EXAMPLE of A+ PAPER for the “RED HANDED MURDER” SOURCE Record of a Strike the Late 19Th Century Was a Historical Period in A

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

EXAMPLE of A+ PAPER for the “RED HANDED MURDER” SOURCE Record of a Strike the Late 19Th Century Was a Historical Period in A EXAMPLE OF A+ PAPER FOR THE “RED HANDED MURDER” SOURCE Record of a Strike The late 19th century was a historical period in America when civil rights laws were being disputed and racial tensions kept growing. There were many feuds between plantations workers and their employers about fair wages. These disputes escalated and the militia was eventually called in which led to violence. Here, an African-American newspaper writer in Louisiana writes about the historical massacre that took place in Thibodaux, Louisiana in 1887. Penned by an anonymous journalist during the reconstruction period and the Jim Crow laws, the journalist uses the hatred between civilians and the government to make his struggle known. While largely accurate, this newspaper report shows racial biases because it gathers the viewpoints of the African-Americans but not of the government and militia. The titular headline of the newspaper article begins by acknowledging the African- Americans killed in Thibodaux, Louisiana. At the very beginning of his article he shrieks, “Murder, foul murder has been committed and the victims were inoffensive and law-abiding Negroes.” He captivates the attention of his readers by repeating “murder”; many are excited at the horror of death even if it is a cruel fact. Others are alarmed or terrified by it, but are curious to learn about it. The writer purposely chooses to begin in this way so that he can draw attention to his message. This is a primary source document that details the lynching and cruel killings of black men, women and even children to the public. The journalist expresses his anguish by the event by providing visual and psychological cues. Part of the writer’s power is his rhetorical devices, which make the reader feel empathic about the murders at Thibodaux. The anonymous writer personifies the victims of the massacre when he mentions, “… like so many cattle, the Negroes in and around Thibodaux, Lafourthe parish, La” at the beginning of his report. The Negroes were hunted and lynched ignoring human rights and laws against murdering fellow humans. Cattle are usually shot and killed for sport or slaughtered by butchers. In an effect to explain the injustice endured by the Negroes, the author uses this visual imagery to describe to his readers, the cruelty Negroes faced in Louisiana. With this in mind, the journalist also uses the word such as “devilish devices” when describing the planters and their followers. The “devil” of course is considered the most powerful spirit of evil in many religious beliefs. By depicting the planters as this pure evil being, it engraves a vivid picture to the audience of the newspaper. When describing the Negroes, the writer states they are “behaving peacefully” however he describes the militia and planters as characters “resorting to violence and bloodshed.” This further emphasizes the author empathy to the Negroes while also painting them as model citizens who have done nothing wrong. The journalist also gives the impression that the militia was only there to cause a ruckus and not there to solve the conflict. The main focus of the article is to persuade the audience of the senseless killing of Negroes by the white men. While the source does fulfill this coaxing towards the public, he also curves the truth. The tone of the author shifts in many perspectives throughout his work. When he talks about the government and the militia, his tone is dark and gruesome but when he talks about the Negroes, he uses a loving and empathic voice. The author uses descriptive words when describing the individuals being killed; he calls them, “lame men and blind women.” These words give the idea that they are vulnerable and feeble. The journalist projects the blame on the governments for the act of violence by insinuating that the “Citizens of the United States” were lynched by a mob on the orders of a State Judge. By implying that blacks are foremost “citizens”, an attack against them, whatever your personal stance on race, is to attack America. Although he calls the killed victims, “Citizens of the United States,” the author never mentions that some of the sugar plantation workers were white. By not mentioning that the situation was fueled by basic human rights and not race, he shows racial bias. He ignores any wrongdoing or violence that the Negroes might have taken part in and puts all the blame on the white planters and the militia. The journalist instead tries to insinuate war by persuading the readers to “fight for their homes, their homes, and their lawful rights.” It is important to realize although the writer was undoubtedly biased, the event is historical significant. The Homestead strike of 1889 directly reflects both the labor and racial struggles of this time period. The steelworkers of Carnegie Steel Company had won a three-year contract, but his plant manager, Henry Clay Frick locked the workers out of the plant. What followed was a unionized strike for labor laws, which led to several strikers being killed. Although it was a failed attempt and setback worker’s right, it was an inspiration to many workers. The Pullman Palace Car Company strike of 1893 was also another key moment in this period of time. Strikers, who were fighting for wages being drastically lowered, torched several buildings and looted railway cars until thousands of state troops were brought in to stop them. While both of these events showed race wars between whites and blacks, it also displayed the significant power of robber barons and government possessed. These events shine a light on the workers demanding sufficient wages and walking off the job when they were denied this simple right. In our modern society today we should be thankful for the contributions of the labor related strikes in the past. Even in the world we live today we have strikes at the workplace albeit with fewer violent outcomes. This newspaper contribution to the public paved the way to some labor acts and even human rights laws we have today. EXAMPLE OF A+ PAPER FOR THE PULLMAN STRIKE SOURCE A Call to My Brothers In the midst of the industrial boom during the Gilded Age, factory workers became dissatisfied with the treatment they received in the plants they labored in, while being paid barely enough to get by, and began to strike. This source was a speech given during a Chicago convention of the American Railway Union (ARU) in 1894, by a striker from the Pullman factory, making it a primary source. This is a persuasive speech meant to draw sympathy from the members of the union, so while it is not biased, it leans in favor of the strikers, portraying them as oppressed workers who stood up against their oppressor. George Pullman on the other hand, is portrayed as an evil man with an unquenchable desire to make more money, while taking away the minuscule amount of wages paid to his workers. The major point of this speech is to evoke sympathy for the strikers. The speaker starts by saying that the ARU convention is “a glimmer of the heaven-sent message you alone can give us on this earth.” This makes the striker sound desperate to the point of hopelessness, but glorifies the convention and the people listening to him, implying that they were the only ones who could bring him and his fellow strikers out of their misery. The descriptive language of utter despair right away evokes sympathy from the people listening to him as he continues to paint his picture of suffering. Throughout the speech, the speaker weaves this imagery of an evil George Pullman preying on the strikers. One example he uses is the high cost of rent that he has to pay Pullman to live in the company town in comparison to elsewhere in the city that would “make a millionaire a billionaire.” He also implies that no one in the town would dare to challenge Pullman because “even the very streets are his.” This language is powerful because the speaker is setting up a stark comparison of the different standards of living between Pullman and the strikers. The speaker points out that George Pullman made “9 1/2 percent on $30,000,000 of capital,” which is a tremendous amount of money. But even so, he was not satisfied. He continued to reduce wages and his excuse was because he lost money from the contracts that he took, a “petty loss, more than made up by us from money we needed to clothe our wives and little ones.” The speaker implies that George Pullman would continue to leech away the minuscule amount of money he pays his workers in wages through the pure necessities that they needed to feed and clothe their families, even though he made more money in a year than the workers could fathom. He then paints the picture of the goodness of the strikers, saying “we are peaceable; we are orderly.” This is implying that they are unified as one and together have taken a stand against their oppressor. While Pullman hides away, they have risen up against him with the help of generous people and the speaker implores the audience to help him and his fellow strikers once more. The tone of the speech is evocative. The speaker draws strong and effective imagery of a group of workers rising up together to fight for their rights. He reaches out to the audience and speaks to them as if speaking to his own brothers, asking for their sympathy and help in his time of need. He declares, “teach arrogant grinders of the faces of the poor that there is still a God in Israel, and if need be a Jehovah—a God of battles.” He uses religion to conclude his speech, rallying the audience like in a battle.
Recommended publications
  • In Action! Table of Contents and Facilitator Notes Table of Contents
    WORKSHOP OUTLINES UFCW STEWARDS IN ACTION! TABLE OF CONTENTS AND FACILITATOR NOTES TABLE OF CONTENTS Facilitator Notes Section 1: Congratulations! You’re a Union Steward The Role of a Union Steward The UFCW and the Labor Movement Taking History to Heart Understanding Our Contract Section 2: Union Stewards Solving Worksite Problems Organizing around Workplace Issues Investigating and Writing Grievances Section 3: Legal Rights and Responsibilities of Union Stewards Legal Rights and Responsibilities of Union Stewards Section 4: Union Stewards Organizing for Power Union Power = Active Members Organize! 1 FACILITATOR NOTES NOTES Facilitator Notes An important note about steward training… l While there are specific learning goals for steward trainings, the main objective is for stewards to leave feeling more empowered in their role as a leader in our union. It’s critical for steward training facilitators to keep this in mind at all times. l Everyone who attends a steward training already has knowledge about our union and, often, about the role of a steward. They may not have previously participated in a steward training, but they’ve probably observed other stewards/active members at their current or previous job. l In addition to this knowledge, the participants also bring lots of life experience relevant to their work as a steward. l Education that empowers workers acknowledges and builds upon these experiences. l In order for workers to feel like they can share their experience, they need to feel welcome and invited to participate. This requires the facilitator(s) to not only pause and ask questions, but to also address possible imbalances (in terms of who’s speaking, language needs, etc) within the group.
    [Show full text]
  • Homestead and Bodily Disorder in the Gilded Age Edward Slavishak Susquehanna University
    Susquehanna University Scholarly Commons History Faculty Publications 10-2004 Working-Class Muscle: Homestead and Bodily Disorder in the Gilded Age Edward Slavishak Susquehanna University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.susqu.edu/hist_fac_pubs Recommended Citation Slavishak, Edward, "Working-Class Muscle: Homestead and Bodily Disorder in the Gilded Age" (2004). History Faculty Publications. Paper 9. http://scholarlycommons.susqu.edu/hist_fac_pubs/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Working-Class Muscle: Homestead and Bodily Disorder in the Gilded Age Edward Slavishak, Susquehanna University "They are having a very searious [sic] riot at Homestead. There is a great many killed and wounded on both sides and it will continue until the state troops put it down." In his diary entry from the evening of July 6, 1892, Robert Cornell recorded the news of violence that had occurred earlier that day in Homestead, a mill town six miles upriver from Pittsburgh and home to the Carnegie Steel Company's massive works. Even without the avalanche of details that would emerge throughout 1892 and 1893 in the regional and national press, Pittsburghers like Cornell placed immediate emphasis on the events at Homestead. The former coal worker offered two ways to capture the day's meaning-as a breakdown of civic order and as a tally of the damage done to bodies. By describing the clash between steelworkers and employees of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency as a riot that would cease only when National Guard troops enforced order, Cornell assumed that workers had broken free of the constraints that normally held them in check.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: the 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike
    Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike By Leigh Campbell-Hale B.A., University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, 1977 M.A., University of Colorado, Boulder, 2005 A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado and Committee Members: Phoebe S.K. Young Thomas G. Andrews Mark Pittenger Lee Chambers Ahmed White In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History 2013 This thesis entitled: Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike written by Leigh Campbell-Hale has been approved for the Department of History Phoebe S.K. Young Thomas Andrews Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. ii Campbell-Hale, Leigh (Ph.D, History) Remembering Ludlow but Forgetting the Columbine: The 1927-1928 Colorado Coal Strike Dissertation directed by Associate Professor Phoebe S.K. Young This dissertation examines the causes, context, and legacies of the 1927-1928 Colorado coal strike in relationship to the history of labor organizing and coalmining in both Colorado and the United States. While historians have written prolifically about the Ludlow Massacre, which took place during the 1913- 1914 Colorado coal strike led by the United Mine Workers of America, there has been a curious lack of attention to the Columbine Massacre that occurred not far away within the 1927-1928 Colorado coal strike, led by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
    [Show full text]
  • Haymarket Riot (Chicago: Alexander J
    NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NFS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS1 MONUMENT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service______________________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Haymarket Martyrs' Monument Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: 863 South Des Plaines Avenue Not for publication: City/Town: Forest Park Vicinity: State: IL County: Cook Code: 031 Zip Code: 60130 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: X Building(s): Public-Local: _ District: Public-State: _ Site: Public-Federal: Structure: Object: Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing ___ buildings ___ sites ___ structures 1 ___ objects 1 Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register:_Q_ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: Designated a NATIONAL HISTrjPT LANDMARK on by the Secreury 01 j^ tai-M NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 HAYMARKET MARTYRS' MONUMENT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National_P_ark Service___________________________________National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this __ nomination __ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property __ meets __ does not meet the National Register Criteria.
    [Show full text]
  • One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
    One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada.
    [Show full text]
  • Historic Resource Study of Pullman National Monument
    Chapter 6 EXISTING CONDITIONS The existing conditions and recent alterations in the Town of Pullman and the factory sites have been addressed well in other documents. The Pullman Historic District Reconnaissance Survey completed in 2013 offers clear and succinct assessments of extant buildings in Pullman. Likewise, the Archaeological Overview & Assessment completed in 2017 covers the current conditions of factory remnants. A draft revised National Historic Landmark nomination for Pullman Historic District, completed in August 1997 and on deposit at Pullman National Monument, includes a list of contributing and non-contributing structures.612 For the purposes of this Historic Resources Report, the existing conditions of built environment cultural resources that are not addressed in the aforementioned documents will be considered briefly for their potential significance for research and interpretation. In addition, this section will consider historical documents valuable for studying change over time in the extant built environment and also strategies for using Pullman’s incredibly rich built environment as primary historical evidence. Figure 6.1 offers a visual map showing the approximate age of extant buildings as well as major buildings missing today that were present on the 1892 Rascher Map. Most obvious from this map are the significant changes in the industrial core. Importantly, many of the 1880s buildings that no longer stand were replaced gradually over the twentieth century at first as part of the Pullman Company’s changing technological needs, then after 1959 as part of deindustrialization and the reinvention of the Calumet region. The vast majority of domestic structures from the Town of Pullman’s original construction survive.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the 1892 Homestead Strike
    The 1892 Homestead Strike: A Story of Social Conflict in Industrial America “The price which society pays for the law of competition, like the price it pays for cheap comforts and luxuries, is also great…”1 By: Douglas Pickard Senior History Thesis Advisor: Professor Linda Gerstein May 3, 2007 1 Andrew Carnegie, “The Gospel of Wealth” in Life in the Iron-Mills, Cecelia Tichi ed. (New York: Vanderbilt University, 1998), 153 1 Father was Killed By the Pinkerton Men ‘Twas in Pennsylvania town not very long ago Men struck against reduction of their pay Their Millionaire employer with philanthropic show Had closed the work till starved they would obey They fought for a home and right to live where they had Toiled so long But ere the sun had set some were laid low There’re hearts now sadly grieving by that sad and bitter Wrong, God help them for it was a cruel blow. CHORUS God help them tonight in their hour of affliction Praying for him whom they’ll ne’er see again Hear the poor orphans tell their sad story “Father was killed by the Pinkerton men.” Ye prating politicians, who boast protection creed, Go to Homestead and stop the orphans’ cry, Protection for the rich man ye pander to his greed, His workmen they are cattle and may die. The freedom of the city in Scotland far away ‘Tis presented to the millionaire suave, But here in Free America with protection in full sway His workmen get the freedom of the grave. CHORUS God help them tonight in their hour of affliction Praying for him whom they’ll ne’er see again Hear the poor orphans tell their sad story “Father was killed by the Pinkerton men.”2 2 2Milton Meltzer, “Father was killed by the Pinkerton Men” reprinted in David P.
    [Show full text]
  • East Side Freedom Library Topic List for History Day 2021: Communication in History All Topics Have Books Available at the ESFL
    East Side Freedom Library Topic List for History Day 2021: Communication in History All topics have books available at the ESFL. This list of topics is not exhaustive. We chose topics from our collection that we thought would interest students and apply to the theme of “Communication in History.” Many of the topics are protests, strikes, rallies, marches, demonstrations, etc. In order to address the theme, students will need to determine what the protestors or strikers wanted to communicate; who their audience was; how they went about communicating their needs or demands; and what the impact of their action was. For topics about laws, students will need to address who was organizing and communicating in order to get them passed. Our volunteers have contacts with professors and primary source contacts (for more recent topics) and we are committed to helping students set up interviews. Students should contact the library at 651-207-4926 or [email protected] to find out if and when the library will be open during the pandemic, or if History Day assistance will only be online. We anticipate a fluid situation. Labor Haymarket Affair 1886 AFL-CIO Merger 1955 Immigrant workers launched a dramatic fight for the 8 The country’s two union federations, one made up of Hour Day in the spring of 1886 in Chicago, where skilled workers (AFL) and one of unskilled production picketers and police engaged in a violent conflict. workers (CIO), negotiated and created a single OP, UM, CA, MX organization. Homestead Strike 1892 OP, UM, MX In 1892, Andrew Carnegie sent private security Air Traffic Controllers Strike 1981 guards to shoot immigrant workers who were striking Members of the Professional Air Traffic Controllers’ at Andrew Carnegie’s steel mill in Pennsylvania.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sister Sovereign States: Preemption and the Second Twentieth Century Revolution in the Law of the American Workplace
    Fordham Law Review Volume 62 Issue 3 Article 2 1993 The Sister Sovereign States: Preemption and the Second Twentieth Century Revolution in the Law of the American Workplace Henry H. Drummonds Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Henry H. Drummonds, The Sister Sovereign States: Preemption and the Second Twentieth Century Revolution in the Law of the American Workplace, 62 Fordham L. Rev. 469 (1993). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol62/iss3/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Sister Sovereign States: Preemption and the Second Twentieth Century Revolution in the Law of the American Workplace Cover Page Footnote Associate Professor of Law, Northwestern School of Law, Lewis and Clark College. Professor Drummonds practiced labor and employment law for seventeen years before becoming a professor. He largely represented labor unions and individual employees in disputes with employers. Professor Drummonds expresses his appreciation to the following people for their intellectual and moral support: Carlin Chrisman Drummonds, Dean Steven Kanter, Professor Douglas Newell, Professor Edward Brunet, Professor Susan Mandiberg, Professor Brian Blum, Professor Michael Blumm, Professor Bill Williamson, Professor Arthur LaFrance, and his law clerks, Jerrold Watts and Robert Truman. This article is available in Fordham Law Review: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol62/iss3/2 THE SISTER SOVEREIGN STATES: PREEMPTION AND THE SECOND TWENTIETH CENTURY REVOLUTION IN THE LAW OF THE AMERICAN WORKPLACE HENRY H.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market" (2019)
    Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Honors College Theses Pforzheimer Honors College 2019 The ffecE t of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market Anthony Levesque Pace University Jouahn Nam Pace University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses Part of the Business Commons Recommended Citation Levesque, Anthony and Nam, Jouahn, "The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market" (2019). Honors College Theses. 235. https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses/235 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Pforzheimer Honors College at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Effect of Consumer Boycotting on the Stock Market BY: ANTHONY LEVESQUE AND JOUAHN NAM MAY 2019 LUBIN SCHOOL OF BUSINESS - PACE UNIVERSITY [email protected] Levesque 2 Levesque 3 Abstract Our work seeks to determine if the act of a consumer boycott has a significant effect on the stock price of target firms and to determine what aspects of the firm either contribute positively or negatively to this effect. Most research suggests that the effects of a boycott on stock price can be highly varied with little to no explanation for this variance. We analyzed the abnormal stock returns of our 23 sample firms in the 30 day period leading up to the boycott and after the commencement of the boycott. We’ve found the results that the market overall does not react significantly to consumer boycotting. However, our results show that the firms having a bad reputation before the boycott, larger market capital, and frequent past scandals are more likely to have significant or marginally significant market reactions.
    [Show full text]
  • Guarding Capital: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2004 Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre Anthony Roland DeStefanis College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation DeStefanis, Anthony Roland, "Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre" (2004). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539623451. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-d7pf-f181 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GUARDING CAPITAL: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Anthony Roland DeStefanis 2004 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPROVAL SHEET This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Anthony Roland DeStefanis Approved by the Committee, October 2004 Cindy Hahamovitch, Chair r Judith Ewell Scott R. Nelson David Montgdmeiy Yale University, (Emeritus ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements v Abstract vii Introduction 2 Chapter I.
    [Show full text]
  • Kansas Populist Newspaper Editorial Response to the Homestead and Pullman Strikes: an Application of Sewell’S Theory of Structure
    KANSAS POPULIST NEWSPAPER EDITORIAL RESPONSE TO THE HOMESTEAD AND PULLMAN STRIKES: AN APPLICATION OF SEWELL’S THEORY OF STRUCTURE BRUCE CARRUTHERS University of Kansas Scholars disagree on the reasons the Populist and industrial- labor movements failed to achieve a political coalition. Some attribute the cause to a backward-looking Populist ideology that searched for solutions in an imaginary yeoman republic. Populists neither understood nor had sympathy with the problems facing late nineteenth-century industrial workers. Essentially, Populists engaged in status politics. Others argue that Populism was a progressive movement that accepted industrialization but sought to bring it under government control through a political coalition of the producer class consisting of farmers, workers, and small businessmen. I argue in this paper that the editors of Populist newspapers in Kansas attempted to promote a coali- tion by utilizing the labor theory of value to educate farmers that their fate was linked to that of workers. I employ Sewell’s theory of structure, specifically his axiom on the transposability of schemas, to illustrate the editors’ transposition of the labor theory of value into a schema that defined the 1892 Homestead and 1894 Pullman Strikes as contests between the producer class (including farmers) and monopoly capital. I further argue that in addition to accounting for routine change, Sewell’s framework is useful in examining how groups attempt to make sense of altered social contexts resulting from large-scale social dislocations. I reviewed Populist newspaper editorials on the strikes from Bruce Carruthers is a PhD student in sociology at the University of Kansas. His primary interest is in social movements, particularly recruitment and retention of members.
    [Show full text]