The Pathology of Middle East Studies (Pdf)
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“The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited in Knowledge He Sought Years Idol Masses
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY on A us strateGIC vision in A CHANGING WORLD “The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited SAMUEL TADROS The sorrow of Egypt is made of entirely different material: the steady decline of its public life, the inability of an autocratic regime and of the middle class from which this regime issues to rid the country of its dependence on foreign handouts, to transmit to the vast underclass the skills needed for the economic competition of nations; to take the country beyond its endless alternations between glory and self-pity. (Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt”) In his authoritative 1995 essay “The Sorrows of Egypt,”1 Fouad Ajami, with the knowledge and experience of someone who had known Egypt intimately, and the spirit and pen of a poet who had come to love the place, attempted to delve deeply into what ailed the ancient land. The essay moved masterfully from the political to the social and Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism from the religious to the economic, weaving an exquisite tapestry of a land of sorrows. This was not the first time that Ajami had approached Egypt. The country his generation had grown up knowing was the Egypt of promise and excitement, where Gamal Abdel Nasser’s towering presence and deep voice had captivated millions of Arabic speakers. Ajami had been one of those young men. He had made the pilgrimage to Damascus, watching and cheering as Nasser made his triumphant entry into the city in 1958, crowned as the idol of the Arabs by adoring masses. -
Dan Rather Reports
Dan Rather Reports Episode Number: 413 Episode Title: Everyone’s Covered Description: In Canada, everyone is covered by medical insurance. But there are often long waits to see doctors or have surgery. Also, an agricultural town where workers who climbed the economic ladder out of the fields are suddenly finding themselves without jobs. And, a conversation on the Middle East with noted scholar Fouad Ajami. TEASE: DAN RATHER (VOICE OVER) TONIGHT. FREE DOCTORS. FREE HOSPITALS. ALL JUST ACROSS THE BORDER. DONNA TACK, SPENSER’S MOTHER I’ve never seen a bill. If something is medically necessary, then it’s covered here in Canada. RATHER (VOICE OVER) ALSO, NO WATER MEANS NO CROPS AND NO JOBS. FRANK STEENPORT, CHIEF OF POLICE OF HURON, CALIFORNIA Seriously, if things don’t get better, you have towns here that are going to cease to exist. They will become spots on a historical map. RATHER (VOICE OVER) AND AMERICA’S ROLE IN THE MUSLIM WORLD. FOUAD AJAMI, DIRECTOR, MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES, JOHN HOPKINS UNIVERSITY It is this expectation that Barack Hussein Obama, he will change the attitude of the Arabs and the attitude of the Muslims toward the United States. It is not so simple. RATHER (VOICE OVER) WE’LL BRING YOU THE NEWS. TONIGHT, ON DAN RATHER REPORTS. 1 EVERYONE’S COVERED: RATHER (ON CAMERA) GOOD EVENING. TONIGHT WE BEGIN WITH A SIDE OF THE ECONOMIC MELTDOWN THAT FEW ARE TALKING ABOUT. FOR THE TENS OF THOUSANDS OF AMERICANS WHO ENTER THE RANKS OF THE UNEMPLOYED EVERY MONTH… THE SALARY LOSS IS JUST THE BEGINNING. -
Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib
Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic by Michael Habib A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Wilkes Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences with a Concentration in History Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Jupiter, Florida May 2016 Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic By Michael Habib This thesis was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s thesis advisor, Dr. Christopher Ely, and has been approved by the members of his supervisory committee. It was submitted to the faculty of The Honors College and was accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences. SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: ___________________________ Dr. Christopher Ely ____________________________ Dr. Douglas McGetchin ______________________________ Dean Jeffrey Buller, Wilkes Honors College ____________ Date i ABSTRACT Author: Michael Habib Title: Pan-Arabism and the United Arab Republic Institution: Wilkes Honors College of Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Christopher Ely Degree: Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Arts and Sciences Concentration: History Year: 2016 This thesis seeks to analyze Pan-Arabism through the lens of the United Arab Republic. I argue that even though the UAR faced many internal issues, it ultimately failed due to external pressures. I argue this to provide a new perspective on the Middle East and the Arab world, by showing how it came to be as it is. I organize my thesis into four chapters: I. Introduction: Arab Unity and its Limits, II. The Marriage of Syria and Egypt, III. -
The Clash of Civilizations Thesis: a Critical Appraisal Written by Deepshikha Shahi
The Clash of Civilizations Thesis: A Critical Appraisal Written by Deepshikha Shahi This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Clash of Civilizations Thesis: A Critical Appraisal https://www.e-ir.info/2017/04/02/the-clash-of-civilizations-thesis-a-critical-appraisal/ DEEPSHIKHA SHAHI, APR 2 2017 This is an excerpt from Understanding Post-9/11 Afghanistan: A Critical Insight into Huntington’s Civilizational Approach. An E-IR Open Access Book by Deepshikha Shahi. Available now on Amazon (UK, USA, Ca, Ger, Fra), in all good book stores, and via a free PDF download. Find out more about E-IR’s range of open access books here. The tension between theory and the ‘real world’ can produce a tendency to see the development of theory as a response to events in the world, with seemingly new phenomena requiring fresh theories – the most recent phenomena involving the end of the Cold War, the demise of bipolarity, and questions about the status of American hegemony. The academic discipline of International Relations (IR) awaited a new paradigm which could provide an outlook to delineate the picture of the newly emerging world politics after the end of the Cold War. Interestingly, various contending paradigms cropped up, most of these originating in the West – particularly in the US. The linkage is in fact significant as it demonstrates the knowledge-power relationship in international relations. If the US could disguise its empire building project and legitimise its aggressive foreign policy behaviour as a necessary defensive posture to contain the threat of communism and the USSR during the Cold War, it could not continue to do so after the collapse of USSR and the end of the Cold War. -
Depauw University Department of Political Science International Terrorism
DePauw University Department of Political Science International Terrorism POLS 390A Sunil K. Sahu [email protected] Spring 2017 Asbury 108A TTh 10:00-11:30 Hours: M 2:00-4:00, TTh 4:00-5:00 and by appointment Asbury 117 Web site: http://fs6.depauw.edu:50080/~sahus/ SYLLABUS A Short Description: President Trump’s January 29, 2017 controversial Executive Order to temporarily ban Muslims from seven majority-Muslim nations (Syria, Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen) from entering the United States is part of the new administration’s pledge to wage a more aggressive campaign against terrorist groups worldwide. Terrorism has been a major security concern for the United States and NATO allies for more than fifteen years. While the U.S. fought two wars (Afghanistan and Iraq) following the 9/11 attacks, killed Osama Bin Laden (in 2011), and significantly degraded al Qaeda, a new terrorist group, ISIS, more violent and brutal than al Qaeda, proclaimed a worldwide caliphate in June 2014 and now controls parts of Syria and Iraq. This course is designed to understand the phenomenon of contemporary terrorism, its cause, consequence, and the security challenge it poses to Western democracies, especially the United States. I have multiple objectives in this course. First, we will examine various definitions of terrorism and distinguish between political suicide, religious fanaticism, fighting for political freedom, and state-sponsored terrorism. Second, we will study the difference between state-sponsored terrorism during and after the Cold War. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union employed terrorism as a form of low-intensity warfare to advance its interests at the expense of the United States and other Western democracies. -
Gambling with History: the Making of a Democratic Iraq
Gambling with History: The Making of a Democratic Iraq Captain Jodi Vittori Dr Brent J. Talbot United States Air Force Academy The authors would like to thank the Air Force Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) for its support and funding of this research. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the US Air Force, the Department of Defense or that of the US Government or any other of its agencies. Please direct comments to [email protected]. If we think there is a fast solution to changing the governance of Iraq, then we don’t understand history… God help us if we think this transition will occur easily. —General (retired) Anthony Zinni, former Commander US Central Command1 Democracy in Iraq—everyone talks about it, but no one knows what it means. —Anonymous Shia in focus group session, Sadr City, Baghdad2 Introduction The United States finds itself at a critical moment in its history of US-Arab relations, and indeed, in US-Islamic relations. The US has endeavored to change the status quo of Iraq, and in doing so, it will most likely affect the status quo of the entire Arab world. What remains in the balance is whether that change in the current situation will enhance US interests or threaten them for many years to come. Considering the liberation of Iraq, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice underlines the great opportunity towards stability in the Middle East and increased security throughout the world, “much as a democratic Germany became a linchpin of a new Europe” at the end of World War II.3 Should the US succeed in creating a recognizable form of democracy, there is significant potential for that to act as an impetus in the region over the coming decades. -
Militant About “Islamism”
Pipes-final 12/7/04 5:57 PM Page 38 Militant about “Islamism” Daniel Pipes wages “hand-to-hand combat” with a “totalitarian ideology.” b y JANETTASSEL “It is a mistake to blame Islam, ichard pipes, Baird re- a religion 14 centuries old, for the at North American universities—“a kind search professor of history, of Consumer Reports,” he says, “for stu- recounts in his recent book, evil that should be ascribed to dents, parents, alumni, and legislators” Vixi, that when Daniel, his militant Islam, a totalitarian to air perceived biases and inaccuracies. first child, was born in 1949, This is yet another irritant to critics like he felt as if he himself were ideology less than a century old. Rashid Khalidi, Said professor of Arab Rbeing reborn. To mark the event he even Militant Islam is the problem, but studies and director of the Middle East quit smoking. Institute at Columbia University, who And, in a sense, with the birth of moderate Islam is the solution.” calls the Campus Watchers “intellectual Daniel, Richard Pipes was indeed reborn, �daniel pipes thugs”; Juan Cole, professor of history at perhaps even cloned. Daniel ’71, Ph.D. ’78 the University of Michigan, deems the (early Islamic history), is what old-timers project “cyberstalking.” “Crude Mc- would call a chip o≠ the old block. Both are essentially loners, Carthyism” and “totalitarianism” are among the less vitriolic non-belongers (the subtitle of Vixi is Memoirs of a Non-Belonger), terms used by other scholars to describe Campus Watch. In ad- and fighters. Pipes the elder, the fiercely anti-communist cold- dition, Pipes is now in his final year as a director of the federally warrior, head of President Ford’s Team B (formed to evaluate the funded U.S. -
Martin Kramer Vs. Fred Halliday
Dr Alterman noted the lengthy process of trying to end the violence in Northern Ireland. Such a political process took time, would take time, would have reversals and needed a dynamic political constituency to support it. We still did not know whether the process was going to work. ‘The idea that somehow, with all this international support and interest for the Arab–Israeli conflict, it’s going to be any more clearly resolved in any shorter a time-frame than the Northern Ireland conflict is, I think, a dream,’ Dr Alterman said. ‘It’s not going to happen, it’s going to be more difficult than Northern Ireland, it’s going to have more reversals, it’s gong to take more effort. We are going to have to create a more robust international effort, but the silver lining is that Northern Ireland suggests that you can do it and you can’t stop trying to do it or you will never get there. We will need to try harder.’ Session V The Appeal of Confrontation: The West Speakers: Dr Martin Kramer, Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies Professor Fred Halliday, London School of Economics Chair: Nadim Shehadi, Chatham House In his introduction, Nadim Shehadi said Dr Martin Kramer had fired the first shot in the battle which was more or less the subject of this conference, when in November 2001 he had published his book Ivory Towers on Sand in which he attacked the academic community for not having done its job in warning policy-makers of the possibility of an attack like 9/11. -
The End of Pan-Arabism Author(S): Fouad Ajami Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol
The End of Pan-Arabism Author(s): Fouad Ajami Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Winter, 1978), pp. 355-373 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20040119 Accessed: 27/08/2009 15:31 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cfr. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign Affairs. http://www.jstor.org FouadAjami THE END OF PAN-ARABISM 1^ olitical ideas make their own realities. -
Report Template
neocon_cover_print 8.29.06.pdf 8/29/2006 5:33:01 PM The Third Way National Security Project THE NEO CON C The Bush Defense Record by the Numbers M Y CM A Third Way Report MY By CY Sharon Burke, Director Of The National Security Project CMY K Harlan Geer, National Security Policy Advisor September 2006 Our nation—this generation—will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail. President George W. Bush (Address to Joint Session of Congress, September 20, 2001) Regime change in Iraq would bring about a number of benefits to the region. When the gravest of threats are eliminated, the freedom-loving peoples of the region will have a chance to promote the values that can bring lasting peace. As for the reaction of the Arab 'street,' the Middle East expert Professor Fouad Ajami predicts that after liberation, the streets in Basra and Baghdad are 'sure to erupt in joy in the same way the throngs in Kabul greeted the Americans.' Extremists in the region would have to rethink their strategy of Jihad. Moderates throughout the region would take heart. And our ability to advance the Israeli-Palestinian peace process would be enhanced, just as it was following the liberation of Kuwait in 1991. Vice President Dick Cheney (Speech to the VFW in Nashville, August 26, 2002) North Korea is firing missiles. Iran is going nuclear. -
An Inconclusive
The Israeli-Islamist War Martin Kramer Who won the summer war between Israel and Hizbullah? Right after the ceasefire, Hizbullah and its Iranian patrons declared the war a “divine victory,” and the Economist concurred, running this headline across its cover: “Nasrallah Wins the War.” Israel sank into a funk of self-recrimination. But a few weeks later, Hizbullah leader Hasan Nasrallah admitted that if he had it to do again, he would have avoided provoking Israel in the first place. Now it was the turn of Israel’s government to claim victory. Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer chimed in, claiming that Hizbullah “was seriously set back by the war,” and New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman called it a “devastating defeat”—for Hizbullah. The question of who got the upper hand will remain contested. But the debate over who won and who lost obscures the deeper significance of the summer war. It marks the beginning of the third stage in the conflict over Israel. An evolving conflict In the first stage, from Israel’s creation in 1948 through 1973, rejection of Israel dressed itself as pan-Arab nationalism. In the classic Arab-Israeli conflict, Arab states formed alliances in the name of Arab unity, with the aim of isolating Israel and building an Arab coalition that could wage war on two or more fronts. The fatal flaw of this strategy lay in the weakness of pan-Arabism itself. The failure to coordinate led Arab states to humiliating defeats in the multi-front Arab-Israeli wars of 1948 and 1967. In 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a coordinated Arab assault on Israel, with partial success. -
CHAPTER ONE DEFINING ARAB NATIONALISM the Men and Women of the Nationalist Generation Who Had Sought the Political Unity Of
CHAPTER ONE DEFINING ARAB NATIONALISM he men and women of the nationalist generation who had Tsought the political unity of the Arab people must have cast weary eyes at one another when they heard their acknowledged leader call a truce with those they considered to be anti-unionists; they must have dropped their heads and thrown their hands in the air when he announced the onset of a new era where “solidarity” among Arab states would replace the quest for a comprehensive political unity. Had Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir, the President of Egypt and the hero of Arab nationalism, reneged on the principles of the Arab nationalist creed when in 1963 he declared that it was Arab solidarity “which constituted the firm basis upon which Arab na- tionalism could be built,”1 and that Arab solidarity would make “the Arab states stronger through their cooperation in the eco- nomic, military and cultural fields, and in the sphere of foreign policy”?2 The nationalist generation must have hoped and prayed that Nasir would reconsider, come to his senses, and retread the 1 Al-Jumhuriya al-‘Arabiya al-Muttahida, Majmou‘at Khutab wa Tasrihat wa Bayant al- Rai’s ‘Gamal Abd al-Nasir (The collection of the speeches, statements and communiques of President Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir), vol. 4 (Cairo: Maslahat al-Isti‘lamat, n.d.). (Hereafter cited as Khutab), p. 175. 2 Khutab, p. 455. 2 CHAPTER ONE path of revolutionary Arab nationalism with its unequivocal com- mitment to organic Arab unity. But their hero’s intent was different, more complex, and more subtle.