'

Will your vote be counted in 1984? Dave Lupu! "Welcome to the 1980's"

A generation from now, The Clark image, of course, Alberta chicken house." No watch the results. On the way, chroniclers of Canadian had a great deal to do with the doubt the Journal also felt that we stopped by the local Alberta politics will likely view the poor showing of the Conser- Clark was capable of protecting Liquor Control Board outlet just

winter election campaign of vatives in the election. Variously the chicken house, although it before the polls were closed. As 1979-80 as one of the most portrayed by the press as a did have some serious reser- a sign of the times, there was amazing pieces of chicanery buffoon, an incompetent or a vations about his strongly anti- already a line-up in front of the ever to beguile the Canadian characterless personality, he Soviet foreign policy speech liquorstore, but none in frontof electorate. They will record a became the victim of cruel jokes before 2,000 Ukrainian the polling booths. Itseemsthat story that is truly stranger than which effectively destroyed his Canadians at Massey Hall in many people considerelections fiction. It is one in which Pierre credibility. The disturbingly Toronto, "as rabidly anti- in Alberta about as exciting as Elliot Trudeau regains the partisan tone of the press in communist an audience as those in the U.S.S.R. leadership of the Liberal Party ravaging the party leaders was could everhope to be conjured The lifting of the news and leads them on to a particularly pronounced in this UP-" blackout on election returns at smashing victory, only a scant election, precisely because By the time that election eight o'clock M.S.T. revealed no real issues few weeks after he had ap- there were ever day finally arrived, it was ap- that the Liberals already had a parently closed the last act on discussed during the campaign. parent that most people were majority government, even his political career in announ- The Toronto Star reverted to its relieved to see the campaign before the votes from Alberta cing his retirement as party old loyalties in endorsing the end. There was little excitement and B.C. had begun to be leader. Only a politician as Liberals even before they had elicited from most Canadians in counted. Small wonder, one skilled as Trudeau in the announced a policy platform. the midst of the snows of a frigid muses, that Westerners feel Machiavellian art of politics The conservative Edmonton February. The only touch of alienated from the federal could have manipulated cir- Journal re-inforced its originality came from the political system. The mood cumstances so successfully as xenophobic image by "other" candidates in the elec- inside Rhinoceros Party head- to catapult himself back into publishing a vicious attack on tion, most notably the quarters was jubilant as the power as if he were staging his Trudeau in an election editorial, Rhinoceros Party. So we trekk- initial returns showed that own coronation. proclaiming that "the Liberal ed off to their campaign head- Rhino candidates were out- Trudeau's political fox must be kept out of the quarters on election night to polling Social Credit all over the resurrection must be cause for province — the birthplace of gloating for Keith Davey and the HI "/ Aberhart's movement, no l.ess. Liberal Party backroom boys. The Rhinos — who have A2E During the election campaign, succeeded in pushrng the Trudeau was able to bask in the voter.& politics of toTOto*ow negativism to the glow of the extravagant ac- ultimate extent — THE .» WELL, have ap- colades prematurely extended £ parently tapped a well of dis- February 1980 to him by even his most TYPICAL, AVERAGE C4NW0MTE content within the Canadian Vol. 12 No. 61 vociferous opponents in the 0 WAHTZYOUKVOTB' $0 electorate about the entire wake of his announced retire- political system."Just think how LET'S? CUT ment. He sufficiently refur- 7UEW?Ontario can vative government after barely increasingly tired of the childish cause sufficient seats to switch six months in office. The elec- political advertising campaigns from the Conservatives to the tion campaign could hardly >ILL THOSE P4WPW£TS. propagated by the old line Liberals to give the latter a have been better orchestrated, parties. The Rhinos have been majority government, have had the script been written by particularly successful in given Ontario a dispropor- the Liberal Party itself. provinces where one party has tionate influence in determining It was a cynical campaign, WCABIH& MATERIAL. completely dominated political the outcome of federal elec- largely devoid issues, life, of which as in Quebec and in Alberta. tions in recent years. If we are to sorely abused the intelligence Today, we witness a serious avoid the continued spectre of a of the voters. We were being AT erosion of the democratic Quebec without Conservative encouraged to elect a party All UNTIL THE NEXT system as votes for the opposi- and NDP representation and a without a substantial platform, tion parties in these provinces West without Liberals, we must led by a leader who planned to B££TfAW,Wtt are not reflected in terms of sooner or later introduce keep his commitment to retire HUUE,y0UASK? representation in the House of proportional representation soon after the election. The Commons. These parties have into the electoral system of ostensible reason forthis SIMPLE. TELL ME4N was to become virtually irrelevant in Canada. The alternative is to save the country the indignity of EAVIEf? . these provinces, and can continue the marked polariza- having to suffer Joe Clark's generate little enthusiasm. tion which is so evident in this leadership any longer. Given *4,0£? this One rational solution to election's results. the success of the Liberal tactics, it is easy to see other parties following suit in future elections — it may no longer be Anti-Grigorenko campaign condemned necessary to commit oneself to any policy or principle in run- ning for political office in Canada. Defense committees plan for Essentially, the Conser- vatives had set themselves up for their ignominious fall from office last December. John future actions Crosbie's arrogant demeanour in putting forth a "bodjet" NEW which YORK (CDSPP) — Com- "press and information bureau" the defense of democratic focus on documenting the asked the people of Canada mittees in Defense to of Soviet in Madrid, which would operate rights in both the East and the repression of the Ukrainian cut their standard of living, Political Prisoners (CDSPP) prior to and during the Madrid West. Support will not be Helsinki Monitoring Group. while at the same time promis- from across North America conference. The bureau would sought from those groups or The conference also ing to dispense with Petro- (Edmonton, Montreal, New operate as both an information individuals who, while denoun- adopted a position highly Canada as a Crown Corpora- York, Philadelphia and Toron- pool on violations of the cing the lack of democratic critical of the disgraceful tion(in order to keep the world to) held a conference 19 Helsinki accords and a resource rights in the Soviet Union, resolution passed by the Ukrai- safe for Exxon Corporation), January in New York City to center to facilitate the conven- support political repression in nian Congress Committee of produced an unsaleable discuss preparations for ac- tion of press conferences, issu- other countries. America (UCCA) at its 15 package. It required a straining tions to be undertaken at the ing of news releases, organiza- The conference un- December 1979 meeting which of credibility to accept advice to Helsinki accords review con- tion of demonstrations and derscored the importance of revoked UCCA support by both tighten one's belt from ference in a multi- Madrid, scheduled other media-related events. continued systematic defense General Hryhorenko and the millionaire Finance Minister. for November 1980. The proposed bureau of arrested members Western of Clark appeared of the five Representation the equally Approximately thirty would be at the disposal of the Soviet Helsinki monitoring Ukrainian Helsinki Monitoring arrogant in his refusal to admit CDSPP members took part in Western Representatives of the groups, and especially the Group. The CDSPP conference the possibility that they may the conference along with three Armenian, Lithuanian, Russian defense of the Ukrainian passed the following resolution have been wrong in presenting former political prisoners — and Ukrainian Helsinki Helsinki Monitoring Group dealing with this issue: such Draconian measures at Raissa Moroz, Nadia Svitlychna Monitoring Groups, as well as which has been the majortarget this time. Clark and his en- and Nina Strokata.General Petro any groups or individuals in- of Soviet repression. Committees in Defense of tourage persisted to the end of Hryhorenko, the head of the terested in the Helsinki issue Two publications, to Soviet Political Prisoners (Ed- the campaign in what one Western Representation of the from any of the accords' thirty- appear before the Madrid monton, Montreal, New York, newsman described as Ukrainian "a Helsinki Group, was five signatory countries. This hearings in at least English and Philadelphia and Toronto) bunker mentality," convinced unfortunately unable to attend would include groups such as Spanish, are to be published by gathered in New York 19 that victory was still within their because of his involvement in trade unions, civil rights the Committees as a result of the January 1980 to discuss the grasp even though all evidence an automobile accident en organizations and legal conference. One will deal with had pointed to the imminent route to the conference site. associations. The political basis workers' and trade union rights (DEFENSE continued collapse of their political fief- The conference par- tor participation was deter- in the various Helsinki signatory dom for several months. ticipants agreed on page 14) to initiate a mined by the conference to be countries, while the other will ^ '

mVth which ' th Canadian »*»' «* sl«aJrU^iuS^nt^^1^! , r

One bad apple does

narrow ends, organizations not spoil the barrel disagreeing with these ends, Prairie flowers but Conference concerned about the issue, would have to abandon any capers strategies coinciding with those As several articles of the given in this issue of Student indicate the government. release ot a The University of Regina number of Ukrainian dissident activists from the Such a stand may be "prin- Soviet Union in the last Ukrainian Students' Club, cipled' in , a - few years, and especially Valentyn vague theoretical Moroz, has Alpha Omega, would like sense, led to considerable confusion and distress amono to but raises as many many announce that Ukrainians the West. we are hosting problems as it solves. Some of the SUSK Western the , The vicious questions , and distasteful attacks which Conference raised in the . Moroz and his - on March associates have launched on the Western Representation 7, 8, and 9, 1980. article are worth debating , of the at Ukrainian Helsinki Monitoring As well as discussing greater length, Group and its supporters have SUSK but I hardly think - undoubtedly business, we will also that the disappointed and disillusioned many human rights have such simplistic argument ( activists who were involved topics as culture, language used by ' in defence campaigns on behalf of Somchynsky is very . Moroz prejudice, and other humour and satisfying. 1 Ukrainian political prisoners. This may lead folklore some groups for discussion. to make a useful re-evaluation of the nature and We will also be Ivan Jaworsky strategy of their activities holding workshops on various in defence Ottawa, < . of Ukrainian political Ontario prisoners. But aspects of Ukrainian culture. - some may become so disillusioned by these recent - controversies that they may cease or scale Laura Forgie - down their defence work. Secretary In a recent private letter Alpha Omega written from internal exile for . example, a Regina, Are prominent Ukrainian dissident has noted that Saskatchewan you guys - he no longer receives as : much correspondence from abroad as he wontJ whether the skepticism caused by the bizarrehf£r,l°i,behavior* fK of Moroz in the West has influenced emiqre crazy? perceptions of other Ukrainian political prisoners, and warns Olympic-ticked se M oroz is de 'i"'tely unique, and that HLl, „ l „ /, , Moroz speaks on behalf of no-one but himself U d there !°: e be truly unfortunate Your if those who are newspaper is ' in- Saskatoon, Sask. in,JLT !, a I found " "Sj's defence work allow their activities to be Bohdan teresting enough (therefore the negativelynpnSi ? influencedT Somchynsky's article by the erratic behavior of one or two in the last donation). recent arrivals in the West. issue of Student rather con- However, a couple of It will be fusing. If I have interesting, for example, to see how the Ukrainian understood his points: community reacts conclusions to the intensive defence campaign now be correctly, he is (1) Why pick on Moroz? e d bel alf ot proposing that organizations °" Da nylo Shumuk, now tfte °"en1or (2) Is he any crazier than the UkrainianS„ , political? prisoner calling for a boycott Congrats! in the Soviet Union. A member of the of the editors of Student or just about Communist Party of Moscow Olympics Western Ukraine in nter-war Poland reconsider any Ukrainian whose articles War Shu muK joined their stand, since this issue has ,he Ukrainia" Insurgent Army you publish? If so, please ex- ?IJPA? T„Hd WaS , become a sen,enced 10 death (later commuted to political football plain (without getting iv» r twenty- dogmatic s pris nmen, which will be Congratulations > by a Sovietmilitarytribunal.Now65 manipulated to yourself). on your Shumuk Shumuk's case has thus been ignored by manv Ukrainian arc es in the West who resent his critical and uncomprom s I mf&OH THIS posture Amnesty WMJfOH .—BACA ^.•..•UN-ni- International, on the other hand has bee" ^V&KTuV'ii-Pi'* a ?' Ve defence 01 Dan yl° in.?, ,£ Shumuk The Amnest? W.'SZS ALU AAStl f=2FM International Group atthe University AA UF&H of Toronto is organizing an en ire week of AUo\ lAfPgRVkSUS TO activities early in March in defend Sovfe" opoTA&kg....

° rt .^,^ 5 ^?°, SUPP Amnest*

S.S.

I think I'll send^my* STUDENT 1VT W ETUDI I ValentineVa a copy of

^ Please Student! address all correspondence to: ^ Student #206. 11751 - 95 Slreel Edmonton, Alberta Canada T5G 1M1 Phone (403) 474-1002 SUBSCRIBE! -"'ouareapaid member of any Ukrainian Students' Club ,hen be ' y°" """ "living student regularly'" if you are n — not a member, then you stand to miss a "a °plnion the several ' "«°°«»9 Interest, issues of orukra!ntan canSdb'r.•,ud Sludem this year. poiEl ™" ™ *ari °"* '"P'« - social, cultural, "ana" aiiUi" DON'T BE DISAPPOINTED! ACT NOW! SUBSCRIBEl Subscriptions are S5.00 per year Or take two years tor only $9.00

Yes, I want STUDENT! h a re ' ° ,ha mate7alsVr ™ ' *«" ;ubK,o„ = Please send e S5.00 to: " m mber "I Canadian University "J J?, % , Press (CUP1 l^Second Class Registration Number \wh 4883. = Student F: a And r8I,n - ADDRESS ' DarclaAn,t>nishka, Eileen #206, 11751 95 Street pI^ J"'" , S Antonlshka Jar. EE Edmonton, Alberta ' Maku ':h Joanne CITY . Melnychuk, Peter = Canada meinyctiuk,Mdnvehu < rlbinCalvin u Ifi T5G1M1 Melnyk, Roman Oleksil Nestor Pplrlw nn™«U COUNTRY POSTAL CODE . STUDENT, February 1980: Page 2 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHinilHiniUIII "

Strokata and Karavansky in Toronto Danjauanja Bojetchkoboj Boycott Olympics to protest repressions Sviatoslav Karavansky and Soviet Union Nina Strokata, two dissidents will not honour prisonments and harsh con- recently released from Soviet any diplomatic agreement. ditions ... should be placed in Ukraine They will merely [see Student continue the the first ranks of those defend- December program which has 1979], have come been in ed." Strokata quickly added that out in effect for the past " favour of an Olympic sixty years in addition to prominent figures boycott and strongly Karavansky fears against that Soviet "we must not forget about the the Soviet Union may not attend invasion of the con- other political prisoners, whose Afghanistan. ference, while Strokata an- numbers are always in- ticipates Speaking 1 February at a that even if they did creasing press that "the Soviet conference held in Toron- Union and its As individuals, both to's Sheraton traditional demogogic Hotel, the two ap- Strokata and Karavansky are recent exiles outlined proach will exhaust their everyone eager to listen to and discuss a position and deceive them." linking the boycott and wide range of issues. They seek Afghanistan to the suppression Both dissidents stressed information about Ukrainian life of that, despite fears dissent within the Soviet of subjecting in the West, and are interested prominent dissidents Union. Karavansky emphasized to repres- in past, present and future sion by bringing that "a boycott of the Olympics their names to student activities. Ukrainian the should be called, not because of foreground (a la Sakharov), student clubs across Canada that defense the invasion of Afghanistan but Sviatoslav Karavansky Nina Strokata campaigns on their should offer them the oppor- behalf should not because of the internal be dampen- tunity to participate in formal implementations of the Helsinki conference is intended repressions in the to ex- ed. Karavansky cited the ex- Soviet Un- accords. and/or informal discussion He feels that little will pose such things as Soviet amples of Danylo ion." He underscored, however, Shumuk and sessions. Such an exchange of be gained for the Soviet defense violations of his firm opposition to the human rights and Vasyl Romaniuk, who "because Soviet movement since ideas could only prove healthy although "the unjustified invasions ... of presence in Afghanistan, going the their long-term im- for them and we students. even as far as to propose that the United States attack Cuba if the Soviet troops are not Australian experience instructive recalled. Strokata elaborated upon the linkage of Soviet foreign, policy to its internal affairs, Where multiculturalism noting that for years there have been individuals in the Soviet Union who have been pointing is out "parallels in internal and really 'down under' Ivan Jaworsky external policies." Strokata recalled that in January 1977, before the first arrests of the Australia, which used to have Until recently the non-British organizations a which have providing a clear framework for members of the Helsinki reputation as the most Anglo- ethnic groups in Australia kept arisen in several states to a "multiculturalism" Monitoring Saxon dominion in the policy, and Groups, she was British to themselves and were fairly express Commonwealth, the viewpoints and realistically defining the scope present at a meeting of the has in the last passive. The host society aspirations ethnic of minorities, and limits of "multiculturalism". Moscow Helsinki Group. Held few years begun to adopt much assumed that they would be and which in some cases have But although this in Moscow at the of of the multicultural rhetoric concept still residence we quickly assimilated, and it was become efficient lobby groups represents a somewhat abstract Alexander Ginzburg, the take for granted in Canada, as only during the sixties that the ,for ethnic interests. Ethnic ideal, the prospects for meeting was convened in one can see from the titles of a increasing proportion of non- activists from the Greek and government response to a wave few recent Australian publica- recognition of of house Bn'tish immigrants in the inner- Italian communities have also searches ethnocultural pluralism in conducted by the tions: Ethnic Rights, Power and city cores of major urban become more aggressive within Australia are no worse than in KGB. A statement was drafted Participation: Toward a Mul- centers such as Melbourne, the Australian trade union Canada. The extent to which claiming that "the step up of ticultural Australia; Australia Victoria and Sydney drew much movement, and have tried to immigrant societies such as repressive measures leads us to 2000: The Ethnic Impact; public attention. Even then, modify the hostite attitude of Canada and Australia recog- think that the Soviet Union is Australia as a Multicultural attitudes were often patroniz- most trade unionists of British nize ethnic minorities depends taking on some kind of military Society. ing. Immigrants and their background toward immi- a great deal on how they action," Sakharov, who It was so happens that since the children were usually simply grants. mobilize also present at their political this meeting, Second World War Australia treated as "problems"; school The experience of minority resources, and it seems that felt no need to make such a has the received a higher and welfare officials felt that if a ethnic groups in Australia has non-British ethnic groups in harsh statement and expressed proportion of immigrants than little more attention was therefore differed considerably Australia, which have shared concern over the possible almost any other country in the devoted to some of their more from that in Canada, where the many common experiences repercussions it might have; the as world, and approximately one- pressing needs, itwould only be most active promoters of draft was post-Second World War revised, omitting the quarter of its population is now a matter of time before they multiculturalism have been reference immigrants to Australia, have to military action. "I made up of non-British became "model" Australians. Ukrainian Canadians and other been able to cooperate much wonder if Sakharov now immigrants and their children. The climate for cultural representatives of the more effectively than minority remembers this, when living in But is Australia in fact any more pluralism in Australia changed "established" ethnic groups ethnic groups in Canada in Gorky," said Strokata. a "multicultural" country than considerably in the early who can sometimes trace their presenting cohesive demands When queried on the at- Canada? How does the seventies. The 1972 election immigrant forefathers back to the government. Much will titude of the Soviet people situation there differ from that was the first election, for three or four generations. Their depend on whether they can towards increased militarism, in Canada? example, in which a political concerns are often quite continue to Strokata press their stated that "there is a There is a tremendous party (Labor) attempted to different from those of more demands complicated on the government in two-fold attitude amount of diversity both within genuinely appeal to minority recent immigrants, especially towards a coordinated fashion. war." She emphasized and among the non-Anglo- ethnic groups. The Labor the "visible minorities," and the Likewise, although there is that an anti-war feeling exists Saxon and non-French ethnic government which took office lack of a dialogue between much to complain about in among the generation which groups in in 1972 Canada, and one of was committed to a these two sectors of the Canada as far as the vividly remembers the horrors the greatest problems the sweeping program of social "ethnic" community has government's recognition of of the Second World War, but Canadian federal government's change, and the first Minister strongly of hindered attempts to minority ethnic groups is that it "remains very private." multiculturalism Immigration policy has in the new cabinet, create an ethnic "lobby" and to concerned, one should avoid However, as soon as Soviet faced is trying Al Grassby, to cater to the became a strong exert any effective pressure on relying primarily on the "good propaganda is intensified, she wide range of interests advocate of found "multiculturalism" Canadian federal or provincial will" of the government to claimed, their attitude changes, among these disparate groups. in Australia. governments. correct this situation. These and "those same people who It is difficult enough getting spoke of the horrors ... now several of our myriad Ukrainian speak of victory." Such at- organizations in Canada to titudes should not be startling coordinate any of their since, as Karavansky pointed activities; just imagine trying to out, the young are constantly get much cooperation among being prepared for war by the representatives of ethnic schools. groups which, at least at first Returning to the Olympic glance, appear to have very boycott, the dissidents claimed little in common. that the Soviet people are The situation is somewhat relatively isolated from the simpler in Australia. Although a discussion. Karavansky stated wide range of ethnic groups is that those who listen to foreign also found there, the vast radio broadcasts are informed majority of the members of non- about the boycott; yet he felt British ethnic groups came to that "the Soviet people will not Australia after the Second act differently even if they know World War, or are their children. about it," stressing the power In addition, although Australia which the Soviet propaganda accepted a considerable machine has its The on citizens. "If number of east European non-British ethnic Numerous problems face the groups should also begin to pay the games don't take groups place," refugees (including Ukrain- have themselves multiculturalism movement in more attention to the Strokata become added, "the Soviet ians) soon after the war, the more active in the Australia. Many Anglo- coordination of their political people, no matter how misin- overwhelming majority of political process. Many ethnic Australians are willing to accept resources, and become more formed, will be presented with a recent immigrants has come group representatives, espec- only superficial aspects of aggressive in their approach to fait accompli . They will then ially from from southern Europe; the the younger ethnocultural pluralism, and government.' if the Canadian realize that the is taking generation, West a three largest non-British ethnic have rejected the there are strong racist multiculturalism policy is to different attitude towards their groups in the country today are paternalistic approach of many tendencies in some sectors of become much more than a country, which may evoke what the Italians, Greeks, and Australian institutions, and Australian society. In addition, symbolic acknowledgement of could prove to be a very positive Yugoslavia (Croats and Serbs). have begun to insist on ethnic although the word "multicul- Canada's ethnic diversity. This response." These large groups are of rights, dignity and pluralism as turalism" and the concept of is where the Australian Karavansky also assessed similar cultural backgrounds, a positive, creative force. Much ethnocultural pluralism have experience may perhaps be the possible outcome of the and have shared many of the of their attention has been become increasingly popular in most instructive. forthcoming Madrid con- same problems and experi- focussed on Ethnic Commun- Australia, there has been a ference which would review the ences in adapting to Australian ities Councils, independent great deal of difficulty in society. Page 3: STUDENT, February 1980 " . "

Taras Chornowol towards

"/ street urchin. I to Taras went to to study at Carl Berger's Jaras Chornowol is an artist of exceptional and was a loved fool around in New York diverse talents. This foremost Canadian jazz violinist the streets. My mind was into climbing trees "Creative Music Studio" with names like Anthony Braxton has performed with such greats as Zoot Sims, and falling out of the sky, but finally I got all and Jack DeJohnette. He stayed there only a couple of Kaufmanand Don Francks, to name a few. Taras is also that together and did the prerequisites for my months, finding it much too free-form for his a late-budding visual artist whose intensity and grade 10 violin, piano, and harmony." liking. instinctive approach to this medium are indeed "/ wanted to be a lot more familiar with the remarkable In the wake of a highly acclaimed showing He toured Europe with the Edmonton Youth Orchestra, roots of improvized music. I guess I was of his works at the Scorpio Gallery in Toronto, Taras acting as assistant concert master and later as concert looking a bit more for melody at the time. So I to the Rice Gallery at the Citadel master. His natural curiousity then led him into has brought his show hung out more in the city than at the school, something else altogether . . . the world of jazz. His in Edmonton. just going to the nightclubs, listening to 1954, to a family with brother, Adrian, had left home early as an ac- Taras was born in Edmonton, people like McCoy Tyner and Rolland Kirk. long tradition producing performing artists. complished classical pianist, and had become one of a of That really taught me a lot more." Canada's most fascinating jazz pianists. It was only a of time before Taras delved into it as well. "There was so much music happening around matter From New York Taras went to Toronto where it was the house with Adrian playing the piano and intimated by some local musicians that it was hard my father playing the violin constantly, that as "I was so engrossed in practicing 8 to 10 hours enough for them to get any work around town even 7 didn't the light of day. All I without outsiders, left a little tad of probably five or six, I wanted to a day, that see any so he and came back to I started get in on some of the action. So the first thing wanted to know was classical. Then Edmonton and "the classical scene." Taras then they did was buy me one of those plastic, listening to different music. I realized how bumped into Dale Hillary of "Lighthouse" who at this cheap violins which I immediately destroyed much I was missing, how one-sided I had time was looking for "a different sound". Taras did a " I heard Stephane because of its horrible tone. become . . .. then whammo, concert with him and then played for a while in the Grappelli." violin rock band "King-Kong". Hillary then invited In this inspiring milieu, warmly referred to byTarasasa Taras to come to Toronto to put together a band and "monkey see, monkey do", the "artist to be" began the The incident that really hooked Taras to jazz was open up a club. As Taras had already been planning to search for his creative self. For eight years he took actually his first effort at public improvization. go"back to legit playing'atthe University ofToronto, so violin lessons from a very caring instructor, Sergei he went. Hillary introduced Taras to Don Francks, and Eremenko. but as circumstances would always seem to "A band was taking a break at "The Hovel' [A together they put together not only a show, but a club. have it for the very sensitive, Taras got more than his now defunct music club in Edmonton-, and we share of mock and ridicule for his affair with this decided to play just amidst the a udience, in the "It was a fantastic experience. This was my "effeminite" instrument. Taras remembers going aisles, and we started playing, and people intro to the business end of music. While this through alleys trying to hide his violin, holding it started getting off on it. Suddenly we got was alive, it gave us an opportunity to realize at alongside his leg so his friends couldn't see it. The shoved right up onto stage, so we're playing least partially a dream that all of us had; which "street" saw the violin as very "pansy". "Christ, even away and suddenly the band comes up and was to have a place that could play not only

I get laying trips is today people on me because I play the joins us and the place rocking, and jazz but all kinds of music. For example, we violin." everybody's having a great time. Ever since would play Vivaldi, and Don Francks would its But eight years of rebellious "shot-gun marriage" then, I think I've been hooked to jazz and sing some blues on top of it. It was so with the violin finally blossomed into quite a romance, audience response. I had not had that kind of fascinating, that we had from 60 year old despite . . a swearing to vengeance and divorce "when I an experience with audiences classically couples, to teenager punkers sitting in the [Taras] grow up." For some reason, at age 16, Taras Oh, it's fine, and they clap, but who gets up in audience, getting off and having a good time. turned around and began taking it very seriously. the middle of the "Bruch Concerto" and The club was called "A Nice Place "and it really boogies in the middle of the floor? Which was. "/ was getting affected by the proficiency of usually helps one play a lot better, loosens you the people around me in the Edmonton Youth up. Once you get out there you swing!" While the club was in existence, Taras did a lot of Orchestra. When you work with somebody contract work around Toronto, such as the C.B.C.'s who's a little or a lot above you, you've got Taras then signed up for a jazz program at a local Don McLean Show, Canada after Dark, and Paul

something that pulls you us.. . you want to be college and began doing scales, modes and changes, Williams at the Royal York {for several weeks). He did

at that level. Also I finally realized that I could learning a little more about what he was getting into. back-up work on albums for people like Gordon express myself more honestly through my During this time Taras and some of his teachers played Lightfoot, Ringo Starr, and Anne Murray, along with

instrument, than t could verbally. In a way I'm in a band called"The Next Day's Hill.which performed commercials and jingles with other violinists like

sort of a Steppenwotf in which I like to be alone all over Edmonton. Steven Staryk and David Zaeffer. a lot, therefore it was probably a personality trait, and it hit me that I could actually speak "We started a late-night Jazz program at the "What basically kept me alive and kept me what I felt on the instrument. Listening to other Hovel which began at 1:00 a.m., for anybody to going was the studio scene. Then Adrian violinists, dumbfounded me with what could come down and sit in and play. It was a pretty dropped by on his way from the Manhattan be done, so what had been half an hour of loose format, which was fantastic. Some of the School of Music and stayed for a few months. practice a week was suddenly four to eight best sessions that ever happened anywhere We formed a trio, along with Don Francks, hours of practice a day. Actually, probably were the late night sessions because they were which was one of the most exciting things that because I was not so emotionally involved with loose; you could say what you couldn't say I've done. I never really had a chance to work the instrument before, did very well at all the I during the day. It caught on like wildfire. with Adrian very much until then, and it got Music Festivals, I and every year went there I Within a couple of weeks we actually had off." think I took away first prize, that is until I really packed houses lor "Late Night ". We'd play

in it . . . got interested and today when I meet from 1:00 a.m. til 7 or 8 in the morning when Adrian then left for Edmonton and Taras ran into Hillary musicians who do it more as a hobby and a we'd go for breakfast. It was a nice way to meet again. "Lighthouse" was re-forming so Taras joinedthe pleasure, I almost envy them because they a lot of people. These were probably some of band and went on tour, doing arranging forthem along don't get that involved, they're relaxed, more the nicest times that I spent. Soon this caught the way. Reviewers referred to Taras as "a joy on the

there's no big deal . . . and that 's actually it how on and so did the business aspect of it, and electric violin, imparting an intelligence "Lighthouse" should be especially with cat that's a perfor- they decided to organize it all. never had previously." ming. What's happened, is it has become so Now back in Edmonton, Taras and Adrian are hyper competition-wise, people taking it so playing together again, having just finished a C.B.C. Taras then left for New York. "Late Night Jazz" fell seriously, that a lot of artists have gone down shortly Jazz Radio Canada program. As the Edmonton Journal the apart after. tube. Because of the kind of life that it is, announced in a recent review, "Chornowol's fiddle is you're never certain whether you're going to fired up with impressive technique and finesse across "Hell, this is Edmonton, Alberta. When you be working." the board, whether on Ponty fusion or Grapelli Hot don't have that big a demand for jazz and you Club Swing, the man has a light touch and an intelligent start organizing it and charging big bucks at Taras began performing frequently, and making grasp of his instrument. Chornowol is back in town and the door and all that ...I think there could be a television appearances with a violin quartet which, we'll all be better for it." better way of doing it. Right now I don't have under the masterly guidance of Taras's new violin But one of the main reasons Taras returned to the answer, although I would if I had a place to teacher Ranald Shean, "world-premiered" Violet Edmonton was to his do it myself. It's something I've always wanted bring art show to the city. Having Archer's quartet for four violins. just displayed his works around Toronto, where he also to do too . . . just have a place for people to " play. made several television appearances, Taras returned home with the fruits of several years of creative labor. Basically self-taught, it has only been in the last little while that he has been trying to have the visual aspect of his artistic nature recognized.

"My work is quite different than what the people encourage here. It's away from big

skys and elevator scenes. This doesn't mean I don't like nature. I love it. It's one of my greatest inspirations, but so is my imagination. I would call my work a mixture of "reefer

realism" and "potent surrealism". I think my work is greatly influenced by my performing and by people. To me, one of the most exciting things is to be able to capture a state of being, Fantostychna an essence of the person, or maybe what he's Symfonw gone through, the primal and basic emotions, instincts that are inherent in people. The language of words often screws up. It's like taking what you want to say from your heart and dropping it into a bowl as ingredients, and usually unless you're a very good cook, you're going to get something that taste bad."

Sometimes Taras won't touch the canvas for months, but then he will sit down and work eight hours a day.

"When I sit down to paint, I work at it very slowly. Every part of that painting has got to mean something, to make sense to me. I may have worked on it for days, but I'll erase it and

STUDENT, February 1980: Page 4 7

Michael Savaryn total creativity

know. What drags me down is a closed mind, it would be nice for people to open up their imaginations a little. If that were to happen, a lot of artists who see beyond "prairie scenes" would be more acceptable, and wouldn't have to drive trucks. Is there a solution? Not when you're dealing with business. I don't think you can re-educate the public either. • In this day and age of fads, fashions The artist is and overman! sensations it's often ahead of his time. The people who set the indeed comforting to learn that some things never change The pace were always latest issue of Socialist Voice put down. Maybe it's a — get one now as it is sure to become prerequisite to making it as an artist, that once a collector's item — reveals that at least local Trotskyists are remaining you die, maybe you'll make some money." true to the heritage of their late but great guru In a front page editorial, reinforced by a background article inside the voice of the vanguard explains in great As Taras grew up in a very Ukrainian environment detail the party line on the Soviet it^seemed logical adventure in Afghanistan for the benefit of the faithful to ask him about its influence on his and the Canadian proletariat alike. Essentially, the articles advance the argument that revolutionaries must give their admittedly qualified support to the Soviefintervention, "because "I'm not a nationalist. I'm Ukrainian though. despite all of its faults (attributable to Stalin, of course), the Soviet Ukrainian is my native Union will still tongue. Berlioz called ultimately exert a positive and progressive influence in that semi- his work "Symphonie Fantastique", I called barbaric part of the world. They will, for instance, guarantee mine "Fantastychna Symfonia". It rounds me religious freedom and make sure that the rightsof ethnic minorities out more. It gives me another way of looking at get recognition and respect. They will also ensure, by their military life. It gives me another facet, like a fly that has presence, that the agents of American imperialism do not a million faceted eyes. I'd love to be able to meddle in the affairs of the region. communicate with everybody. That's why Claiming that the social revolution launched by the previous music is such a nice thing. Some of my pro-Soviet regime was well-intentioned but rather heavy-handed in compositions have been affected a little by its approach — provoking mass desertions from the army and that ethnic sound. It's there somewhere and armed resistance from the reactionary peasantry in whose maybe it will make its realization in some interests it was being advanced — the Voice argues that it was things that I do. But I think I keep away from necessary to bring in Soviet troops because the entire venture was that stuff in that it has become such a in danger of collapse. Presumably that is also why it was necessary nationalistic thing and that's all. I want to use it to eliminate all of the incompetents associated with the old for its total creative purposes and for nothing leadership and to bring in thousands of expert nationalistic bureaucrats from or political. And that's probably the Soviet Union. why I kept away from it because it was always If it all sounds vaguely familiar — the contembt for the Stepping Stones pounded into us to be such heavy Ukrainians, peasantry, the references to the imminent threat of counter- and to show it in everything that we did. I think revolution, and the underlying justification of revolutiori imported it should just be an enhancement of the way from outside and imposed from above — that's because exactly the you leadyour life. Itshould bea positive thing, same arguments were used by the Bolsheviks to crush opposition not something you should stand up against to their dictatorship in Ukraine, at Kronstadt, and feel elsewhere. So the better that I've got exactly what I want. It something else with. So when I do use it, it will Socialist Voice is commendably following in the footsteps of their takes a lot of work, and it be in a totally usually totals me. I'll creative sense. Maybe that's revolutionary ancestors. go out into the street, green from lack what I have to get out of first, of my system just But why dredge up ancient history? sunshine and fresh air, but I'll feel I'm getting thinking of it as a purely nationalistic thing. It Just ask any Ukrainian Trotskyist for the correct explanation closer to producing something. I want to be would probably come to me a lot sooner if I as to why it is necessary to support the big brotherly actions of the able to put down on canvas something that's had a possibility of going there, going to Soviets in Afghanistan. Although it might be difficult to find one going to affect people for years. Miles Davis Ukraine, and living with the people. I mean these days, the cartwheels of logic they will undoubtedly perform once said: "If I can blow one line of ethnically, and earning them. good jazz a from Shche ne are sure to make the effort ^worthwhile entertainment. night, something that makes sense, and vmerla Ukraine ni slava ni volia . . . what else something that's new, then it's all worth it". For can you say. Lets hope that it's free some day. • Although our favourite Rhino did not make it to Ottawa, something to have meaning, you have to put Let's hope that every country's free, someday. a Volodymyr Koskovych is hardly dismayed. "We outpolled the lot of work into it. I'm not against anything I fight for it in heart. hope my Let's that Socreds in Calgary," he said, "and stomped the shit out of the avant-guarde, if it can say something, if it everyone can live together can someday." Marxist-Leninists and Communist Party hacks everywhere." move me. People like hearing and seeing (Status, after all, is relative). Vlodko figures his chances of things they can relate to, things they've heard On that note of brotherly love, we left Taras with his sneaking in between the pillars of power are not over yet. "The and seen a million times before. That's all they work and our best wishes. Senate! The Senate!" he bellowed, "I mean they are all closet Rhinos in the Senate. After that I'm a shoo-in for a Cabinet post — I mean, my friends need jobs too!" Although Rhino pollsters in Stefan Semykivsky Will Multiculturalism suffer? Edmonton had placed their party far ahead of even the Laterals and the Regressive-Preservatives, Koskovych was not disillusioned by the final results, quipping philosophically that "Ukrainians never trusted polls anyway."

Post-election bureaucracide • Many Ukrainian Canadians were disappointed to hear that John George Diefenbaker was not re-elected in his Prince Albert riding. Furthermore, they were surprised to find out that he was not even effort to prevent the "other" Many civil servants in Ot- the concept of multiculturalism. running. And they were positively shocked when they discovered tawa breathed a sigh of relief on ethnic groups from feeling It is difficult to gauge the that he had not even been nominated. When they found he was alienated in the wake of the sincerity of the short-lived Con- 18 February when the Liberals dead, they were speechless. Many were stilt awaiting the punchline of official servative with returned to power in Ottawa. announcement government to his immortal U.N. statement. "And what about the freedom- For many inhabitants of that bilingualism. respect to multiculturalism; loving Ukrainians?" enlightened center of of- However, although these there are some indications that ficialdom the brief period when new initiatives helped to sen- the Conservatives were just as • Attention members of the Ukrainian Insurrectionist Army! the Conservatives held office sitize the public to many impor- willing to manipulate the policy Comrade Makhno's account of his meeting with Lenin in the simply represented a tiny ripple tant and neglected problems in for short-term partisan gain as Kremlin in 1918 is now available for the first time to the English in the unbroken stream of the Canadian society, little thought were the Liberals. However, the reading masses. Published under the title My Visit to the Kremlin, Liberal dynasty in Ottawa, and was given to the long-term Conservatives did make a com- this chapter from our Bat'ko's autobiography has been translated should be forgotten as soon as implications and stability of the mitment to raise the status and and issued in pamphlet form and can be obtained (for mere kopeks possible. Many civil servants programs set up to implement profile of the multiculturalism and the cost of postage) through the Black Cat Press, at P.O. Box are eagerly looking forward to these initiatives. After the eu- program within the Secretary of 11261, Edmonton, Alberta. Canada. T5J 2T6. Otherpamphletsthat returning to the halycon days phoria of the early seventies State Department, and there have been put out by this press include Comrade Maximoff's when their word was law in passed by, the activities of the was some potential for modest Syndicalists in the Russian Revolution; Poland 1 976: State Ottawa, and Trudeau and his multiculturalism program, for successes in this area. Certainly Capitalism in Crisis; and the Max Nomad classic Masters Old and "superbureaucrat" associates example, became increasingly the Conservatives were less New. In the works are several new titles, among them a rare tinkered with all the latest liable to partisan political reluctant than the Liberals to description of the Kronstadt uprising by Anton Ciliga. Also of buzzwords in modern manage- manipulation. In addition, the interfere in the internal interest to Nabat members is the news that the French edition of ment theory (PPBS, MBO, etc.) status of the relatively small processes of the senior our Bat'ko's autobiography was recently re-issued with a preface to create a technocrat's Multiculturalism Directorate bureaucracy, and to propose by Daniel Guerin. Clearly, word about our movement is spreading paradise on the banks of the within the Secretary of State some fairly drastic — can anarchy be far off? mighty Ottawa River. Department, and the respon- reorganizations. • You learn something new everyday, so they say. And Sunday 1 Actually, one shouldn't be sibilities of the Minister of State with the return of the February Toronto students were privileged to learn that they are too cynical, forthere were some for Multiculturalism, were never Liberals, however, bureaucratic not only infiltrated but overwhelmingly "ravaged" by — you guessed fairly novel, developments in clearly defined. As time went on inertia will probably again rear jt _ our old friend, the original red herring with the bushy some branches of the civil the senior bureaucracy of the its head in the Secretary of State f eyebrows, ssssshhhhh ... furtive glance left and right ... hushed service during the early seven- Secretary of State Department Department. The Mul- tones .... m..a..r..x..i..s..m. ... It seems at a meeting of Toronto's ties. For example, a team of became increasingly en- ticulturalism Directorate will youth with Nina Strokata and Sviatoslav Karavansky. organized dynamic "guerilla" bureaucrats trenched and inflexible, and likely remain a small and rather jointly by Toronto's youth organizations (SUM, Plast. ODUM. such as Bernard Ostry were let many important initiatives insignificant unit, with little SUMK and the U of T USC), Karavansky let the cat out of the bag by loose on the Secretary of State proposed by the Mul- autonomy, within this massive informing the group that en route to the meeting he had been Department to "shake up" this ticulturalism Directorate or the sector of the civil service, its briefed on that all-pervasive crimson spectre looming over rather staid and slow-moving Minister of State for Mul- initiatives will continue to be Toronto's cadres of youth. The source of information was none unit. buzzword "par- ticulturalism were almost in- frustrated by senior The was other than one of the meeting's organizers and chaueffer-for-a-day, ticipation," and considerable evitably stymied by senior bureaucrats in the department, M. Muzyczka, who also moonlights as holovnyi vykhovnyk for the money was spent to set up a bureaucrats in this department. and the Minister of State for national office of SUM. Interestingly enough Muzyczka was not women's bureau, OFY (Oppor- Unfortunately, much of the Multiculturalism will remain a about to produce even one SUMivetz, or -ka to represent his tunities for Youth) and human resistance to these initiatives figurehead. organization at the meeting; perhaps this was his rationale for rights programs, and to expand came from senior civil servants Unfortunately, it seems that taking a seat on the front panel reserved for the Karavanskys and travel, exchange, and hostel of French-Canadian although it was a Liberal the presiding chairperson. The meeting was attended by about 30 programs. This was also the background, who on the whole government which first an- of Toronto's youth, and the most visible shades of red present were period when the multicultural have shown little interest, and nounced the multiculturalism in the eyeballs of club members — the consequence of wild occasionally even hostility to, policy, it may very well be a policy was announced in an the previous day's evening-to-dawn celebration Liberal government which also indulgence during the of U of T's Ukrainian Week. presides over its demise. of end

Page 5: STUDENT, February 1980 Okhrym Holopupenko's Mediascope BOOK REVIEWS

Bohdanna Horich-Cmoc. Zaichyk Natalchyk: Mushka Motrushka; Hosti. Toronto:- Sadochok, 1979. $3.75 each or The CRTC and Edmonton $10.00 per set of three. 1 VO 1 1 ethnic radio -UMOUb The Canadian Radio Television and Telecommunications - Commission (CRTC) regularly travels between Canadian cities to - hear out issues as they pertain to the broadcasting industry. It moves into Edmonton in early March to entertain applications for the licensing ot an AM band (1480 on the dial), multilingual radio station to serve Edmonton and outlying regions. No doubt there is a need tor a media outlet of this nature. And given the ethnic demographics of Edmonton, the size of the city's Ukrainian population will surely warrant a good deal of air time devoted to Ukrainian language programming. This month's , , , Mediascope takes a look at the two proposals for "ethnic radio" in . . - Edmonton, and poses some questions Ukrainians should be , - . prepared - to ask both applicants if their needs and desires are to be . , . , fulfilled. - , - , first application is , The being tendered by well-known . , - . Edmonton broadcaster Roger Charest. former owner of stations in , - Fort McMurray, Westlock, and St. Paul, Alberta. Charest previously , . - , - , .. - applied for the licensing of an FM multilingual radio station in ! , - December 1978. At the the fit , time CRTC saw to deny the , application. , . Charest now proposes the establishment of a 10,000 . - , - watt operation that would initially broadcast approximately 19 . hours daily. . The second contender is one Ernest MyKyte, currently the president-manager of radio station CJJC-AM in Langley, British . Columbia. Mykyte will present the CRTC with a proposal which , would allow for the creation of a 50,000 watt outlet that would ' operate - 24 hours a day. , , . Employment-wise, the Charest application would support a . full-time staff of 1 5, to be assisted by the Ethnic Activities Reporting . System (EARS) — a network of ethnic stringers and cor- respondents that supposedly has been in training since June 1979. By contrast, the Mykyte proposal would provide for a full-time staff terror of of A an 24, along with 20 part-time free-lance workers. alternative To date, both applicants have refrained from releasing exact Christine Burdeniuk details on proposed Ukrainian programming. Charest has promis- Frederick Forsyth. The Devil's Alternative. London: Hutchinson & ed that 8 percent of his weekly broadcast time would be allocated to Co.. 1979. 479 pp. $14.95. Ukrainians. That means approximately 10.8 hours of Ukrainian programming weekly, or 1.54 hours daily. Mykyte 's proposaJ would Reader response to the somehow be admired, even at his own 'narrow' devote 4.8 percent of weekly broadcast time to Ukrainians. A provincial book The Devil's Alternative is face value, his motivation for percentage breakdown this cause. What ensues is massive shows would allow for 8.06 hours of likely to be one of anger: anger implementing this genius is not political scrambling to Ukrainian language programming weekly, or 1.15 hours daily. keep the with the fact that Forsyth so clear. Firstly, Forsyth uses an factionalized What time slots these programs would occupy has not been Soviet Politburo badly uses character absolute minimum revealed by either Charest or Mykyte. amount of in the hands of "rational" men in stereotypes, cliche plots and narration in trying to establish the effort to stave off war, Neither of the applicants has deemed necessary to announce and a situations. The cliche and the Drach's nationalistic sen- horrendous details of the proposed structure and content of their Ukrainian environmental stereotype are useful literary timents and consequent threat to broadcasts. Charest has been consulting extensively with certain most of the northern techniques, but not as sub- terrorist behaviour. Relying community activists and with Edmonton radio producer Roman European nations. Thus, the stitutes for character develop- heavily on a few pat Ukrainian real result of this Onufrijchuk, former premiere Ukrainian broadcaster in Winnipeg behaviour is ment. Neither Adam Munro, the phrases and the notion of the portrayal and a motive force behind the creation of innovative and of the Soviet British diplomat/agent, nor An- brotherhood among coun- regime, and the world, entertaining Ukrainian radio programming in that city. A good as vic- drew Drake (Andrii Orach) the trymen, the author expects the tims choice and a good start, to say the least. of reactionaries. Even the Ukrainian nationalist-terrorist, reader to accept Drach's ex- chairman of the K.G.B. The Mykyte camp, on the other hand, is keeping a very low can eke nor any of the American or tremist tactics profile. Mediascope has as legitimately more sympathy out of the learned, however, that Mykyte has secured Soviet 'big shots' so liberally motivated actions. The result is reader the services of veteran Ukrainian broadcaster Dan Chomlak as than the small band of spread throughout the book not what Forsyth likely intend- both a shareholder and sales manager for his Ukrainian nationalists. The proposed mul- can qualify as fully-rounded ed, i.e. merely a comment on Ukrainian cause is tilingual operation. It sounds ominous already. We can only hope portrayed as personalities. terrorist activity, but that Chomlak would be kept as far away from influencing Ukrainian a severe little more than violent This factor is particularly blow to the Ukrainian com- programming structure and content as possible. Where that man behaviour that jeopardizes important in considering the munity. treads, cacophony follows. much more than it could ever role of Andrii Drach. While his Forsyth's terrorist Both Charest and Mykyte have been tight-lipped about the seeks to hope to remedy. strategical genius can hold the world at bay to serve possibility of educational Ukrainian broadcasts. While the latter Throughout the rest of the won't be commercial money-makers, they are desperately needed book Forsyth seeks to by the Ukrainian community and could be financially we willing ameliorate the blows he has subsidized to familiarize ourselves with the two proposals for via other channels. Neither of the prospective candidates multilingual administered to the reader's has radio in Edmonton to theextent that we are able to add expounded on the feasibility of bilingual a sensibilities. But the damage is Ukrainian/English knowledgeable vote of support to our preferred choice"? Will the programming. Broadcasts of this nature be done and his band-aid techni- may a necessity if non- rumoured-to-be-existing Ukrainian Professional and Business Ukrainian speaking elements of the community ques only cause further irrita- and non- Club media action committee have a brief prepared for the Ukrainians are not to be alienated. upcoming tion. The fact that Drach in the CRTC hearings, or will it lie dormant for the usual five Little is known about how either applicant end really does not kill anyone, intends to gain the years until it finally gets its act together? Are Ukrainian support of Ukrainian advertisers for their that the Politburo remains in- proposed Ukrainian businessmen at long last going to realize that their businesses programs. This only tact and promises to be one of the most critical issues. stand to if "committed" to peace, One gam they advertise on the Ukrainian programs, and that need only consider Winnipeg's multilingual the that the Americans pull off radio operation CKJS programs' very survival depends on their coming up with and its perpetual problem of securing Ukrainian advertisers advertising dollars? another international political to Are the listeners prepared to write letters of realize that a similar obstacle could present coup, and that the British re- itself in Edmonton support once the Ukrainian programs go to air? Winnipeq's Of the two applications, the Charest proposal Ukrainian main ever the essential appears the community proved itself incapable of any of the above most solid and realistic. Charest is middlemen are conclusions prepared to swallow an resulting in the chaotic condition of Ukrainian programming on operational deficit for the first two years, while Mykyte is predicting that citys multilingual that the reader can do without. station. And it could very well happenrr in profits in his first year of operation. And that always spells danger- Edmonton. There are points of interest, approach with caution. Quality could be sacrificed for the almighty Ukrainians will even ot intrigue, but the book is have the final say in whether they will be dollar. This writer is prepared anti-climatic to throw full support behind the deluged with tacky polka music and bastardized from page one (let Charest application, Ukrainian or providing that the questions raised above are whether they will alone when Drach isengulfed in answered receive quality Ukrainian programminq God with satisfaction. knows we could flames of burning oil, scream- use the latter, and have the potential resources in The bottom line is ing " ne vmerla community involvement. It should be our community to Shche come up with it. And if we get the former it's only remembered that .". whichever application is approved Ukraina. . the resulting because we deserve it, our hands having found their multilingual station usual restino will be there to serve the community But by the place beneath our backsides. At best The Devil's Alter- same token, if the venture is native lacks to succeed, the community of Ue nearin s wi be held sophistication; at prospective 9 " at the Edmonton Plaza Hotel listeners will have to make a J PPI° worst, it is an attempt to tremendous input Then on March 5,6 and 7, and Edmonton's Ukrainian per- let s ask ourselves: are ready community should suade we to do that? Or do we really care? not be left without a voice in these Harleguin Romance proceedings. Let's see if for once Past practice has shown that when listeners regard a Ukrainian we can do groupies that "political" fiction away with the notorious Ukrainian tendency for inaction program on a multilingual station as substandard, it contains the same genre of they themselves is to be hoped that there indeed are action plot are at least as groups who are much to blame as are the station's owners and planning on submitting briefs and character development as at these hearings which will express program producers. How many of us are their literary pablum does. writing letters to the opinions and ideas as to what type of Ukrainian programminq More CRTC indicating that we support the regrettable, the concept of multilingual radio'' community desires and is willing to though, is the Are our actively support. Only then can illustrious Ukrainian organizations sending letters of Ukrainian Edmontonians be assured book's slighting of the Ukrai- support? that their best interests will Multiculturalism be damned — the validity of be given nian people; for the actions of this fair representation, and that the new multilinqual radio broadcasting concept is the still in doubt! Are we suggesting ideas we station will supply the community few are always attributed to with a quality service it so would like to see incorporated into Ukrainian programming'? Are desperately needs. the many.

STUDENT, February 1980: Page 6 1 6

Vicious campaign takes on new dimensions Nestor Makuch Relentless attack on Helsinki Group escalate*

An inquisition has been dependence and relations Russia" with all republics of the nationalities tension. defend himself, — a launched against those in- between peoples of the USSR," USSR and the concept of "courtesy" "Rus- which even dividuals among Ukrainians even before the 15 December sian" with all the peoples of the 4) Hryhorenko, by virtue of his the Soviet Union seldom abroad who are doing more meeting (Narodna volla, 27 statements and work with the denies its accused. The than anyone else to defend September 1979, Ukrainski vistl Moscow Helsinki Group and question of why this Soviet Ukrainian political 31 October 1979; Svoboda Hryhorenko once again Kontinent is placing himself campaign has been escalated to argues on a political such a degree is a valid prisoners. printed it in its 17 January 1980 and not "beyond the realm of Ukrainian one. The ethnographic Ukrainian General Petro Hryhorenko issue). basis, seeking to politics": Democratic Move- avoid the racist association ment, in an appeal and the Western Representa- The onslaught has also of Hryhorenko does not feel that it published by "Russian" with Ukrainskyi tion of the Ukrainian Helsinki been sanctioned by Valentyn "enemy of is of benefit for Ukrainians or holos (13 February Ukrainian." 1980) offers the Group have once again been Moroz. In a recent "Open Letter other groups to work in restric- following ex- 3.) Moscow is not planation: put on "trial", this time in the to the Ukrainian Helsinki Group conducting a tive and pananoicethnographic policy of In Russification and is isolation (which Moroz West. what has been aptly Concerning , Petro and the not enslaving Ukraine: The [OUN-b] termed a "Kangaroo Court" Hryhorenko's Leadership of OUN-b seem to favour). He has has always Hryhorenko states that national stated (Norodna volia, appeared before the Ukrainian (KanadMskyf Farmer, 1 the so-called 'Western 1 inequality community m the guise of February 1980), Hryhorenko Representation'," Moroz echos was removed in the August 1979) that Ukrainians a Soviet representative of not so much and the Union must prepare for the collapse of his Group have been ac- charges brought forward by the emigration, but more of the the Soviet Empire by es- cused by Valentyn Moroz and the OUN-b, and implies the Ukrainian people [as a whole] By suppressing all nations, all tablishing the Organization of Ukrainian 'treasonous' nature of working relations and its liberation struggle. They faiths, all social strata, Nationalists-revolutionaries Hryhorenko's collaboration all levels with its constituent peoples. refer to their underground of culture, into the ways of the cadres (OUN-b) of nothing short of with the Russians in Kontinent. in Ukraine, which are new society . . . If there was a What kind of conflicts allegedly numerous. And thus it 'treason'. Although Hryhorenko He calls the Western Represen- Russian empire, the Russian will emerge among the eastern would be and is very awkward has been subjected to periodic tation a "caricature" of the culture would dominate it. But it countries over borders and so on that P. Hryhorenko, L. Plyushch denunciations ever since ill- Ukrainian Helsinki Group and doesn't since if it did, would the his a with regards to the inheritance and N. Strokata. and not they, received "farce", most reknowned Russian remarks about fascism and accuses of this empire? Not then, but received authorization from writers, musicians, singers, and at the Third World Congress of Hryhorenko not only of "im- now we must conduct a dialogue Ukraine [to represent the dissi- academic live abroad or isolated dent Free Ukrainians, the campaign maturity" concerning the with the Poles, the Czechs, the struggle abroad]. It is also in their homeland? In Russia, inconvenient for them has recently been escalated. national question but of "also Hungarians, the Slovaks and all that the instead of Russian culture, anti- Ukrainian At the 15 building the [Russian] empire." other nations adjacent to us and Helsinki Group is December 1979 cultural socialist realism rules gaining with which we- have to live not the growing attention ot meeting of the Ukrainian Con- Moroz calls upon the Ukrainian over the impoverished language only in the present imperial the Ukrainian people and of the gress Committee of America Helsinki Group to formally of this people, and is supported world, which system, but with which we will has bestowed upon (UCCA) National issue a declaration withdrawing and overseen by the par- it its Council, the have to live in an independent and policies the sympathies tyocracy. UCCA withdrew its support of Hryhorenko's official authoriza- state. of the Ukrainian community Hryhorenko and the Western tion to act as head of its Western When we become indepen- abroad. Thus to stop the Helsinki Representation. The full text of Representation, and attacks Hryhorenko also advises Rus- dent, we should live in peace and Group's growing strength, the this resolution, proposed by even the concept of a Western sian human rights activists to not in war with each other. [OUN-b] has returned to methods of combat OUN-b activist IhnatBilinsky, is Representation itself, "this which are in direct 'Ukrainian fight especially firmly the While the arguments raised conflict with as follows: Group' of which half the interests of Ukraine. the members are non- measures of the partyocracy by Hryhorenko in his article are which appear as Russian certainly not beyond criticism, Following a discussion on the Ukrainian." Moroz feels that measures Moroz stated in his "open and in this way one regrets that, far, announcement in so criticism the Ukrainian Hryhorenko defame the Russian people. We letter" that each of the exiled press has not been voiced in rational about General have in mind such measures as Soviet dissidents "deserves Hryhorenko's statements, say- discourse and debate, as has no right to declare himself genocide, which the authorities great respect for their stead- ing that he joined the editorial the representative of Ukraine, Hryhorenko had hoped. In- systematically pursue: fastness. But it is a totally board of the Russian journal the "Western stead, his words Representative" of Russification, exiling original have been different matter Kontinent, in when one con- which General a Ukrainian Group. In fact he inhabitants of national republics grossly distorted and used in a Hryhorenko stated siders one's relation to [their] that the plays a diversionary role beyond their borders and their smear campaign, the tactics of USSR is positions. . .Here there should not a Russian colonial because he creates the impres- replacement by people of other which suggest dubious be some selection." empire and that Russian im- sion among non-Ukrainians that nationalities, the destruction We agree. of motives. It perialism is also regrettable does not exist as an Ukraine does not want in- historical traditions and cultures And given a choice between that Hryhorenko, either in per- enemy of the Ukrainian people dependence, of non-Russian Moroz and the OUN-b. but wants to . . and work peoples, . son or in writing, was not given and other captive nations, and together with Moscow to fight Great Russian chauvinism, Hryhorenko and the Ukrainian also that an opportunity at the 15 Moscow is not conduc- communism within the borders xenophobia, anti-Ukrainianism, Helsinki Group, we choose the ting a policy of Russification and of one state, one empire .... and inflammation of inter- December UCCA meetinq to latter. is not enslaving Ukraine, the l People such as Hryhorenko UCCA National Council feels without any knowledge of Ukrai- that this political concept of nian traditions, with a low Nadia Svitlychn; General Hryhorenko's is false cultural-political experience, and detrimental to Ukrainian cannot orient themselves in the liberation efforts, and will not West, which is much more 1 My support for support the Helsinki activity of the complicated than the primitive Western Representation of the political system in the Soviet Nadia Svitlycha is a former Soviet Ukrainian political prisoner now residing in the United States. Ukrainian Helsinki Group, which Union, and they easily fall prey

he heads. f Svoboda 17 January to various conjuncturists . . . The Ukrainian Helsinki and Petro Hryhorenko. Both of Ukraine. 1980) these are people who were taken movement arose at a time when these individuals were I away from wooden ploughs and con- am not a detective, but in many felt that any kind of tinuing in the West the struggle light This resolution, while given computers whose instruc- of this well-planned and opposition in Soviet they clothed in rhetoric allegedly tions they cannot even read. Ukraine had waged while in the agressively executed campaign had defending the Ukrainian cause, been eliminated once and Soviet Union, and had official against General Grigorenko's for all. and that free is little more than a thinly-veiled The charges against thought authorization from the Ukrai- person and human rights activi- could only lead onto nian attempt by its backers to Grigorenko do not stand up to one two Helsinki Group to repre- ty, it is entirely possible that the roads — promote purely partisan in- even the most effortless one to prison and one sent it abroad, in Europe and accident which fie had 19 to the mire of fear and North America, with terests. It is based on a series of scrutiny of his article. submis- as a Western January 1980 an uniden- sion. statements by Hryhorenko* 1) The USSR is not a Russian Towards the end of 1976. Representation. Quite natural- tified taxi [this accident oc-

ten of I which were either misread or colonial empire: the 45 million Ukrainians ly, immediately attached cured while Hryhorenko was declared, deliberately taken completely Hryhorenko clearly states that without pathos, that myself to this Representation, enroute to a conference of every individual is regarding it the in of out of context to portray him as "The Soviet Union is the morally as most direct committees Defense responsible a raving Russophile — a successor to the Russian for the fate of both link with my abandoned Soviet Political Prisoners (see his nation and the entire world. homeland. page 1 of this issue)- was characterization which even a colonial ernpire." However, he Eds ] created cursory perusal of any of his does not posit a direct con- They a group — the In the three years of its not an accident. Kiev Public Group for existence, the At a grim time for the writings would dismiss. In addi- tinuation, claiming instead that the Im- Ukrainian such plementation of the Helsinki Helsinki Group has experienc- Ukrainian Helsinki Group, as tion, according to Svoboda (17 it would have dissolved as other Accords — ed very ruthless repression. for the entire rights January 1980), the cir- empires did had not the headed by the By human

the end of 1979 I it is civil cumstances under which the Bolsheviks"built this empire on author Mykola Rudenko, whose a new wave of movement, feel my resolution was passed were different foundations, task it would be to inform the arrents dramatically increased duty to clearly indicate that I am Ukrainian public of violations of the number of imprisoned on the same side of the peculiar: the resolution was strengthened and broadened it, the of barricade on which unexpectedly tacked onto the and even turned the so-called Helsinki accords on Ukrai- members the Group But my com- nian lands. their places are patriots in the Ukrainian agenda at the 15 December 'imperial nation' into colonial constantly meeting (and not submitted slaves." Hryhorenko argues The Soviet authorities being taken by new and Helsinki Group are could not forgive such courageous recruits, courageously defending beforehand), with the result that that the Soviet colonial empire audacity: who within three resolutely resist the militarized human and national rights. I am the majority of those present enslaves even the Russians. Its months of the Group's formation, state police apparatus. in complete solidarity with were not able to familiarize basis of power is political, the repres- them. themselves with Hryhorenko's through a "partyocracy" rather sion — arrests, provocations, This monstrously uneven exile — began. duet is becoming increasingly I know that the Western article in question before voting than the narrow ethnographic Although I knew almost all savage. The attack on the Representation does not have on it. Requests to either read the basis Moroz and the OUN-b the Group's members, many of Group has now been escalated, the authority to admit new article aloud at the meeting or to argue for. with them very well , and worked with the clear intention of members to the [Ukrainian delay the resolution until the 2) Russian Imperialism does them from the very beginning, completely annihalating the Helsinki] Group. As such I do participants could read it Helsinki not exist as an enemy of the for various reasons I did notfeel movement. And it not appeal to them with such a themselves were arbitrarily re- Ukrainian people: it necessary to become a formal seems that the Western request, but. on the basis of the jected by the chair, without a Hryhorenko states that the member myself. Representation is also original proposal by the head of vote being taken. At the end of one of Soviet partyocracy January 1977 the head the primary targets. the group and my consistent Needless to say, the of Group, Mykola Rudenko, Perhaps the most intolerant support and cooperation with Banderite press has picked up and strives to dominate the entire Oles Berdnyk (once again) edge of this inquisition is the Group, formally announce on this "expose" and is busily world through a world-wide approached me with a proposi- currently directed towards the my official entry into the Ukrai- flogging it to death (forexample this parlyocratic empire. Thus tion that I join the group, a head of the Western Represen- nian Helsinki Group. I am see Natsionalny: interesiopor- empire is a hazard to the entire tation, informing members of the proposal which they begged I Petro Hryhorovych the tunlzm," Homln Ukrainy 6 world it and the fight for not refuse. Within a week there Hryhorenko — a person of Western Representation (Petro February 1980; and "A blueprint of decolonization is not the task honest and consistent Hryhorenko, Leonid Plyushch was no one to whom I could devotion for disaster?" Ukrainian Echo 9 any one nation. It is the task of to ideals of Strokata), as well as send a refusal had I wanted to — justice, a person and Nina January 1980). Interestingly the entire world. To break free of Rudenko had been arrested, who has earned himself members of the Group in enough, the remainder of the the empire's clutches, to in Ukraine of I emigration separate from it, is not possible and was to be a witness during authority and respect and my Ukrainian press is virtually tor throughout decision, and assure them that I any one nation alone . . . [One his investigation and trial. the world, a person unanimous in its for support decisively strive to must] expose the Later, I agreed to emigrate with an especially clearly defirt- will disseminate and Hryhorenko. Many had printed attempts of Russian chavinist defend the Helsinki idea to the to the West, where I had been ed position on the question of the "controversial" article, "On circles In the USSR and abroad preceded by Leonid Plyushch state independence for best of my humble ability. the question of state in- to Identify the concept of

Page 7: STUDENT, February 1980 '

The Valentyn Moroz Saga:

of the attacks on the ever The following article attempts to examine one of the most explosive issues confronting the Ukrainian one most powerful KGB nationalities community today — the story of Valentyn Moroz in terms of his place within the dissident movement in written. Had Moroz written about the policy, about Russification. or about the lack of Ukraine, and his relationships with Ukrainians abroad. In doing so it raises many questions about his attention to democracy, he could have been forgiven. But he wrote conduct in prison and in exile in the West, but mbre importantly it draws public some of the about the KGB, and by names, places and initiatives that the OUN-b has launched over the years in the name of the Ukrainian revolution. More naming events, he assured himself the lasting hatred and specifically, the author deals with these aspects of the struggle in relation to the even larger question of the vengeance of that organization. role and strategy of the KGB in its efforts to undermine opposition to Soviet policy. Although provocatively In 1970, Moroz was released from the labour camp conjectural in some of its conclusions, the article presents its case in a clear and logical manner that does not continued to write brilliant essays about the insult the reader's intelligence or maliciously stir up what is already an extremely delicate situation. Its thesis and frank, it is quite situation in Ukraine. By stressing the virtues of is supported by established facts, the tone of its language is responsible but and made dear patriotism and uncompromising struggle, Moroz that the author's ultimate intention is lo see this crucial issue resolved so that the community can get on with _ of this, however, does not rapidly gained the admiration and respect of other its important tasks in support of the struggle for an independent Ukraine. All dissidents and Ukrainians in the West.'' As change the fact that the argument of the article is highly controversial and thus is bound to provoke a widely- Ukrainian his continued in 1970 ranging and passionate response. a result of outspokeness, June circulated group of was rearrested and in November 1 970 sentenced It should be noted that a rough dratt of the original submission was among a large Moroz fourteen years' imprisonment and exile — a people in Edmonton and elsewhere to gaugepossible reactions and to solicit suggestions about its content to a total of incredibly cruel, considering that and style. Opinions naturally varied, ranging from enthusiastic support to cautious criticism of the position sentence which was elaborated. One group in Toronto expressed apprehension about its publication, fearing the possible his only "crime" was that he had written four essays. felt its determined to punish him for repercussions it might have lor the student community there: the overwhelming majority, however, Obviously, the KGB was claims were reasonable and certainly deserved careful consideration. A significant number went so far as to his indictment of them in his "Report." express agreement with the speculations of the author, saying that the contentions were not only plausible At his trial, Moroz again presented an image of a but highly probable. But virtually all of these people also requested that their support of the thesis be kept in steadfast, patriotic Ukrainian struggling against im- the strictest of confidence. possible odds. This was the image which lasted from So great is the fear of open discussion in our community that intelligent and mature people are afraid to 1970 until 1979. This was the image which created a publicly express certain opinions lest they suffer 'unpleasant consequences' for daring to disagree with a massive campaign in the West on his behalf. particular party line. This is largely why a conspiracy of silence has descended on 'the Moroz issue' in our The OUN-b followed these events closely. There community. That a small but forceful gang of bullies is active in our midst is evident in a long history of were many elements in Moroz's writings with which the slashed tires, threatening phone calls and general intimidation used against any 'dissidents' active in OUN-b could identify. The Moroz image fitted its organizational politics. A most recent example of this sort of behaviour was provided by the ransacking of needs, and it began to see in this the link that it needed. the Ukrainske Zhyttia offices in Chicago after they courageously printed an article that was critical of Moroz It was far more expedient to feed the OUN-b and some of his 'friends. membership an image of a tortured Moroz, shackled In recognizing this sad fact ol political life in our community, and not wishing to jeopardize the well- hands held above his head in defiance of the regime, being of the author in any way, we have decided to print this article without any signature. We do this with than to have it read Ivan Dziuba's Internationalism or considerable regret because we believe that a free and open discussion of issues is essential lo the healthy Russification? development of the organized community, and because we believe that critics should take responsibility for As a genuine grassroots movement calling for

the opinions they express. In fact, it is precisely because we are interested in encouraging such a discussion Moroz's release began to grow in the West, the OUN-b that we now print "The Saga of Valentyn Moroz: A Conspiracy of Silence. " For the time has come for the Ukrainian community to leave behind beer hall politics and to embrace, in a mature way, the serious challenges we face as a people today. The Student Collective

Valentyn Moroz's arrival in the West, initially by some kind of perverse logic, the repressors ot the heralded as a victory for the Ukrainian dissident dissident movement within Ukraine — the KGB — have movement, has since developed into one of the most reaffirmed their commitment to crush the Ukrainian disturbing events everto have been witnessed in the Helsinki Group by escalating their campaign to arrest political life of Ukrainians in the Western World. His its members. By their failure to support the Ukrainian public behaviour and his particular perception of the Helsinki Group, and by their open attacks on the world have made him the subject of heated controver- Western representatives of this Group, Valentyn Moroz sy. In the months since his release, Valentyn Moroz has and the leadership of the OUN-b have inflicted great evoked a degree of disillusionment and, at times, damage on and have undercut the Ukrainian dissident anger from many individuals of a wide range of political movement. It is therefore vitally important to defend the beliefs, many of whom had once been among his most Ukrainian Helsinki Group by exposing the sham loyal detenders. perpetrated by its opponents — a sham which, by his Despite the controversy which has surrounded unfortunate participation in it, could be called the Valentyn Moroz, many facts about his life remain Valentyn Moroz story. untold. Although public esteem for Moroz has dropped, a myth continues to be perpetuated about him by a small group of his closest followers. This myth is part of a larger confidence game which has sought to portray The prison years Moroz as the sole embodiment of the political aspirations of the Ukrainian people. This myth has been aggressively promoted by the leadership of one The Valentyn Moroz story should properly begin in particular Ukrainian nationalist grouping — the Munich and not in Ivano-Frankivsk. Munich is the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists — headquarters of the Organization 1 of Ukrainian revolutionaries (OUN-r, also designated OUN-b} — as Nationalists-revolutionaries or, as they are popularly part of a concerted campaign to discredit the Ukrainian known, the banderivtsi (OUN-b). 1 Helsinki Monitoring Group and, in particular, its Throughout the 1960s and early 1970s the OUN-b Western representatives. was experiencing a crisis within both its leadership and As this campaign has unfolded, it has become ranks. A dissident movement had begun in Ukraine and tragically evident that Valentyn Moroz and some of his the OUN-b was isolated from it, despite many years of supporters in the OUN-b are attempting to destroy the claiming that it was the emigre group closest to the credibility of the representatives of the Ukrainian forces of resistance in Ukraine. Their political rivals — dissident movement in the if West. At the same time, as the OUN-m (melnykivtsi) and the OUN-z (dviikari) — were periodically publishing samvydav 2 literature from Ukraine, translating this literature into other languages, began encouraging its members to believe that Moroz and otherwise showing the world that a viable struggle was an adherent of its philosophy. Yaroslav Stetsko^ was taking place inside Ukraine. The rank-and-file of the head of the OUN-b, was especially active in this the OUN-b was beginning to question the ability of its respect. On a number of occasions he directly referred leadership to forge links with the Ukrainian dissident to Moroz as that member of the Ukrainian dissident movement. Many of them wondered why the allegedly movement whose writings most closely reflected the 'pro-Soviet' dviikari and 'opportunistic' melnykivtsi spirit of OUN-b congress resolutions. From Stetsko's were able to maintain contact with the oppositionists point of view, Moroz was practically a member of the while their own organization — which 'represents OUN-b. He was "living proof" that the traditions of the struggling Ukraine' — had not even established a first OUN-b were alive and well in Ukraine. Moroz'swritings link. were used to show that the OUN-b too was in step with To compound matters, the banderivtsi were both the Ukrainian "revolution." Dissidents other than confused and angered by the fact that most samvydav Moroz were considered mere "liberals" who were from Ukraine did not stress the philosophy of Dontso- confused and had to be challenged. 3 vian integral nationalism. The entire political The OUN-b position soon crystallized — human superstructure of the OUN-b was built upon the rights and national rights were advanced as being two foundation laid by Dontsov in the 1920s and 1930s. It distinct and separate entities. Moroz (along with the soon became apparent that the huge discrepancy OUN-b) Saw the struggle exclusively in national terms the between how banderite press presented the whereas the dissidents (Moroz in the eyes of the OUN-b situation in Ukraine, and how it appeared in samvydav was not a dissident but a fighter) viewed the national Ukraine, from was having an impact on the OUN-b's question as one facet of the broader struggle for human credibility. Reality, as expressed in the samvydav, was rights. This position the OUN-b disparagingly undermining both the ideology of the OUN-b and its characterized as being that of the Russian and Jewish claim to represent the Ukrainian liberation struggle. oppositionists. In keeping with this orientation, the This growing gap had to be sealed and the solution OUN-b instructed its membership to form its own turned out to be a young history lecturer from the Valentyn Moroz defense committees around the world Western Ukrainian city of Ivano-Frankivsk. These committees were to stress Moroz's emphasis on Valentyn Yakovych Moroz was born in 1936, in the national rights and were to be a vehicle by which the Volyn region of Ukraine. He graduated from Lviv OUN-b could propagate its conception of the Ukrainian University with a degree in history in 1958. In February struggle. 1964 he began teaching in the Lesia Ukrainka Meanwhile, in Vladimir prison, the KGB had placed Pedagogical Institute in Lutsk, and in September 1964 Moroz in a cell with common criminals who constantly he moved to the Ivano-Frankivsk Institute. Pedagogical abused and physically attacked him. As a result, Moroz In September 1965 he was arrested by the KGB for demanded to be placed in solitary confinement. This possession of forbidden literature, hewascharged with demand was supported by other prisoners, and he was "anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda," and sentenced moved. While in solitary he began a hunger strike which to four years in a labour camp. he proclaimed would last until either his death or In 1967, while in the wrote camp, Moroz an essay transfer back to a cell with less violent prisoners. When which was to catapult him into international news of this hunger strike reached his wife, Raissa, she prominence A Report from the Beria Reserve" was immediately informed Russian dissidents in Moscow, STUDENT, February 1980: Page 8 ga: a conspiracy of silence

who in turn told Western newsmen about it. This over the caption "Yes We Want Him!" precipitated a mass campaign on Moroz's behalf in the Just as the campaign was getting off the ground West, a campaign for which Raissa served as a key Valentyn Moroz arrived 27 April 1979 in New York City source of information. This also created a situation along with four other Soviet political prisoners. They whereby the attention of the Ukrainian community and had just been traded for two Soviet spies. the West was focussed on one figure. Valentyn Moroz, The first days after Moroz's arrival were joyful and at the expense of the hundreds of other Ukrainian hectic. Moroz was given excellent coverage in the political prisoners. The KGB, which in addition to Western media and the Ukrainian question was exerting great pressure on Moroz was also closely momentarily brought to the fore. Representatives of watching the "Free Moroz" campaign, could not but various Ukrainian community groups met with find this abnormal situation convenient Moroz and the first public impressions were that he was a firm, As Moroz's hunger strike continued, the OUN-b but rational, Ukrainian nationalist. During these days! was becoming increasingly vocal in its claims on Moroz seemed to be the 'property' of the entire Moroz. While this seriously bothered some people Ukrainian community, speaking of the need for unity involved in the mushrooming defense campaign, the and cooperation between the different groups. It consensus seemed to be that Moroz was close to death seemed that the KGB's efforts to discredit or destroy and that all other considerations should be put aside in him had failed, but these first impressions changed order to save him. almost overnight. Moroz's hunger strike lasted nearly months. two In his first public appearance in New York City, at a Eventually he was released from solitary and the rally in defence of political prisoners and Ukrainian campaign in the West subsided. national rights, Moroz told a Ukrainian audience a tale In 1976 the campaign suddenly gained new life. of the cossack Ottaman Sirko, who killed several Moroz's prison term was coming to an end and he was hundred of his own cossacks who had decided to to be transferred to a labour camp where he would remain in the Crimea after a military campaign there rest of serve the his sentence. But first, the authorities Moroz explained that he felt this slaughterwasjustified sent him to the Serbsky Institute of Forensic Psychiatry because, in his opinion, a true Ukrainian would not in Moscow tor an examination. Institute is The Serbsky remain in the Crimea if given the chance to return to a well-known component of the Soviet psychiatric Ukraine. This allegorical tale set off the initial tremors abuse machine. It was the Serbsky which pronounced within the community, and left many wondering if it was Leonid Plyushch and hundreds of other dissidents an indication of Moroz's political orientation. insane, and sent them off to long terms in special The first few days of Moroz's freedom must have psychiatric hospitals. A real fear existed that Moroz been frustrating for the OUN-b. Their hero had arrived, might wind up in such a hospital, confined to an but was managing to elude them. Instead of the 8 indefinite term of terror. The response was swift and Ukrainian Liberation Front, it was the Ukrainian proper. Led by Raissa Moroz, the entire Moroz National Association in Jersey City which had the campaign claimed that he was sane and any attempt to honour of sponsoring Moroz's first days in the West. declare him otherwise would be challenged. The OUN-b, however, was determined to have 'ex- The psychiatrists at the Serbsky declared Moroz clusive world rights' to Moroz, and spared nothing to sane. This was a victory both for the Moroz campaign, get them. and, inadvertently, for the Serbsky Institute, which To begin with, they managed to convince Moroz, needed to improve its badly .tarnished image. through Slava Stetsko, that his secretary The OUN-b saw copies of Shumuk's letters but should be Boris Potapenko, an OUN-b functionary Valentyn Moroz wound up in the severe regime doubted their authenticity. One cannot really blame working for the World Congress of Free Ukrainians' office in camp in Mordovia where numerous other prominent them for being sceptical: any letter postmarked New Ukrainian York. Potapenko's appointment would provide the dissidents were incarcerated. Initially he was Mordovia and sent through the official mails by a OUN-b leadership with a crucial link to Moroz. welcomed by all the political prisoners in that camp. political prisoner is highly suspect. This disbelief, He Yet, as reports would be Moroz's guide and protector, explaining to from other dissidents indicate, it was not however, only gave Moroz greater support in the him who's who in the Ukrainian community {in his long before only a few remained on speaking terms with conflict, and further undermined Shumuk's credibility. and 6 the OUN-b's assessment) and generally steering him in htm. The conflict, however, was not limited to Shumuk the "right direction." From all available evidence, Moroz's conflicts with versus Moroz. Other political prisoners, all of them How Potapenko and his superiors in the his fellow prisoners in Mordovia stemmed from a highly regarded, soon began openly denouncing OUN-b steered Moroz became painfully clear before long. variety of reasons. One was political; Moroz regarded Moroz; Mykhailo Osadchy, Bohdan Rebryk, Vasyl Farrar Strauss Giroux, a major American his brand of Ukrainian nationalism as the only correct Romaniuk and Edward Kuznetsov all took the position publishing house, expressed interest in having Moroz one and would not tolerate any criticism of it. He that Moroz should be disassociated from the op- write a book about the Ukrainian liberation movement claimed that he had a mandate to lead the other positionist movement because of his demagogic on the basis of his personal experiences. A senior editor Ukrainian political prisoners and demanded that they behaviour in the camp. of Farrar, in attempting to contact Moroz, called the submit to his will. Moreover, Moroz was well aware of Throughout the dispute, Moroz did not respond to New York Committee in Defense of Soviet Political the magnitude of the campaign on his behalf in the his opponents, either because he felt himself to be Prisoners (CDSPP) asking that they relay this proposal West; he used his knowledge to intimidate the other above the squabble or he did not have a reply which to himThis they did: a meeting between Moroz and the prisoners, telling them that the West would support him could hold water. publisher took place, and an agreement seemed to be in and his views alone, iorhe wasthe best known political One could reach a tentative conclusion that the the works. The publishers offered Moroz a substantial prisoners. This exacerbated the conflict, disorienting KGB placed Valentyn Moroz in that particular labour advance, to which Moroz replied that he wanted to write and demoralizing the other prisoners. camp with the ultimate aim of discrediting him as well this book not for personal gain but "for the good of the Another reason Moroz was unable to get along with as the other Ukrainian political prisoners incarcerated cause." This response seemed reasonable, for he was the other inmates was his authoritarian personality. By there. Knowing Moroz's personality, the KGB could already receiving large amounts of money from the demanding strict obedience and not tolerating any easily have forseen that sooner or later he could Ukrainian community. 9 deviations from his line, he earned the hatred of almost become embroiled in a conflict with almost everyone But a few days later Moroz unexpectedly rejected every political prisoner who had been imprisoned for else in that highly political camp. This they managed to the offer from Farrar, on the grounds that he would not advocating democratic standards in society. The facilitate, hoping to discredit the entire oppositionist accept an advance smaller than that given to General strictness of the regime in that particular camp further movement in Ukraine. Hryhorenko for his memoirs. That Moroz's dignity aggravated the existing tensions, the result being that It is difficult to determine without doubt that the might have been offended by being offered less money relations among the prisoners were far from cordial. It KGB's long range plan was to send Moroz to the West. than Hryhorenko may be understandable in light of is no secret that the KGB uses these sorts of conflicts Initially they may have wanted merely to ruin the man Moroz's messianic tendencies; but that he should cite for its own purposes. It is also no secret that during his and destroy the myth about unity among Ukrainian money as his reason for rejecting the offer, having confinement, Moroz became convinced that he would dissenters, thereby demoralizing theirsupporters both previously placed the "cause" before personal profit, is ultimately end up in the West and play a leading in Ukraine and the West. This they managed to do with role indeed perplexing and most contradictory. But was there within the "Ukrainian liberation movement." some measure of success from 1974 to 1978. But in money really the issue involved? Here Moroz was being 1 978 a new opportunity presented itself — a chance to It might be coincidental that Moroz's mam an- given a golden opportunity, by a large American let Moroz loose upon the Ukrainian emigration. No tagonist in the camp was Danylo Shumuk. However, a publisher, to promote the Ukrainian question before a doubt the KGB recognized the potentially divisive better candidate could not have been dreamt up. wide audience, and yet he turned it down. In sending consequences that Moroz's presence in the West might Shumuk, a political prisoner for over thirty years in word of Moroz's rejection to the publisher, Potapenko have. Polish, German and Soviet concentration camps, was also informed them that Moroz would be contacting already under fire from the OUN-b. He was the author II them shortly with a counterproposal . Not only did no of a controversial manuscript entitled "Beyond the counterproposal follow, but the publisher never heard Eastern Horizon" published in 1974 by Smoloskyp. Arrival In the West from either Potapenko or Moroz again. Was this merely Almost immediately, a dispute arose over the authen- a tactless blunder, or was it perhaps that the offer had ticity, nature and political orientation of the book. The In early 1978 two Soviet United Nations employees been tainted from its inception because it came via the OUN-b took the position that either a Shumuk had were arrested in the United States and charged with CDSPP — which the OUN-b labels as being 'leftist'. chosen to collaborate with the KGB or that the KGB had espionage. Soon afterwards, there was some specula- That the OUN-b, through Potapenko. was tighten- falsified substantial parts of the manuscript. tion in the American media that they might be ing its grip on Moroz was evident in its handling of It was, in effect, a God-send for the KGB to have exchanged for Soviet political prisoners, a hope which Moroz's dealings with prominent public figures in the Moroz feuding with Shumuk. Moroz, the darling of the dissipated when the spies were convicted and sentenc- United States. For example, when Moroz was ap- OUN-b, was being denounced by Shumuk, a shady-at- ed a few weeks later. As this was taking place, a mini proached by the CDSPP with an offer to arrange a best character in the eyes of the OUN-b. Who could "free Moroz" campaign began after years of stagnation. meeting with the now deceased George Meany,' a then have constructed a better scenario? Was it merely by The object of the rejuvenated campaign was to have head of the American Federation of Labour-Congress chance that Moroz found himself in the same camp as Moroz released after his prison term ended and sent to of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), Moroz readily Shumuk? As this conflict escalated the KGB took an the West. agreed. On this basis the CDSPP contacted the AFL- active role in fueling the flames. By showing Shumuk A retrospective analysis can be dangerous, es- CIO. which agreed to meet Moroz ana requested that a articles from the Ukrainian emigre press in which his pecially in a case as complex as Moroz's. But one factor concrete date be set for the meeting. This request the memoirs were being denounced by the OUN-b, the tends to stand out: the revived Moroz campaign in 1978 CDSPP relayed to the Ukrainian Congress Committee KGB instilled in him a hatred for that organization. At coincided with the beginning of negotiations for a of America (UCCA), which in turn forwarded it to the same time, Shumuk was also being shown articles prisoner exchange. One explanation for this linkage is Potapenko. In fact, both Ivan Bazarko and Walter from the same press in which his main enemy — Moroz that it was in the interests of the KGB to have Moroz's Dushnyk of the UCCA broached the matter with — was being presented as the national saviour of stock rise in value in the event that the exchange Potapenko several times. But Potapenko never Ukraine. materialized. This is not to say that the Moroz responded to the request. Moreover, it seems that he In turn, Moroz's messianic visions were being committees were conciously serving the aims of the never even informed Moroz of the AFL-CIO's reinforced by both the KGB and the OUN-b. As the KGB. but that the tempo of the campaign could be willingness to have him meet Meany Again, another conflict deepened. Shumuk began sending letters influenced in several ways, including the selective opportunity to influence a key sector of American abroad exposing Moroz and warning others of his release of information. Viewed in this light, society was lost, presumably because the initiative had behaviour. The KGB encouraged these developments Smoloskyp's publication in 1979 of one of Moroz's come not from the OUN-b but from the tainted CDSPP. interested by permitting his letters to reach their destinations in strongest essays. "Moses and Dathan. " — written prior When Moroz finally learned that Meany was the West. To give Shumuk's views an even greater to his arrest in 1970 — raises many questions. Why did in meeting him, he openly accused the UCCA of forum, the KGB sent photocopies of these letters to this essay, which the KGB was sure to have in its sabotaging the meeting. By this time, however, Moroz's in Moscow, Kiev, Lviv reach the West, and private addresses of dissidents possession, take over eight years to con- and other cities, and printed excerpts from them why did it surface here only a few months before .(THE VALENTYN MOROZ SAGA 7 m Visti z Ukrainy (a newspaper printed by the KGB Moroz's release? At the same time, the Ukrainian tinued on page 10) solely for distribution among Ukrainians abroad). emigre press began running inserts with Moroz's photo Page 9: STUDENT, February 1980 ~

-The Valentyn Moroz Saga

(continued from page 9)

political statements had become so embarassing that instead of attacking the Western Representation, are organizations" in Ukraine. Hence the periodic the AFL-CIO no longer wished to associate itself with they not defending those imprisoned in Ukraine? An Doboshes and Klymchuks. They are invaluable and him. insight into these questions and an example of the indispensible tools in the Soviets' portrayal of the As the banderite circle closed around Moroz, his hazards involved in Moroz's course of action is Ukrainian emigre community as a hysterical and views increasingly became indistinguishable from provided by two events in the not so distant past. reactionary entity, and in their fictitious establishment those of the OUN-b. It was not really clear who was On 5 January 1972 Yaroslav Dobosh, a young of an intensive collaboration between this community influencing whom, but the ultra-right wing tone in Banderite from Belgium, was arrested in Ukraine by the and the oppositionists in Soviet Ukraine. By induction, Moroz's statements became ever more dominant. First KGB and charged with anti-Soviet activity on behalf of the oppositionists are portrayed as being reactionary there was his praise for the Ayatollah Khomeini, then the OUN-b. This sparked off a massive wave of arrests zealots, an easy target for the KGB. praise for the Somoza regime in Nicaragua; these were in January 1972 which imprisoned many leading The KGB continually seeks to compromise the followed by attacks on Western Jewish leaders, whom Ukrainian intellectuals. 13 Dobosh was kept in KGB struggle of Soviet oppositionists for human rights, as he accused of collaborating with the KGB. In notimeat custody for five months; on 2 June 1972 he appeared at well as its leaders in Ukraine and abroad. It would like all, Moroz was being viewed by both conservatives and a "press conference" broadcast on Ukrainian television nothing better than to portray oppositionists who liberals alike as a spokesman for the right-wing fringe. and widely reported in the Soviet press, at which he employ legal and constitutional means in presenting At the same time, Moroz began to attack those read a statement confessing to various crimes against their cases as illegal right-wing "revolutionaries whom he regarded as his political opponentswithin the the Soviet Union and implicating members of the operating clearly outside of Soviet legality and in an Ukrainian community. In his first major speech dealing Ukrainian civil rights movement. Dobosh was released openly anti-state fashion. It is much easierto justify the with Ukrainian community affairs in the West (delivered at the intervention of the Belgian government; once in suppression of such "dissidents" before world opinion in Ellenville, New York, on 8 July 1979), Moroz lashed the West, he retracted his "confession," claiming it had and before the Soviets' own population, who would out at two of his fellow dissidents-in-exile, Leonid been prepared and given to him by the KGB which, regard such acts as even beneficial (i.e., keeping their Plyushch and General Petro Hryhorenko. Both were an under threat of a lengthy prison sentence, coerced him homes "safe" from "hooliganism"). anathema to the OUN-b — Plyushch because he was an into delivering it. It is estimated that the number of The Valentyn Moroz case has all the hazards of the avowed Marxist, and Hryhorenko because he had those arrested on charges of conspiring with Dobosh Klymchuk or Dobosh ones. He is already intimately tied stated at the third World Congress of Free Ukrainians reached into the hundreds, although Dobosh himself to the OUN-b and has himself made enough statements that Ukrainians in the West "must take democracy and met with only a few dissidents. AM indications are that in the West which would suffice to characterize him as not fascism into Ukraine." But the unprovoked attack the KGB had arranged the Dobosh case in order to reactionary. It remains to portray him as the represen- then developed unprincipled, even racist tones. For tative or the archetype of the Soviet Ukrainian dissident example, Moroz increasingly referred to Plyushch as an movement — a characterization which dissidents in "underdeveloped Ukrainian" — a "Jew" even — and to Yes. want him! 16 we Ukraine reject. The rest is easy (for the KGB). If the Hryhorenko as a "Russian." These insinuations, (n September 1975, |.S Hrushei- world and the Soviet people think that the Soviet completely false, showed that Moroz was not above iy, chairman of c he Supreme So- Ukrainian dissidents are all Morozes, and if these resorting to lies in his attempt to establish himself as the et of [he Ukrainian SSR, lold Morozes are all in compromising collaboration with the sole representative, the vozhd, of the Ukrainian OUN-b ... what further excuse does the KGB need for liberation movement. This ambition was further (Moroz's) sctond a wholesale repressions? revealed by his insistence, during a meeting of activists An unexpected side benefit for the KGB of Moroz's from defence groups, that he would join the defence tented ro nine years incarceration and the OUN-b's anti-Western Representation cam- committees only under the conditions that he head instead of five years and wilt there- paign has been that the attention of the Ukrainian them and that he alone decide which prisoners were to fore be released in 1979.. If ihe community in the has be defended. West been diverted from the brutal repression of what is increasingly becoming the With each passing day Moroz alienated himself remnants of the Ukrainian Helsinki Monitoring Group. from ever-larger segments of the Ukrainian communi- In the last few months alone, while Moroz has been ty, at the same time completely isolating himself from "exposing" the threat to the Ukrainians posed his fellow political exiles. His clumsy appeal on behalf by Hryhorenko, the KGB hasarrested four members of the of the Catholic patriarchate cost him the support of the Group, sentenced six to terms in labour Orthodox community; his often ill-considered forays camps and exiled three others. The total score for the into Canadian politics raised more than a few KGB now stands at twenty-three Ukrainian Helsinki eyebrows; and his self-serving defence of his divisive Group Ads such as this appeared in the members in prison or exile, ten in behaviour and concept of "holy turmoil" disillusioned Ukrainian press the West and early in 1979. approximately ten still "free," even some of his most ardent supporters. Rumours albeit under constant surveillance. began to circulate about his personal life, surfacing as provide a grounds for the mass arrests of early 1972 and It is time for an issue in the Ukrainian community in the West when the fall of 1979 he began to publicly to tie the Ukrainian civil rights movement to Ukrainian to discuss the issues raised in this article critically and attack his estranged wife, Raissa. In an eight-page emigre organizations, especially the OUN-b. rationally. Many questions must be asked, and document, circulated privately, he characterized heras Viacheslav Chornovil, one of those arrested, himself almost being answered. Why do certain groups consistently find a KGB agent, accused her of wanting all of accused the KGB of complicity in the case: themselves susceptible to being manipulated? his money as alimony, and justified his leaving her as a Why are we embroiling ourselves in political act. At first an internal feud while the people thought that this scurrilous ... I had every reason to declare lhat the so-called opposition in Ukraine is being eliminated? document could only be a KGB provocation, but upon Dobosh "case" is a great soap bubble blown from low- Does the oppositionist movement, which has a broad range of learning of its authenticity they began to wonder if grade KGB soap in order to lend the campaign of tendencies Moroz had taken leave of his senses. arrests in Ukraine a certain coloring. The (act that the and persuasions, need a vozhd? Why have the Dobosh case was a fictitious one and that it was not dissidents themselves rejected Moroz? But by then a conspiracy of silence had descended the reason for our arrests was not concealed even by the As this article has intimated, these issues are both upon the confused and disspirited Ukrainian communi- KGB. In the autumn of 1972, the investigator for Kiev, real and pressing. They demand honest consideration ty. Many, out of regard for the hardships he had Korpak, frankly related to me the opinion of the high- not clouded by ingrained emotionalism. Let's hopethat suffered, felt reluctant to publicly confront the Moroz ups: "Formerly, we were not getting the right people; we the wag who claimed that the only thing that one learns issue. should have been arresting not those who circulate from history is that one learns nothing from history, is things, but cut off the head, that is. those who write wrong. things and organize. Now we have done the right thing lit — and we shall have peace for a decade or so." 14 In a similar Is there another chapter fashion, a young British student, Andy Klymchuk, was arrested 1 August 1 977 while on a tour of Ukraine, and charged with smuggling anti-Soviet literature (including "instructions" from the OUN-b) The The latest chapter of the Valentyn Moroz story is into the Soviet Banderols, are the extreme right-wing faction ol a grouping known as the Union. Klymchuk also appeared before a Organization ol his relentless Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN} An illegal and expressly nationalist attack on the Western Representation of widely publicized underground movement, the "press conference," and also read a OUN arose in 1929 through the amalgamation ol the various Ukrainian nationalist Ukrainian Helsinki Monitoring Group. Within "confession," in which groupings in Western Ukraine ana fcaslern Europe he claimed his mission was Propagating a potent mixture months of his release, ol authoritarianism, terrorism and Inteqral Moroz was already attacking "financed by the nationalism it became the most Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists influential Ukrainian grouping of the 1930s in Western Ukraine. Plyushch and Hryhorenko, both members of the [OUN-b] that In 1940-11 the OUN split into two rival factions, one headed by and he was recruited forthe campaign by Stepan Bandera Representation, (the banderivtsi or OUN-revolulionaries, designated as OUN-r or in harsh and often slanderous terms, Yaroslav Stetsko. and the Klymchuk claimed to be "disgusted OUN-), other by Andrii Melnyk) the melnyfcivrsi or OUN-m). In 1954 a third the mildest of faction, the or dvlikari which was his reference to them as at the leaders of the OUN" for "constantly intoxicating OUN- (headed by Lev flebet and Zenovii Matlal was formed by a split in the Bandera wing. "outdated" representatives of Ukraine of the '60s and the minds of the young Ukrainian Ssmvyoav is literally "seii-pijonsnea ctanoestineiy 1 emigres about Soviet circuiateo literature in 70s. ' At the Ukraine It has been periodically same time he referred to himself as reality" and who "push us towards committing compiled into a journal called the Ukrainskyi crimes Vtsinyk (Ukrainian Herald). The Russian representing Ukraine of the '80s, the equivalent ot samizdat decade which against the Ukrainian people Soviet 3 Dontsovlan integral nationalism the variety and Ukraine ... I was ol integral nationalism — a allegedly would usher in highly illiberal and militaristic lormol nationalism -, a tumultuous nationalist accuse the organization of involving in which expansionist me such actions and posts the nation as the highest ideal - revolution in Ukraine. The implication — propagated by Dmylro Oontsov (18B3- was clear and I angry with am myself and ashamed." Klymchuk's "'", publicistand political theorist of interwar Galicia Originally a Moroz, and not the socialist. Domsou moved to the right other dissidents, was the 'true' statement was also peppered with lines alter the First World Wer to become one ol the such as "I have uDIicisIS m Western representative of P Ukraine. Dontsov was never a member ol the the dissident movement in Ukraine. seen . k""^ here a real democracy, a happy working peo- nls df as voluntarism, fanaticism, national intolerance, ," .1 J ! 7 unquestioning Recently this campaign 1S lalth in the ideal ol the nation, has escalated dramatically ple... As in the Dobosh case, author, u,,, ,,,,,,, r^u^iionalism- deeply inlluenced a new wave of arrests of many of (see the article lis members An open admirer ol fascist currents in interwar Western on page 7 of this issue for further details political oppositionists Europe Dontsov followed Klymchuk's detention was largely discredited by the events ol the Second World War — Eds.]. and drilled The now infamous OUN-b inspired into mysticism and obscurity in resolution — over twenty were incarcerated in the last half of 1977, the -war era at the 15 December 1979 meeting imp,"!a0 '" "PO" •<««. of the Ukrainian concurrent with Klymchuk's stay in Ukraine. And, again ™' '"" Congress Committee of America 5. Yaroslav Stetsko 11912- currently (UCCA) marked the as in the Dobosh case, the machinations involved in the ) heads the OUN-b. A fc-anderive's from the first organization s Incepllon. Stelsko was Bandera's shot in the redoubled campaign, and resulted in first lieutenant during the 1940s the Klymchuk affair were so obvious that &headed tr._ "n-day„. "Ukrainian " --=--- even the government"proclaimed — offficial by ir-~ withdrawal of UCCA support for on 30 June 1941 In 1951 he became Hryhorenko respected British journal the Economist (14-20 January chairman of the Anlf-Bolshevlk Bloc of and the Western Representation. And right-wing supra-national political grouping, and held the post Moroz himself 1978) came to the conclusion that d bV "the Banderite his wlfeSlava. Stetsko Is reported to be in has, with his recently released ill health. "Open Letter to the organization has been deeply penetrated by Soviet Ukrainain 6. Forexample.seetheintervie h Mykola Helsinki Group on the Question of Petro agents: the Budulak-Scharegin in the December fact that the KGB appears to have known all 1979 issue ol Studenl (page 4), Hryhorenko's Leadership of the 7. While the lull ol so-called "Western about Andrei Klymchuk before he set foot on Russian ten "MosesandOalhan" did nc Representation"," elevated the skirmish ol It did. and were published along with his othei to the level of a (sic — Eds.j soil suggests this view." genuine smear campaign. The letter (which grossly Both the Dobosh and Klymchuk cases illustrate the 'nglomeratlon ol "aurlace" organizalions which the OUN-b controls and distorts Hryhorenko's position) attempts operates through (the OUN-b is a to discredit that the KGB has all. an underground become quite adept at fabricating organization). For example, in CanaOa the Canadian League Hryhorenko's and the Western or the Liberation ol Ukraine andthe Representation's links between the OUN-b Soviet Ukrainian Youth Association (SUM) are pan ol and Ukrainian the Ukrainian Liberation Front. authority and calls on the Ukrainian Helsinki Homln Ukralny is its press organ Group to oppositionists and propagating in S perSOnal Weallh this link the Soviet is "«" estimated lo be in the neighbourhood officially issue a declaration removing $350 000 of Hryhorenko media. It makes the KGB's task of suppressing dissent 10 George Meany. who from the Representation because "he has diet) In January of this year was well-known as an placed easier. As a result, numerous Ukrainian dissidents have outspoken antl-communlst. himself beyond the " boundaries of Ukrainian politics 11. These allacks are well merely been labelled "Ukrainian bourgeois documented in the Ukrainian press. For example si The OUN-b is virtually the only Ukrainian grouping in nationalists" Svoboda (13 July 1979) or Studenl (September-October 1979) and sentenced to severe terms in prison 12 For examples ol such support, the West which is see the following articles in the Banderite Press- supporting Moroz in what appears to A blueprint (or disaster?" camps for plotting to "violently overthrow the Soviet (Ukrainian Echo, 9 January 1980), "Finlandization of be his bid to Ukrainians in the West?" be the representative of dissent in state." This method has been successfully (Ukrainian Echo. 6 February 1980). and Natsionalnyl Ukraine.' 2 employed by Inleres oportunizm" (Homln Ukralny. 6 February I960) the 13. Some ol the Soviet regime against opposition groups since the more well-known dissidents Imprisoned as a direct result of Ihe One can legitimately pose the question of Dobosh case are Leonid Plyushch. Viacheslav Chornovil, Ivan Svillychny, why 1930s. The fact that the same campaign exists levhen Moroz and the today Sverstiuk, Zynovll Antoniuk, Mykola Plakhotnluk, Vasyl Stus, Danylo Shumuk OUN-b are pursuing this internecine indicates Mykhallo that the regime lacks inventiveness in dealing Osadchy, Ivan , Iryna Slaslv-Kalynets, and Vasyl Ftomaniuk. (See struggle when at the same time the Ukrainian Herald. Issue No 6. pp. 15-20), KGB has launched a with continued internal opposition. After 60 years of 14. Viacheslav Chornovil, "My Trial," index on Censorship massive campaign of repression in Ukraine 5, No. ( (Spring 1976); aimed "socialism," the Soviet bureaucracy is hard-pressed to specifically at the Ukrainian Helsinki group. Why explain the existence of "bourgeois nationalist

STUDENT, February 1980: Page 10 In the dissidents' own words Moroz — an assessment by his peers

The owing ere M excerpts Irom letters mitten by several prominent Ukrainian dissidents who are currently serving the internal exile portions ol their sentences, received lor human s ?' "!»" - ol them had ^^?^del?nse . ™" °' M°mz >" "» Me an" early 7n\ , e 0r ' n,lm Moroz. on the basis Z?,hLi?^£?fJ„?e Knces ??"J? 'T"> him in labour camps, is not to JJJlV! , be '„°' U*«>lnian £*". ! dissident movement. 10 Polished in the forthcoming 7 1979 Ljlr^ii'^n?" , ^.. , ., - »,8 " *>".- . . — ?":" Tory , - ' - - ., ,„ ,. - ,, - - , - - , ,, - —. ... - ill 17 1979 ' & arre^l!!" ullf ,^ W36l: mi1Br end journalist, was or Possession and „ , dissemination nf ... "' £'? '"{"biographical work Bilme - , puMshed in % WaS ased °" " ,s experiences ( " during ), t^tlndl hah If" incarceration and Z ordeal Hisnis second which lollowed second sentence was based on the champ ibia ' RiUnB - 76-, 0sadch S^5 s e ber mi SSHf 01 he ™ X Ukrainia . wh^sMwJ? ' " Cnm,nai code and , .-,.,-- . , - 19 1979 ,, ,, , , , 76 . v' ac^lavChornovil(b. 1938) had „„•„ been imprisoned twice . , - ! . prior to his - 1972 arrest - in 196 he served three . -?! months lor relusing to testily at an illegal trial; and in November 1967 , , '..., he , - was convicted ol , "anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda" lor - . compiling materials substantiating ... his charges ol ollicial , violetions ol legality during political trials . he witnessed in a ' , '965-66 teventually ! ,!2. published in the . ,i° - 'West es the £ Chomovll Papers;. . Released in 1969, he continued , , to defend political prisoners, including Moroz. Karavanskv , , . — Dziuba andStrokata. Arrested in 1972 in connection with the . ... Dobosh allair . he was tried in 1973 under Article 62 ol the Ukrainian Criminal Code ("anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda ') and sentenced to seven years' strict-regime labour camp and live years exile.

Zynov'iAntomuk (. 1933) was tried on 8-15 under„„, August 1972 Article 62 of the Ukrainian Cnmmal Code, specially he was accused of disseminating the Ukrainian Herald and e W r S samv dav ' Antoniuk °, y was sentenced to seven 7 yearsS« c ? > 1979 of strict-regime labour camp and three ... . , years' exile. , , . -, , ,— — , 5 1979 ". ,, "-- , ...... , .,,- , . ,, !6vth- Stasiv-Kalynets fb. 1940) , / was active in Lviv cultural 1 , circles and. alter the 965-66 arrests ol Ukrainian intellectuals in protests against Russilication policies ! and political repres- " sion in Ukraine. She is especially known : lor her active "... , delense ol Moroz and Strokata. She was tried in Lviv in July 1972 and sentenced to six years' labour camp and three years' exile. , ,. , 60 ... , - . "" - 1979 , — ?, ..., , , , .().,, — ,, , , - , , , . - , \ .! ! -- , " ", - ,"". ' , — . . , — ., - -— . . , , ,? - , (""), — ,- , , - , (- "",., — . , - ,. ' ). , . , ( , - , -. .... 14 1979 , ) - , / - ,, , , ... , , , , , , "" — -", . """-- , - .— , - — , . . ".", , "...:" , , .

Page 11: STUDENT, February 1980 .

a column of music review by Bohdan Zajcew

The garrison

Ode to Myron Hyrak /, , who sacrifices his libido 7 in the name of perogies and, no doubt, beer

Somewhat in the style of A. L'bo and others 279A written in emulation and as a variation on a theme, 1) Volynianochka 2) Oi harna ia har from the right side of Canada 3( Hey-ha/Lety luzhlyve pisne under the auspices of 4) moia 5) Persha liuboy.- Hyrak's vindicator, 6) Spomyny liia O. L'bo

1) Sumerk 2) Hey lamna Kubani There was a time in this fair diaspora when the garrison 3) - rvala oihynuA/ albom did not stand. In a "sadok vyshnevei" men and women sauntered about, exchanged ideas, loved and were loved. Then someone bit into a "iablyko" and before you could say, "Orhanizatsiia Ukrainskykh Natsionalistiv -poof

— there it was, this garrison Bohdan Kuiysiyn — drums, percussion, vocals. Otes Bundziak — bass guitar, acoustic guitar, electric leaO guilar, vocals, rooted smack in the middle of the 20th century psychic frontier. — mtllotron Jatoslaw Palylyk accordion, organ, siring synthesizer, synthesizer, vocals, And suddenly "nashi liudy" has this absolute knowledge of Oles Kuzyszyn — grand piano. Fender Rhodes piano, clavinet. acoustic 6/1 string guilar, electric ^^^^^^ rhythm and lead guitar, vocals; exactly how far to venture, precisely what could be spoken of Ji and just whom to love and let love. And that's how the garrison was created. Not very original All Spark, No Fire. . but of course sentiment overrides innovation. The garrison took upon itself the laudable task of halting the wheels of change, creating a static In the six years that Ukrainian-American bands have cornered community and stopping time. their share ot the contemporary Ukrainian North American music The right kind of Utopia. market, they've developed a distinctive approach to their music. A sort of Ukrainian still point. Groups from places like New York, Philadelphia and New Jersey Idyllic, yes. But life within the garrison can be somewhat limiting have actually created a definitive "East Coast Ukrainian sound'' — The garrison judges, condemns, ostracizes, occasionally burns big band-style Ukrainian waltzes, rhumbas, tangoes and foxtrots, at the stake. Figuratively speaking. supplemented with the latest electronic instrumentation. All told, It defends dissent with a vehemence in the "bat'kivshchyna" it's fun dance music but tedious listening, A dubious tradition but labels it all sorts of colours (excepting blue and yellow) perhaps, but one which is nonetheless picked up and flogged to the when evinced within its own fold, under its own nose, next to its own heart. Politically, socially, nth degree by New York's ISKRA. filially and personally, Released in mid-summer 1979, ISKRA's first effort is almost the purge permeates all levels of intercourse. Below the belt entirely void of anything which closely resembles redeeming value. and into the pocket, economics play their role too.

I can't recall a more inauspicious and uninspired debut offering. The garrison is omniscient. It knows all. It knows you. It missing ingredient is heart The — a direction of purpose and knows what you're thinking even before you're thinking it and feeling in the what group is doing. Instead, ISKRA comes up with in spite of if you're thinking it. It is never wrong. It is what at best could be termed a "cute" effort — a basic non- infallible, it is arbitrary. offensive of the rehash same pap we've been served up time and It will not hesitate to decimate. And so it remains pure. time again. But what of principles? Ah, the Ukrainian Catch 22. Possibly ISKRA's problems stem from its choice of lacklustre material. most so in January. A song like "Hei tarn na Kubani" would have better been left to Question and thou shalt be questioned. share the fate of its contemporary rejuvenator — the Kuban Protest and thou shalt be protested. Cossacks. The ensuing array of rhumbas and tangoes are better Without dialogue, without recourse. A reflex action without suited for groups like Tempo and the Bohdan Hirniak Orchestra, thought, with no humanity. who can handle that type of material without sounding insincere. Now we're hitting hard. But still disguised in the tingle, tangle Technically, ISKRA performs the tunes well, but instrumental of words, that as yet have no meaning because they have no respect proficiency can't mask the lack of substance. because there is no cognizance, we're aUright. The ISKRA album contains only four all of up-tempo numbers, We? I mean I. But it takes courage to say I. A caring, which are played with pretentiousness more than drive and spirit. concerned, responsible I. that sees much ill and ignorance, One of the tunes, Oles Kuzyszyn's own " moia", is a badtake-off one harnessing the other and straddling the other. Beast with.two backs. Insidious intent. The on mid-sixties North American bubblegum music. The folk classic women who come and "Volynianochka" is reeled off mechanically, without the joy and go speaking of "varenyky" and someone else's daughter. happiness the is intended song to convey. And Myroslav Skoryk's The garrison is strong. It is secure. It is safe. "Try trembity" (which, by the way, is structured on the same chord Also sordid, squalid and sick. progression as Iron Butterfly's immortal "In-A-Gadda-Da-Vida") It's all in the perception. Of which there is too little. can't even be saved by Oles Bundziak's intricate acoustic guitar Tryzub and trinity. In that order, "la liubliu Ukrainu. in the work prelude, overlaid on a pre-recorded track of hutsulski ia liubliu Boha, ia liubliu studentstvo." In that order. trembity. Order is all. As musicians, the members of ISKRA more than hold their "Justtrying to understand the historical phenomenon." Beware own. But the band's lack of creativity its true prevents talents from Comprehension reads subversion in the garrison. Toe the line coming through. Oles is Kuzyszyn obviously a classically-trained or fall prey to the grand inquisitor. Or didn't you know. pianist; unfortunately, he often uses classical trills and runs in The gift (or is it burden) can be too much to bear, especially places where simple blues chording would have been more for those who blaspheme in its name. The inquisition cometh. effective. By the same token, less grand piano and more Fender Already, they're gathering the wood Rhodes would have enhanced ISKRA's sound considerably. And marching Brother Bohdan's drumming is consistent, if unimaginative. in the garrison Someone, however, should hide his high hats and cymbals before "Strunko!" ISKRA ventures into the studio again; they're overused to the one beat degree of annoyance. Jaroslaw Palylyk's synthesizer playing is one one voice of the album's few brightspots, particularly where combined with Oles Bundziak's . acoustic guitar. Their interweaving is beautifully "We must unite, we must we must!" demonstrated in the lead-in to the well-known pobutova pisnia "Oi But why? harna ia hama". "We must!" ISKRA's vocals are handled well, although too contrived at Why? times. They're entirely lacking in emotional impact and fail to '"Must!" convey the lyrical message of the material. Technically, the album is well produced, with engineering mixing and by Mark Sydorak of Your face is fear Electronova fame. The album cover is strikingly catchy. You may I do not see it do a double-take when you first see the monogram on the guitar Your voice is hate but no, it's not a hammer and sickle. I do not hear it Like so many other Ukrainian bands, ISKRA has the potential Your hand is force for bigger and better things. All the foursome is needs to find a I do not feel it comfortable repetoire, a feel for its music, and then the drive and depth to go with it. A little more creativity wouldn't hurt either This I am anger time around, on the Ret Sends Ya 4 Star Rating Scale — ISKRA and I am ardour scores winds of the frontier Random Notes — Producer Bohdan Tymyc continues to ply his above and beyond and trade in Montreal, and is rumoured to be heading back into the through studio next month to embark on yet another album. Tentatively the garrison titled Zoloti Vorota, Tymyc's latest project will feature the expressive voice of Uda Shewchuk, the vocal mainstay of the winds of the frontier Ballad of Zoriana album, along with the instrumental talents of keyboard wiz Yourko Kulycky, violinist Roxolana Sawka and a host relentless lovers of others. Look for some surprising new material on this one that will not abate Disco may be on the way out but you'll never convince Oleksa Martynowych of that. The lead vocalist and mastermind of New And so Myron this is how it is. From Jersey's immensely prose to poetry popular Sonlashnyk orchestra will soon test Drama and comedy. the tastes of the North American market with an as yet untitled But take my hand Ukrainian disco release. Martynowych hopes to become the kuz you're kul Ukrainian answer to Bobby Vinton, given the record lives up to his and just don't tie me to the stake. expectations and appeals to a listening audience which is raoidlv Kuz when I go, you go too. wearying of that insipid musical form.

(RET SENDS YA continued on page 14)

STUDENT, February 1980: Page 12 KOLUMN-EYKA

the street lamp is blazing through the window onto my bed late night discourse so fate at night encouraging my anger at myself of an apprenticing for not having been asleep hours ago tomorrowsgoingtobeabusyday madman awake frustrated difficult it's Kolumn-eyka ,s our newest column. This is the second month in need wh.ch ,t has appeared, and we hope to make ,t a regular tea?u, e I s to write convincingly purpose ,s to provide a lorum tor the discusston relte* and properly development ot top,cs m Ukramian dance. We call on all ,n,eie!"ed about 11751 - 95 Street. Edmonton. Alberta. T5G everything 1M1.

about the lovehate respect — wariness relationship between Three Ukrainian jazz dances the german and russian peoples baking boiling burning since Charlemagne's Demjan military rebuttal Hohol against Slavs pushingpushing westward... Three dances attempting to combine traditional Ukrainian stage dance with jazz dance were presented at a recent concert brothers battling held in Winnipeg. Entitled Ukrainian Contemporary Music and in the russian Dance, it was sponsored by the Winnipeg Ukrainian Students' occupation of east germany Club and Manitoba Ukrainian Canadian Committee (KYK) as part of Winnipeg's Ukrainian week activities. The very title of the two mountains in gido's concert suggests the animosity which has greeted new artistic (grandfather's) folk tale forms in a culture which nostalgically values 19th century banging against eachother Ukrainian peasant life — a remnant of the Romantic philosophy to which Shevchenko subscribed and which Franko grew out of. two huge breasts The concert was a good one. entertaining and varied, although of Mother Earth not particularly well attended, as is the norm for Ukrainian concerts bruising eachother in Winnipeg. The older members of the audience quite noticeably as she runs on in time displayed their unwillingness to appreciate some of the program's (will one, perhaps items, which they obviously felt had strayed too far from their be removed concept of Ukrainian folk tradition. Nonetheless. KYK's support due to cancer? and the thousand-odd attendance may help to further stimulate Winnipeg's insular what if North End ghetto youth to cast aside their fears the cancer of expressing their own experience of the Ukrainian phenomenon, isn't caught in time?) rather than dwelling only on that which their parents and grandparents demand ot them. The encouraging initial support about which the performers did receive is an affirmation of the desire to Mother Earth continue developing Ukrainian culture, rather than lazily putting it a sprinter into the Oseredok Archives and Museum as a relic of the past. raped Vodohrai: at the Politympics The first dance of the concert was performed by Orlan

hitlersand ensemble. I am told that it is an older dance, first performed by brezhnevsand Rusalka and commissioned by them from the Ukrainian dancing terrorists No. demigod Roman Stroc'ky of New York. The dance is choreograph- ed to Ivasiuk's politicians of all kinds applauding "Vodohrai," , and is extremely boring and repetitive. smiling waving The story line contrasts four girls doing super-simple jazz Mother crying movements with four 19th century Ukrainian khlopy. The boys mock the girls, grotesquely imitating their movements. The girls about steadfastly and austerely remain unperturbed, until the leader of my Ukraine the boys'packgetsfedup withall this nonsense. The boys compose my ukraiina themselves and chase the girls from the stage with a display of their manly prowess one of my mothers at doing prysiadky. Hooray! Ukrainian national romantic innocence can ever, ever has vanquished the evil and decadent Western write the words contemporary society. Try Braty: that will cause you the world The second dance was choreographed by Peter Pawlyshyn and performed to open your eyes by Winnipeg's CYMK Dancers. The choreography from suckling emphasizes the dominance of the macho man in Ukrainian dance, by contrasting dull, whitewashed girls with three expressive male and discover that my mother is your moth* character roles. The story line is again one of conflict. Ukrainian that your mother is mine? court dance — very stately, supposedly dignified and ever-so-slow you — is personified in one brother, who escorts two girls. The second brother and his partners appear to have entered this dance from feel so much of your own pain a why am compelled contemporary stage hopak — the boy especially displayed the desired fast, flashy, give-audience-all attitude. to force upon you still more? when Both brothers challenge the third brother to beat them at their own particular style of dance. The challenged, however, is well also am well aware capable of beating them at their own game, presumably proving his that the meek right to a '50s rock'n'roll style of bobbysock dance. All parties find it so difficult to pity concerned then join the whippersnapper in his of dance. other meek? style Golly Geez! Ukrainian bourgeouis natipnalist pigs, sit on it! Let him do his own thing, man.... will forever ever Dva Persteni: remain to you The third dance was performed by Lesia Richlewski of Orlan. If ascreamingf anting ravingslobberingridiculous jazz or any other dance form is to be presented by a Ukrainian another flag-waving Ukrainian chauvinist dance group, it should be done so on the level which this selection a simple misguided was performed. This tall, feathery-light figure gave the gutsy and romantic? exciting performance of a dancer, not just of a person interested in Ukrainian Her heart, mind, and body seemed to be now dance. completely tapped in a give-it-all attitude. Lesia confidently am tired confronted the audience in a contemporary Las Vegas style temporarily presentation complete with long silver streamers, bright lights, and defeated a transparent silver mesh across the entire front of the stage, giving until dreamy effect. tomorrow the dance a existed in this dance. It merely the dance of a when try again to write No theme was young girl confident of an identity which combines two worlds, two cultures, into a mixture appealing to both One must have extensive about knowledge of both dance forms in order to do justice to either, as everything the concert's first two dances illustrated. In "Dva Persteni", neither culture was threatened. The beauty and grace of the Ukrainian about woman was preserved, and the general flow of the dance's turns you and steps paralleled the movements of contemporary Ukrainian Mykola Rush choreography for women. This dance was undoubtedly the concert's highlight. Unlike the first two dances, Lesia did not feel it necessary to apologize to either culture, while at the same time felt compelled to present her idea. Who will now stage the first Ukrainian punk rock pogo?

Page 13: STUDENT, February 1980 5

Ukrainian Canadian Committee Headquarters in Winnipeg

will employ

Cuiyaioh isa new Ukrainian languageF lournal devoted to a critical socialist analysis of , ASSISTANT developments in Ukraine and Eastern Europe. J The second issue has just been released. to the Contents include: an interview with Borys g -Levytsky on the nationalist movement during 2 the Second World War; the opposition in" Executive Director Poland; Iran, G 1953-79; Workers' movement in 05 Romania; Czechoslovakia's Charter 77; Chronicle of rain ' an and En9lish is current events; and a review ' V^ squired; as well as some of* Ukrainian community work. Bahro's The Alternative in Renumeration will be Eastern Europe. _ established^ in accordance with qualifications iS $1 00 - Subscriptions per To apply, send resume and letter to: Jyear„ , are»!;$3.00 (three issues). /? DIYALOH Ukrainian Canadian Committee 456 Main St. ^S3p -°- B°x 402 Winnipeg, Manitoba Station 'P' R3B 1B6 Toronto, Ontario Canada M6S 2S9

Ret Sends Ya- Tel.: 363-1773 (continued from page 12) Collectables Imagine — for a moment, if you will, seven veteran session jazz musicians SHUMSKY JEWELLERS with no background in Ukrainian music getting together in the studio to record swing renditions of folk melodies JEWELLERY, WATCHES, CRYSTAL like "Arkan", "Hopak" and "Verkhovyno". Implausible as it seems, a 10 K—18 K JEWELLERY that's exactly the combination you get when the Sal Deleo REPAIR Swing Sextet WATCHES ft JEWELLERY realizes Ukrainian music can be fun, producinq the alburn The Ukraine SATISFACTION GUARANTEED Swings (U-TAB 201 S). Recorded back in 1962 The Ukraine Swings stands out as a monument to efforts at 766 Queen St. W. developing Ukrainian Toronto, Ont M6J I E9 jazz music on the North American continent badly, nothing has been done in this realm since Sal Defeo took a chance on adapting jazz arrangements to Ukrainian folk music 18 years ago All 12 numbers on this now-deleted album are given the full swing/|azz treatment, with a touch of Dixieland thrown in for good measure. By and large they all work well, leaving one with a desire for repeated listenings. The It takes more Ukraine Swings is all the more than interesting in that only two Ukrainians were involved in the entire production — recording engineers Wolodymyr Zmij and Jerry Nedilsky. The accompanying theory liner notes for each sonq are an to start added bonus, as is the delightfully surrealistic album cover This album is a definite must for the contemporary Ukrainian music buff, but you II have to keep a sharp lookout a for it. The only place practice. I ve seen it in stock is at the Surma Bookstore in New York

S unds ape ~",Last month Rel Sends Ya ' promised to shed YOU CAN BENEFIT some£™ lightr ?. on .?. the confusing Melodlya Records labelling code those for interested in music from Soviet Ukraine. Unfortunately due FROM OUR FULL RANGE to lack of space, it will have to wait until next month's Student. OF FINANCIAL SERVICES. Next Issue — A touch ol class, with Toronto's Suzirya. Defense- (continued from page 1) upcoming Madrid conference severe repressions to review the from its • assert the Helsinki Accords inception, has importance of ' recognize a corresponding moral, the fact that official political and financial the representation abroad support Ukrainian Public Group to ol the Ukrainian com- in the persons of General Petro Promote the Implementation of munity tor the Western the Hryhorenko (head), Leonid Helsinki Accords, despite Representation of the Ukrainian HERITAGE Plyushch and Nina Strokata TRUST Helsinki Group, especially now, 10126-101 before St.. EDMONTON the Madrid review con- TELEPHONE 429-6656 ference, when the KGB in #192 KINGSWAY GARDEN MALL. EDMONTON Ukraine and abroad is TELEPHONE 474-8471 by all ALBERTA FUEL OIL available means attempting 319 - 8th AVENUE, S.W. to CALGARY destroy the TELEPHONE 265-441 Helsinki movement IIIIINIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHIIIllll ' regard as particularly harmful the disgraceful resolu- '278 BATHURST ST. tion attacking General Hryhorenko which was adopted at the TORONTO, ONTARIO IS December 1979 ses- sion of the UCCA national M5T 2S3 council, • call on the Ukrainian community to firmly 362-3224 oppose the slanderous campaign which has been launched against the Helsinki movement. O^aydalaDRUG

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STUDENT, February 1980: Page 14 ' »

r Student -5-rUDBNT^KE ZHYTTIA Press Fund 400: Edmonton Faculty Club Malanka Troupe T of T uSC m na9 ,0 taP ,he enthusiasm 50: , . ? generated Sonia Maryn byI?.hthe multitudinous? 4 festivities ^ of "Rlzdvo" this year in launchinq its 20: Rev. Ivan Makuch second semester of club activities for the 1979-80 academic The vear 17 January 1980 general meeting saw a turnout of 80 people 16: Pat Myketa and featured guest speakers Tina Hawrylyshyn of the CDSPP 10: Lawrentii Derwenko, Michael Pyniansky, speaking on defence work for political prisoners, who and Jars Salan' Borys Brezden talked extensively of Student needs, aims and objectives and the advantages of living in renaissance-ville, Edmonton A second 6: Lesya Jones meeting 6 March 1980 drew out more than 60 USC zealots to 5: Roman Stachiw discuss Ukrainian Week plans and tactics, all engineered by Michael Gedz, Ukrainian Week chairman. Send all contributions to Student And speaking of Ukrainian Week, Toronto's academic milieu «206, 11751 - 95 Street was turned inside out when USC members unleashed their forces Edmonton, 11-16 Alberta February Starting with an opening ceremony presided over • Canada by President T5G 1 Ml Ham (who literally cut the kovbassa and declared Ukrainian Week officially open), events were well attended and enjoyed all. by More than 300 people turned out for the Thursday night cabaret which featured comedienne, Luna Gov sinaino ,r u e ^" SLJZirya '" R°™nP.itachka .°. ,P on bandura, dancers and more MiKe Buchynsky ot the York club kept MAKE everyone entertained in his WINE & role as M.C. of the evening. BEER™ Highlight of the week was the Promin' zabava which brouqht AT HOME! close to 1100 young people out to celebrate the culmination of Ukrainian Week, undoubtedly a record turnout for any local zabava. U of T USC is still reeling from the kaleidoscope of 16 February evening and the success of all Ukrainian Week events

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Page 15: STUDENT, February 1980 Return Requested Canada Poataa I* Poet Canada Student Second Deuxieme #206, 11751 - 95 Street class classe Edmonton, Alberta 4883 Canada T5G 1M1 EDMONTON A CONFERENCE ON IDENTITY

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