DOCSLIB.ORG

Ÿþm Icrosoft W

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ÿþm Icrosoft W x% i L x% i L I Ii Fffil I I It's time for churches to stand up and be counted WHO IS BACKI CHANGE IS BACKING The debate over support for violence to bring about fundamental change in South Africa has long been obscured by complex and (sometimes deliberately) confusing dialogue. The time has come when the simple question must be asked: precisely where do the Anglican and Catholic churches, in particular, stand on this issue? And, furthermore, if violence is abhorred in principle, what of church support, overt and covert, for organisations openly committed to the so-called "armed struggle"? Christian South Africans and the West are receiving conflicting signals. The Anglican and Catholic churches in SA have not yet expressed themselves on the question of violence - thereby giving some clergymen the latitude to speak their own minds on the subject. The same applies to the issue of sanctions and disinvestment. Some church newsletters now talk of "using only enough force to repel the aggressor (and) to take up arms ... can only be used when all peaceful negotiations have failed..." (The Southern Cross Catholic newspaper, August 10, 1986.) Do some church leaders already believe that all peaceful negotiations have failed in South Africa? Clarion Call is aware, for instance, of interviews given by the Catholic Archbishop of Durban, Denis Hurley, in which he has expressed his opinion that violence is inevitable. Archbishop Hurley also openly identifies himself with an organisation, the United NG PEACEFUL AND WHO THE ANC ? Democratic Front, which tolerates proviolence elements among its supporters. The Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, The Most Rev Desmond Tutu, (a Nobel Peace Prize laureate) has in numerous published interviews stated quite clearly that he believes that "non-violence calls have not worked..." Archbishop Tutu has openly (and divisively) called for support for the External Mission of the African National Congress (ANC) which is committed to the violent overthrow of the SA Government and receives arms and ammunition from the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc for this purpose. In doing so Archbishop Tutu has given his personal blessing for this organisation whose officially stated aim is to kill people for political gain. In an interview in Johannesburg on August 22 (Sapa reports), he made it clear that " .. when I speak, I speak as Desmond Tutu." He has also talked of a "just war" and, in an interview reported by Reuters from a religious festival he attended in Powys, Wales, Archbishop Tutu was quoted as saying that should he one day give support for violence " . it would be a merely traditional position of the church that it is justifiable for Christians to overthrow an unjust dispensation..." Apartheid is evil and the policies of the SA Government are unjust. But is it too late for decency and democracy to prevail? Is bloodshed really all that is left? There is overwhelming evidence that the majority of black South Africans and a significant number of whites want to work towards ing power in this country. They want inciliation and are prepared to work Lrds peaceful change -ials past and present of the South can Council of Churches make no et of their support for the pro-violence rnal Mission of the ANC and in various ;ultations with church bodies abroad . rly ask for financial and other support' he ANC. This is documented further on is issue. h African church bodies (like the C) and individual clergymen call for ivestment and sanctions. When Ien die because sanctions and ivestment have robbed parents of jobs the ability to feed their families, is not a form of violence? rch leaders including Archbishop Tutu the Rev Allan Boesak claim within h Africa and abroad that blacks "are )ared to suffer.. "' What mandate do ibishop Tutu and Rev Boesak have Lthe broad mass of black South :ans td say this? ugust a 20-year-old mother ofthree was n a suspended sentence by a Rand reme Court judge for infanticide after g found guilty of throwing her ghter into an overflow pipe shortly after was born. told the court that both she and her )and were unemployed and "... I saw only course open to me was causing ieath of ny baby. I placed her 10 ites old and still living in the manhole (The Star, August 5, 1986). is the stark reality of the kind of Eering" Archbishop Tutu supports. re is no record that we can find of a le church diocese supporting lions and disinvestment. Has ibishop Tutu ever polled the general ibership of the Anglican church to ask , opinion and wisdom on disinvestment sanctions? The organisation both he the Rev Allan Boesak support, the has also not polled its rank and file )orters - it is not membership based t these issues. answer is that they do NOT speak for majority of black South Africa. utterly amazing thing is that nowhere ad is this fact ever mentioned. ibishop Tutu and the Rev Boesak are ng, in effect, that black South Africans told them that they are prepared to !h their children die from starvation. they and their children also prepared re along with the black masses? Are these highly visible proponents of sanctions here and those abroad willing to accept responsibility for the hundreds of thousands of children who will be irreparably stunted and brain damaged through malnutrition? An independent and non-aligned welfare organisation, Operation Hunger, believes that an "Ethiopia- type catastrophe" faces South Africa. (Sowetan, August 20, 1986) More than 50 percent of all black South Africans are under 15 years of age. They are not wage earners. Blacks are cash dependent to feed, clothe, house and educate themselves. Already, more than 1,5 million blacks in SA are totally reliant on welfare and feeding schemes. Disinvestment and sanctions will mean the loss of thousands upon thousands of jobs. Not one black worker employed by a foreign firm is known to have voted with his feet in support of sanctions and left his job. Church leaders know this. Political leaders know this. So do others who have assumed the mantle of political leadership. There are few black South African leaders who are constituency-based politicians. There is only one mass political organisation, Inkatha, which is membershipbased and holds regular general elections for the appointment of its officials. Inkatha, with 1,3 million members, is vehemently opposed to apartheid and the racist policies of the SA Government. It does, however, believe in non-violence, negotiation and peaceful change. It has steadfastly refused to endorse the antiapartheid tactic of disinvestment and sanctions while, of course, continuing to work towards its goal of a united, democratic, non-racial, future for South Africa. Here you have 1,3 million members of a black organisation who have clearly articulated their views. This issue of Clarion Call reports on what church leaders, church organsations and others are actually saying about violence, sanctions and disinvestment. Information has been taken from official church documents as well as from church newspapers and newsletters, SA and international newspaper reports and other reliable sources. We believe that time has come for honesty in this debate. There has been enough obfuscation. The Editor Dissension in the ranks? THE ANGLICAN In July this year the Anglican Bishop of Natal, the Rt Rev Michael Nuttall, claimed that the views expressed by Bishop (now Archbishop) Desmond Tutu on sanctions, disinvestment and violence were in his "personal" capacity and did not represent those of the Anglican Church as a whole. The Anglican Church, Bishop Nuttall stressed, had not called for economic sanctions against South Africa and "... we grieve over every type of violence in our society.. :' Bishop Tutu had "called for sanctions in his personal capacity.. "' and had ''reasons'" for this which ought to be respected and not condemned. (Business Day, July 29, 1986 and The Citizen, July 30 Sapa reports.) He was commenting on an address made by the King of the Zulus, Goodwill Zwelithini, in which the King (an Anglican) was highly critical of various church endorsements for sanctions and warned of "preachers of the Gospel" increasingly being seen urging people to support the politics of desperation and the politics of violence "under the cloak of religion..." It should be noted that the King made no mention whatsoever of Bishop Tutu in his address and it was Bishop Nuttall who brought his name into the issue in his critical reply to the King's speech. There are more than two million Anglicans in South Africa of all races and Bishop Nuttall was obviously referring to stances of the Anglican Church in SA. Again in July, Anglican leaders in the United Kingdom voted. overwhelmingly for economic sanctions against South Africa. (The Natal Mercury, July 8, 1986, The Citizen, July 8, 1986 - Sapa and Associated Press reports). In York, Church of England leaders voted 394-21 with 12 abstentions after a three-hour debate at the regular summer session of the general synod the policy- making body of bishops, clergy and laity. At the synod meeting the Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Runcie, the spiritual head of the church and leader of the world's 70 million Anglicans, said he had received a personal telex from Bishop Tutu - then Bishop of Johannesburg. The Anglican Primate said Bishop Tutu had cabled: "Please, please help us. Thank you for your concern and caring about our situation. We know that justice and goodwill will prevail and that there is nothing they can do against the church of God. Not even hell can prevail against it:' The approved resolution from the church's board for social responsibility said that to help bring about a non-racial democratic South Africa the British Government should "deploy effective economic sanctions:' It said banks and business corporations should do everything they could, including withdrawing from the South African economy, to increase the pressure.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Anastasios Christodoulou
    Anastasios Christodoulou Brilliant administrator and founding father of the Open University Richard Bourne The Guardian, Tuesday 28 May 2002 10.20 BST Three people turned the idea for a "university of the air" into the reality of the Open University, one of the most exciting educational innovations in the second half of the 20th century. They were Harold Wilson's arts minister Jennie Lee, Walter Perry, the OU's first vice-chancellor, and Anastasios "Chris" Christodoulou, its first secretary, who has died aged 70. From 1963 to 1968, Chris had been assistant secretary at Leeds University. The following year, he transferred to the OU headquarters at Walton Hall, an old house in the heart of the new town of Milton Keynes. The "university of the air" had been proposed by Harold Wilson in 1963 and, during his Labour governments of 1964-70, he promoted the idea as a massive extension of second-chance educational opportunity, mixing broadcasting, correspondence and tutors, with new material prepared by teams of academics. The project attracted support from a clutch of radicals, such as the Marxist English scholar Arnold Kettle and the biologist Steven Rose, while being shot at by the likes of educationalist Brian Jackson for being too traditionalist and not doing enough for the working class. It also drew visceral hatred from some Conservatives, who saw it as a Wilsonian gimmick. William van Straubenzee, junior minister for higher education in Edward Heath's 1970-74 Conservative government, told me, "I would have slit its throat if I could." He blamed the outgoing Labour education minister Ted Short for some nifty, last-moment work with the charter that made the OU unkillable.
    [Show full text]
  • Allegations of Child Sexual Abuse Linked to Westminster: Investigation Report
    Allegations child sexual of abuse Westminster to linked Allegations of child sexual abuse linked to Westminster Investigation Report Investigation Investigation Report February 2020 February 2020 2020 Allegations of child sexual abuse linked to Westminster Investigation Report February 2020 A report of the Inquiry Panel Professor Alexis Jay OBE Professor Sir Malcolm Evans KCMG OBE Ivor Frank Drusilla Sharpling CBE © Crown copyright 2020 The text of this document (this excludes, where present, the Royal Arms and all departmental or agency logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium provided that it is reproduced accurately and not in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the document title specified. Where third‑party material has been identified, permission from the respective copyright holder must be sought. Any enquiries related to this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] or Freepost IICSA INDEPENDENT INQUIRY. This publication is available at https://www.iicsa.org.uk/reports CCS1219768174 02/20 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled‑fibre content minimum. Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. The following corrections were made to this version of the report on 29 May 2020: Page vii, paragraph 3: was amended to read ‘hand over the same documents’. Page 159 in Annex 1: profession removed, amended to read David Ford Campbell-Chalmers Contents Executive Summary v Part A: Introduction 1 A.1: Background
    [Show full text]
  • University of Leeds Catalogue of the Correspondence and Papers of the Rt Hon Edward Charles Gurney Boyle, Baron Boyle of Handswo
    Handlist 81 part 2 UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS CATALOGUE OF THE CORRESPONDENCE AND PAPERS OF THE RT HON EDWARD CHARLES GURNEY BOYLE, BARON BOYLE OF HANDSWORTH, C H (1923 - 1981) Part 2 (Index) Leeds University Special Collections MS 660 Aaronovitch, David, Vice-President NUS: letter from, 50831 Abbott, Eric Symes, Dean of Westminster: correspondence, 48500, 48503 48898- 48900, 48902, 48904, 49521, 49524 Abbott, Frank, chairman ILEA: correspondence, 38825, 47821-2 Abbott, Gill, chairman Liverpool NUS Committee: correspondence, 26830-3, 26839, 26841 Abbott, J R, secretary Nottingham & District Manufacturers' Association: letter from, 26638 Abbott, Joan, sociologist: correspondence, 8879, 8897, 8904 Abbott, Simon, Editor Race: correspondence, 37667-9, 47775-6 Abbott, Stephen: paper by, 23426, 23559 Abbott, Walter M, Editor America: letter from, 4497 Abel, Deryck, Free Trade Union : correspondence, 3144, 3148 Abel, K A, Clerk Dorset CC: letter to Oscar Murton, 23695 Abel Smith, Henriette Alice: correspondence, 5618, 5627 Abercrombie, Nigel James: correspondence, 18906, 18924, 34258, 34268-9, 34275, 34282, 34292-3, 34296-8, 34302, 34305, 34307-8, 34318-20; Copy from Harold Rossetti, 34274; Copies correspondence with Sir Joseph Lockwood, 34298, 34303 Aberdare, 4th baron: see Bruce, Morys George Lyndhurst Abhyankhar, B, Indian Association: correspondence, 9951, 9954-6 Ablett, R G, Hemsworth High School, Pontefract: letter from, 45683 Abolition of earnings rule (widowed mothers): 14935, 14938 14973-4, 15015, 15034, 16074, 16100, 16375, 16386 Abortion:
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses Attitudes to war in the Church of England 1939 - 1983 Wilby, Timothy D. How to cite: Wilby, Timothy D. (1987) Attitudes to war in the Church of England 1939 - 1983, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6655/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk TIMOTHY D. WILBY "ATTITUDES TO WAR IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 1939 - 1983" THESIS SUBMITTED FDR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS MAY 1987 UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, DURHAM The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. •• -Hit I. J TIMOTHY D. WILBY ABSTRACT ATTITUDES TO WAR IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 1939-1983 A study of attitudes in the Church of England must be at once an historical survey of and cotrmentary upon church life within the period stated.
    [Show full text]
  • When Christians Fight: Ecumenical Theologies and the Troubles In
    When Christians Fight: Ecumenical Theologies And The Troubles In Northern Ireland Noel George Irwin Doctor of Philosophy The University of Sheffield Department of Biblical Studies and The Urban Theology Unit in Sheffield October 2009 ABSTRACT When Christians Fight: Ecumenical Theologies and the Troubles in Northern Ireland In this thesis I first of all outline the nature of the conflict in Northern Ireland. Against the prevalent academic consensus that the conflict is an ethnic one, I argue that it is a religious conflict with features of ethnicity and colonialism. I then assess the behaviour of the state, both under the Unionist government at Stormont and then under Direct Rule from Westminster. Pre-1972 I look at the question of discrimination against the Roman Catholic minority community. I argue that this was 'institutionalised partiality'. In the era of the 'Troubles' I provide continuity by seeing through the issue of 'fair employment' and also focus on the British Government's response to the violence in terms of abuses of human rights. My view is that political theology in Northern Ireland has never engaged critically with all the material presented in these chapters. After establishing that religion is the central motif of the 'Troubles', whose political manifestation is the parameters and behaviour of a particular state, I examine the broad sweep of the role the Churches played as they responded to the outbreak of inter-communal violence in 1968. I concentrate on the missed opportunity of the Violence Report of 1974 and what I term the 'ecumenical paradox' of the Churches reaction to the 'Troubles'.
    [Show full text]
  • From Civil Liberties to Human Rights?: British Civil Liberties
    FROM CIVIL LIBERTIES TO HUMAN RIGHTS?: BRITISH CIVIL LIBERTIES ACTIVISM, 1934-1989 By CHRISTOPHER MOORES A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Modern History School of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham September 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis is about organizations working in the field of British civil liberties between 1934 and 1989. It examines the relationship between the concepts of civil liberties and human rights within a British context, and discusses the forms of political activism that have accompanied this subject. At the centre of this work is an examination of the politics of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL), an organization that has played a key role in the protection and promotion of civil liberties from its formation in 1934. It also examines the activities of a range of other organizations that considered themselves to be active on such a subject. The thesis argues that thinking about civil liberties has been extended throughout the twentieth century to incorporate a more positive and broader conceptualization of rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Choosing Diocesan Bishops
    WorkSpirit 19/1/05 13:12 Page i Working with the Spirit: choosing diocesan bishops A review of the operation of the Crown Appointments Commission and related matters GS 1405 WorkSpirit 19/1/05 13:12 Page ii Church House Publishing Published 2001 for the Church House Archbishops’ Council of the Great Smith Street Church of England by Church London House Publishing SW1P 3NZ © The Archbishops’ Council 2001 ISBN 0 7151 3853 7 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or stored or transmitted by any means or in any form, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any Cover design by Visible Edge information storage and retrieval Typeset in 10 pt Sabon system without written permission, Printed in England by which should be sought from the Copyright and Contracts Administrator, The Archbishops’ Creative Print and Design Group, Council, Church House, Great Ebbw Vale, Wales Smith Street, London SW1P 3NZ (Tel: 020 7898 1557; Fax: 020 7898 1449; Email: copyright@c-of- e.org.uk). This report has the authority only of the Review Group which produced it. WorkSpirit 19/1/05 13:12 Page iii A bishop is called to lead in serving and caring for the people of God and to work with them in the oversight of the Church. As a chief pastor he shares with his fellow bishops a special responsibility to maintain and further the unity of the Church, to uphold its discipline, and to guard its faith. He is to promote mission throughout the world. It is his duty to watch over and pray for those committed to his charge, and to teach and govern them after the example of the Apostles, speaking in the name of God and interpreting the gospel of Christ.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of Ecclesiastical Law
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Parliament and the Church of England The Making of Ecclesiastical Law Khan, Asma Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 This electronic theses or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Title: Parliament and the Church of England: The Making of Ecclesiastical Law Author: Asma Said Khan The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement.
    [Show full text]
  • Talent and Calling
    GS 1650 TALENT AND CALLING A review of the law and practice regarding appointments to the offices of suffragan bishop, dean, archdeacon and residentiary canon This report has only the authority of the Review Group that produced it. This report is copyright © The Archbishops’ Council 2007. CONTENTS Membership of the Review Group 2 Foreword 3 Chapter 1 Introduction 5 Chapter 2 The Right to Appoint: The Existing Position 13 Chapter 3 Identifying and Developing Talent 21 Chapter 4 Fostering Diversity 34 Chapter 5 Choosing Suffragan Bishops 43 Chapter 6 Appointing Archdeacons 58 Chapter 7 Cathedral Appointments by Bishops 66 Chapter 8 The Role and Practice of the Crown 72 Chapter 9 The Deaneries of Bradford and Sheffield 95 Chapter 10 Recommendations 104 Appendices Appendix 1 Evidence submitted to the Review Group 108 Appendix 2 Relevant Previous Reports 112 Appendix 3 The Senior Church Appointments Code of Practice (1995) 118 Appendix 4 Cathedrals: An Historical Note 123 Appendix 5 Response from the Sheffield Church Burgesses Trust and Second Submission by Simeon’s Trustees 128 1 MEMBERSHIP OF THE REVIEW GROUP Sir Joseph Pilling (Chairman) *Canon Dr Christina Baxter *Canon Prof. Michael Clarke *Mr Aiden Hargreaves-Smith *The Rt Revd Jack Nicholls, Bishop of Sheffield *The Revd Rod Thomas *The Very Revd Robert Willis, Dean of Canterbury The Revd Canon Lucy Winkett * indicates members of the General Synod The following were also in attendance at meetings of the Group: Mr David Williams (Clerk to the Synod) Ms Caroline Boddington (Archbishops’ Secretary for Appointments) Dr Colin Podmore (Secretary) Ms Sue Moore (Assistant Secretary) 2 Foreword FOREWORD There have been several reports on church appointments in the last fifteen years.
    [Show full text]
  • WRAP THESIS Ashford 1983.Pdf
    University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/34787 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION 1945-1975 Nigel Ashford. Submitted for a Doctorate in Politics University of Warwick, Department of Politics, February, 1983. CONTENTS Acknowledgements Summary iv. Abbreviations v. Introduction 1 1. The Nature of the Conservative Party 9 2. The European Party, 1945-1951 36 3. "With, but not of, Europe", 1951-1960 89 4. The First Application, 1961-1963 134 5. A Renewed Commitment, 1963-1970 204 6. To Be Or Not To Be, 1970-1972 262 7. Still the Party of Europe, 1972-1975 312 8. The Distribution of Power within the Conservative 361 Party and the European Issue Bibliography 400 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Large numbers of people assisted in the preparation of this dissertation, so I hope they will appreciate if they are not all mentioned by name. My thanks are due to: all those interviewed for background information and confirmation, many of whom requested that they remain anonymous; the librarians at the University of Warwick, the University of London, Paisley College of Technology and especially the Conservative Party Archivist at the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Conservative Central Office for providing access to material, much of which was not made generally available to researchers, and especially to Lord Thorneycroft, Geoffrey Block, Alan Smith and Tessa Eardle; and to the following organisations for permission to examine their records, the Conservative Grou p for Europe, the Anti-Common Market League, the Conservative Anti-Common Market Information Service, the Bow Group and the Monday Club.
    [Show full text]
  • Max Weber and the Complexity of Parliamentary Democracy
    www.ssoar.info Max Weber and the complexity of parliamentary democracy: applying formal and substantive rationality to the English and Welsh education policy-making process Race, Richard Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GESIS - Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Race, R. (2003). Max Weber and the complexity of parliamentary democracy: applying formal and substantive rationality to the English and Welsh education policy-making process. Historical Social Research, 28(3), 213-225. https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.28.2003.3.213-225 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-30906 Historical Social Research, Vol. 28 – 2003 – No. 3, 213 - 225 Max Weber and the Complexity of Parliamentary Democracy: Applying Formal and Substantive Rationality to the English and Welsh Education Policy-making Process ∗ Richard Race Abstract: This article illustrates the importance of Max Weber’s attitude to both bureaucratic and political func- tions. Formal and substantive rational concepts are applied to distinguish the actions of education civil servants and politicians in relation to education policy-making. Evidence is taken from English and Welsh Educational and Public Administration Parliamentary Select Committees of the 1970s and the present day.
    [Show full text]
  • Church and State
    CHURCH AND STATE A mapping exercise By Frank Cranmer, John Lucas and Bob Morris April 2006 ISBN: 1 903 903 47 6 Published by The Constitution Unit Department of Politcial Science UCL (University College London) 29–30 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9QU Tel: 020 7679 4977 Fax: 020 7679 4978 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/ ©The Constitution Unit, UCL 2006 This report is sold subject to the condition that is shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, hired out or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. First Published April 2006 2 CONTENTS Summary of key points 5 Abstract 6 Preface 7 Introduction 8 ‘Establishment’ Church and Nation 9 I THE LAW 12 Monarchy The Coronation Oath 13 Accession Declaration 14 The position of Roman Catholics 15 Legislature Legislation 16 Role of the Second Church Estates Commissioner 18 Bishops in the House of Lords 19 Executive Senior Church of England Appointments 20 Appointment procedures 23 Prospective developments 25 Annex – Howick to van Straubenzee Judiciary 26 Legatine jurisdiction 27 II FINANCE Historic subventions 30 Current sources of state funding 32 Other funding 34 III CHAPLAINCIES Armed services 36 Prison Service (England and Wales) 37 Hospital chaplains 37 Chaplaincies in Higher Education 38 Other chaplaincies 38 IV THE DEVELOPMENT OF ESTABLISHMENT 1800-2005 Introduction
    [Show full text]