be in front of the Arcade Building, specifically? 2. Do you believe the workers were intimidated by seeing the NG in their town? 3. What does Cleveland’s interference demonstrate about the government's attitude towards unions? 4. Who would benefit from the presence of the National Guard? Pullman or the workers? 5. What message do you think President Cleveland was trying to show to the rest of the nation by sending the National Guard to Pullman? A photo of workers protesting Pullman on May 11th, 1894 by sitting in one of the train cars Pullman produced. Source: Chicago History Museum, Chicago Historical Society 1. What message do you think these workers were trying to send Pullman? 2. Why would they chose such a relaxed position? 3. What do you think that the general public thought of this picture? A photo of a fire happened on July 6th, 1894. A witness claimed to see rioters set fire to approximately 700 train cars in South Chicago. The witness was an Inter Ocean reporter. Source: Chicago History Museum, Chicago Historical Society 1. Why do you think people burnt down train cars? 2. What was the message behind such an act? 3. -
LABOR, UNIONS, & STRIKES in the GILDED
LABOR, UNIONS, & STRIKES in the GILDED AGE EXPLAIN THE SOCIOECONOMIC CONTINUITIES/CHANGES ASSOCIATED WITH THE GROWTH OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM FROM 1865 TO 1877 [TOPIC 6.7] Dangerous factory conditions Plight of ◦ Dangerous machinery Labor ◦ Unhealthy ◦ Seasonal layoffs and boom/bust cycles ◦ Long hours and low wages ◦ 10-12 hrs/day 6 days a week ◦ Hired women & children for less Poor Standard of Living Attempts to organize difficult ◦ Mobile work force ◦ Large number of immigrants ◦ Divisions within work force ◦ Represented only a small % of workers ◦ Excluded women, blacks, immigrants ◦ Opposition from wealthy & powerful corporations who had support from governments 1 1.7 million children under age of 16 working 10 hours a day 38 states will enact compulsory education laws to stop child labor 2 Management vs. Labor “Tools” of “Tools” of Labor Management boycotts “scabs” closed shops Pinkertons organized lockout strikes blacklisting “wildcat” strikes court injunctions open shop Knights of Labor 1869 An injury to one is the concern of all! Uriah Stephens Terence V. Powderly - Open membership: women, racial minorities, unskilled workers - 8-hr workday, abolition of child labor - Replace wage system with a cooperative system 3 The American Federation of Labor: 1886 Catered to the skilled worker Pushed for closed shops: excluded unskilled, women & racial minorities Concentrated on wages, hours & working conditions By 1904, membership reached 1.7 million Samuel Gompers The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 •Nation’s first national labor -
African American Workers in Illinois Before the Great Migration, 1847 to 1910 by Alonzo M. Ward Diss
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Illinois Digital Environment for Access to Learning and Scholarship Repository THE SPECTER OF BLACK LABOR: AFRICAN AMERICAN WORKERS IN ILLINOIS BEFORE THE GREAT MIGRATION, 1847 TO 1910 BY ALONZO M. WARD DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2017 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua Professor Adrian Burgos, Jr. Associate Professor Erik McDuffie Professor Clarence Lang, University of Kansas ii ABSTRACT The Specter of Black Labor is interested in examining the actions, reactions and opinions of Afro-Illinoisans during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in relation to their own position as laborers. While previous studies on Black workers in Illinois focus heavily on African Americans and their relationship to the larger labor movement of this period, the goal in this project is to view these workers primarily through the lens of the African American experience. By deemphasizing the role of white workers and the labor movement in general, this project seeks to unearth previously muffled voices within the relatively small Black communities throughout Illinois during the largely understudied period prior to the Great Migration. By utilizing a racial formation theoretical framework, this project seeks to provide a foundation for a critical examination of race as it acquires different meanings, depending on specific historic circumstances. The contention here is that the process of racializing labor during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries affected not only the type of labor Black people could procure, it also systematically eliminated them from the larger labor movement and virtually forced them into “anti-labor” roles such as strikebreaking. -
The Colorado Coalfield War of 1913-'14
The Colorado Coalfield War of 1913-’14 How did Colorado become the scene of the most violent strike in U.S. history? What rights should workers exercise? What rights should employers possess? And what role should government play when labor and management conflict? By Thomas Andrews1 Background On an April morning in 1914, bullets began to fly fast and furious near a tiny town called Ludlow in the southern Colorado foothills. By the time the fighting stopped ten days later, more than fifty people had been killed. Dozens more had been wounded, several mine tunnels had been reduced to rubble, two towns lay in ashes, and a tent colony that had housed more some 1,200 people for upwards of seven months lay in rubble. These events, which people of the time variously referred to as the Ludlow Massacre, the Battle of Ludlow, and the Ten Days’ War—marked the most contentious phase in a much longer conflict: The Colorado coalfield war of 1913-’14. On one side of this conflict stood striking coal mine workers, their families, and the the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), the nation’s largest labor union. Opposing these strikers were two powerful foes: the Colorado National Guard and coal-mining companies led by the Rockefeller-owned Colorado Fuel & Iron Company (CF&I). The coalfield war of 1913-’14 brought several decades of conflict between workers, corporations, and the State of Colorado to a contentious head. The most violent strike in United States history, the coalfield war attracted national and even international attention. Though southern Colorado was relatively remote and isolated, the struggle that erupted there between miners and mining corporations cut to the heart of a broader conflict that stood at the very center of political, economic, and social life.