TheJoan Shorenstein Barone Center

PRESS. POLITICS

. PUBLIC POLICY .

HarvardUniversity JohnF. KennedySchool ofGovernment INrnooucrroN

I met Alexander Merkushev at a Moscow itself. It deservesa wide readership,not because dinner party hosted by Ann Blackman of Time Merkushev is one of 'stop journalists, the and Michael Putzel of the AssociatedPress in big name whose views command attention, but October, 1989. At the time, Merkushev was rather becausehe representsa new generationof Editor of the English languageservice of Tass, Soviet journalist who is beginning to grapple the official Soviet news agency. He spokewith with such conceptsas truth, responsibility, fluency and a quiet self-confidencebut without candor, courage/all within the broaderframe- the bravadoof other young Soviet journalists, work of a society struggling to move from many of whom, in their suddenembrace of dictatorship to democracy. It is an incredibly glasnost,went from one extreme to the other, difficult journey-one that may never be fin- discardingtheir recent allegianceto the socialist ished, despiteheroic efforts by thousands,even system and espousinga stylish denunciation of millions, of Merkushevs. everything from Stalinism to a planned economy As we sat down for our farewell lunch, I with an enthusiasm they mistook for wisdom. recalledthe question I had posedto Sashain Over caviar and vodka, late into the night, we Moscow. Would his answer be the same? discussedthe wonder of Gorbachevand Would he still bow beforethe Party? Sasha's perestroikaand the problems of moving a stag- eyescrinkled in a way reminiscent of a character nant society into the uncharted vibrancy of the out of Chekhov, ateat, a certain sadness,lurking 1990s. The practice of journalism, naturally, behind the smile. "No," he said,"if my boss occupied alarge part of our discussion. Ques- askedme to return to the old days,I wouldn't. I tions arose;many of them were left unanswered. couldn't. Too much has happened." He paused. Has fear vanished from the newsroom? How far "You see,I now know what freedom is." Before could journalists go in criticizing the Soviet Sashareturned to Moscow, he told me that he system? Gorbachev?? The Party? and his friends were going to try to set up a free Lenin? "Freedomof the Press?"-did Soviet and independentnews agency. "You know, like iournalists even begin to understandthe con- the AP." I wished him well. cept? At one point, I askedMerkushev: "Let us say that when you get to your desk tomorrow Marvin Kalb morning, you find a messagefrom your boss. Edward R. Murrow Professor 'Comrade,'it 'from says, now on, you forget Director, foan ShorensteinBarone about glasnostand return to the old way of doing Center on the Press, business. Whatever the Party says,you do.' Politics and Public Policy Would you, Sasha?" Merkushev is prematurely Harvard Universitv balding, and when he's pondering a question, the creaselines run unevenly from his foreheadto his scalp. "Yes," he responded,"I think I'd do what the Party said." He then went on to explain his responsibilities to family and friends, father and mother. The honesty and directness of his response,uncharacteristically soberfor a young reporter, especiallyin the still heady days of glasnost,impressed me, and when I returned to Cambridge and thought about the next group of Fellows at the ShorensteinBarone Center, the name of Merkushev poppedinto my mind. A letter of invitation was soon in the mail, and his acceptancefollowed in quick order. Merkushev spent the fall semesterof the '90- '91 academicyear at the Center, enriching our lives immeasurably with his warmth, charm and seriousness,especially in all of our discussions about freedom of the press. His paper speaksfor THE RUSSIANAND SOVIETPRESS: A LONG JOURNEYFROM SUPPRESSION TO FREEDOMVIA SUPPRESSIONAND GLASNOST

"Frcedom of the press must be combined with above and planted seedsof doubt in the minds of free representation of the country, and if therc is admirers through their novels, poems/ or news- no rcprcsentation of public opinion, but is only paper articles. Very often, they did that at the govetnment, then I cannot imagine freedom of expenseof their own freedom and even lives. the press." The press,as well as other institutions both in A.S. Suvorin, member of His Majesty's pre-revolutionary Russia and in the Soviet Special Conference for Drawing Up Union, always reflected the tug-of-war between New PressRegulations, 1905 authorities unwilling to yield powers and a public wanting to have as much freedom as they could possibly handle. As fate would have it, the Russianshad to make their way towards democratic liberties and pressfreedom twice: first within the framework The pfinted word has always of czarist Russia and then repeating the entire path within the Communist structure of the had a special appeal for the . In both cases,their travail pro- Russrans: wtiters and poets have duced but partial success:basically a compro- enioyed an esteem that was mise between what the authorities were willing to allow and what the subjectswere demanding envied by rulers and herces alike. to obtain. Attempts launched by pro-democracy forces The Beginnings of the Pressand the Origins of to accedeto freedoms,culminating in the Censorship February 1917 "bourgeois democratic" rev- The history of the pressin Russiais full of olution, resulted in the weakening of the Rus- examplesof high-level interferencein its work, sian empire that had been historically held attempts to suppressinformation or present it in together by the strong hand of its rulers and led a way favorablefor the rulers. The following to the paralysisof power in the absence of brief journey through time will also illustrate the democratic traditions government. of The strugglefor a free pressin both imperial and Bolsheviks who took advantageof the situation Soviet Russia. and seizedpower in November I9I7 proclaimed Under Czar Alexei, 1629-1676.extracts from basic liberties only to replace them later with foreign paperswere carried by severalmanu- tough in controls all spheres-political, eco- script periodicalsto keep the authorities in- nomic, and intellectual. The democratic changes formed about international developments.The initiated by the leadership Soviet in the mid- information was uniformly outdated and inaccu- 1 did lead greater 980s to a freedom of expression rate, causingthe Muscovite state embarrassment and the acceptanceof basic human rights, but they more than once for addressingletters to headsof also unleashedlong-suppressed nationalist, state who had died, and more generallyfor centrifugal forces that are now threatening to demonstrating great ignorancein then-current break up "Soviet the empire," tempting the political metters. Neverthelessthe information authorities to apply force preserve to the country's in these courants was consideredto be of state unity and their own existence. importance and was kept from the public eye. t The printed word has always had a special The first Russiannewspaper for the general appealfor the Russians:writers poets and have public was born out of an tkaz, or a decree, enjoyedan esteemthat was envied by rulers and issuedby Peter I on December 16, 17O2.Peter, heroesalike. Anything that appeared print in who reigned from 1689 to 1725,was aware of the was consideredtruth, powers and the that be, highly restricted circulation of information on aware of this idiosyncrasy of their subjects, late developmentsand was quite concerned sought to control the press literature and in order about the status of education in Russia.His idea to control the populace.They succeededin doing was to launch a periodical that would provide partially this only as there have always been the peoplewith information about important intrepid men letters pressures of who defied from events of the day. Appearing with unheard-of

Alexander Merkushev 1 dispatch, the first issue of the new periodical, The year 1865marked a watershedin govern- Vedomosti, came forth on 2, 1703. ment-pressrelations becauseit createdentirely fanuary "press" Much of the Vedomosti's information came new conditions for publishing. The word from German newspapers,particularly the ceasedto mean an enterprisedominated by the Hambuger Relation Courier and Nordischer government wherein every word was assumedto Mercurius.2 As a rule, these paperswere re- have official approval;and becausethe courts ceived within three weeks after publication and beganto spell out in more detail the new rela- were examined either by Peter himself or by the tionship, writers, editors, publishers,and lawyers secretaryof his cabinet, Makarov. Whatever were able to improve even more rapidly the seemedinteresting was quickly translated into position of the pressin Russiansociety in the Russianand sent to the typesetters.The general secondhalf of the 19th century." weaknessof political and intellectual interests in society then and the greatly restricted ideological outlook of the paper-the glorification of the Kobeko Commission: Freedom of the Press Northern War and the Czar's armies being the Proclaimed in Russia principal theme-restrained its growth and had Bowing to revolutionary agitation and general an adverseeffect on its influence. Thus it was discontent of the population, the czarist govern- that not social need but the ukazes of the czar ment establishedin l9O4 a commission to write "His kept the paper alive while it servedmuch the a new presslaw. Known formally as same function as had the l Tth century manu- Majesty's SpecialConference for Drawing Up script courants,which were circulated among New PressRegulations," the group was more "Kobeko the Russianrulers' immediate coterie. popularly referredto as the Commis- The establishment of private publications in sion" due to the fact that its chairman was D.F. the 1750swas a significant event in the history Kobeko. of Russianperiodicals, for until then all periodi- cals had been governmental organs.3 Catherine II initiated an upsurgeof publishing Bowing to rcvolutionary activity by starting her own periodical and then agitation and general discontent allowing other private citizens to do the same. But the reign of Catherine 11762-1796l'marked of the population, the czafist not only the emergenceof private publishing, government establishedin 1904 but also the beginningsof censorshipin Russia, a commissron to write a new the empressherself being the prime censor.She had beforeher the nearly 4O0-year-longexample press law. of western state controls over private presses plus Russia'slong-established paternalism The debateon the pressalso sparkedoff towards the printed word. discussionsabout the country/s political system Europeanmonarchs and jurists had, in control- in general.A.S. Suvorin, a member of the Kobeko ling the printed word, provided useful concepts: Commission, summed these up by declaringthat seditious libel, prior censorship,licensing-all of "freedom of the pressmust be combined with which Catherine and her successorsdefined and free representationof the country/ and if there is applied as they saw fit. Only later did these no representationof public opinion, but is only administrative measuresbegin to give way. 4 government, then I cannot imagine freedom of In 1804,Alexander I introduced a liberal the press."7 statute on censorship.But when revolutionaries Prince V.P. Meshcherskywas afraid of the tried to overthrow his brother who succeeded bacchanaliathat would undoubtedly occur were him to the throne in 1825 (the Decembrist a free system to be introduced, and those who revolt|, the new czar, Nicholas I, introduced a far "rogues" would suffer from it would not be the more stringent code.The French traveler, the but the "respectableorgans of the press." 8 Marquis de Custine, caught the spirit of the ObservedPrince Meshchersky: "The interests times when he wrote of Russiain 1839: of the pressare dear to me, and therefore I f.eara "IJp to now, I believed that man could no reaction: I fear that two or three mad-caps, more do without truth for the spirit than air and having enteredinto the pressthanks to the free sun for the body; my journey to Russiadisabuses system/ will put in dangerthe further existence me. Here to lie is to protect the social order; to of that freedom which we are giving to the press speakthe truth is to destroy the state." 5

2 The Russianand Soviet Prcss:A Long lourney from Supptessionto Frcedom via Suppressionand Glasnost by the universal abrogation of the preliminary changed its name to the Main Board for the censorship.Panic in society will result and then, Protection of Military and State Secretsin the as often happensin Russia,a reversalin govern- Press.Censorship is an issue that arousesemo- ment and some kind of restrictive supplement to tions: its practice producesan almost instinctive the law, the dimensions of which may do dam- opposition. For this reason/those who use it ageto that which is most important-freedom of often call it something else, as did the imperial the press." officials who changedthe name of their censor- In emancipating the pressin 1905-1906by ing agencyto "Chief Administration for Press subordinating it solely to the authority of the AJfairs"in 1865.e courts and abolishing prior censorship,Russia Initially, Glavlit was in chargeof permitting granted "freedom of the press" as generally the establishmentof pressbodies and publishing understoodin the l9th century in Europe.But houses,compiling lists of bannedbooks and that did not stop newspapersfrom being seized censoringmanuscripts beforepublication. The or editors from being harassed. chief emphasiswas on non-divulgenceof "mili- tary secrets,"later changedto "information not subject to being made public," and "anti-Soviet The Bolshevik, the Decree on the Press,and the agitation," which came to include "works em- Reintro duction of C ensorship bracing hostile ideology on issuesof public life, Two days after seizing power on November 7, religion, economy/ ethnic relations, art, etc." L917, the new Bolshevik government in Russia adopteda decreeon the press,banning-tempo- rarily or permanently-press bodies that called Censor ship covered pr actically for open resistanceor disobedienceto the new authodties or incited strife by distorting facts or all printed materials, the calling for actions punishable by law. The only exception being seuet interpretation of the decreewas rather broad, government and party leading to the closure of virtually all papersin opposition to the Bolsheviks. coftespondence, No censorshipin the strict sensewas intro- accounting recordsand duced,however. Many professionalrevolutionar- handwritten newspaperc ies with the vast experienceof work under restrictive rule abhorredthe very idea of "red posted on walls. censorship."The decreemade it clear that "as soon as the new government is firmly estab- Soon Glavlit gainedthe right to play a part in lished, all administrative controls of the press the appointment of chief editors and changesin will be abolished;full freedom will be granted to editorial boardsof newspapersand magazines.In the presswithin the framework of its responsi- the early 1930sit was assignedto decideby itself bility beforethe courts, in accordancewith the what information should be consideredclassi- broadestand most progressivelaw." fied. Censorshipcovered practically all printed But it took more than 70 years to draft and materials, the only exception being secret adopt a new presslaw, while the idea of prior government and party correspondence/account- censorshipwas quickly embracedby the emerg- ing recordsand handwritten newspapersposted ing Soviet bureaucracy. on walls. In May 1919,the pressdepartment of the The situation remained unchangeduntil the Moscow City Council obliged all periodicalsin late 1980s. the capital to request permission from it before sendingarticles into print. The Council of People'sCommissars rescinded the city's deci- The Censorship Debate in the Late 7980s sion only to introduce pre-publication censorship All of the discourseabout the pressthat nationwide two years later, on December 12, started in the mid-1980sand continued until the 1921. 1922 government On fune 6, the Russian adoption of the new presslaw on lune 12, 1990 approvedregulations on establishingthe Main did not involve issuesof censorship,since the Department for the Affairs of Literature and very existenceof censorshipwas a secret.During Publishing, which came to be known by its one of the debateson the press,a high-ranking Russian-languageacronym Glavlit. The name Glavlit official even told journalists not to stuck even though the censorshipapparatus later mention the word "censorship" in their account

Alexander Merkushev 3 of the meeting since "readerscould think that less on the right to know than on the utility of we have censorship." r0This was very typical of an informed citizenry to the regime." 12 life in the USSR:not mentioning things that are This utilitarian approach,a fluctuating policy not nice and making believe they do not exist. adopted(or abandoned|in the interests of the Characteristically, drug addiction was one of state, differs from the concept of the right to such taboo subjects.The problem did not exist in know as a fundamental, inviolable principle. the Soviet vocabulary and the police did not have Becauseof this, no one-either in the Soviet specialunits to fight drug related crimes: you Union or abroad-initially believed that glasnost cannot fight something that doesnot exist. The and greaterfreedom were ends in themselves. scopeof the problem describedin the pressin Gorbachevappeared simply to be using liberal- the late 1980shorrified the public and forced the ization to inspire workers and intellectuals to Interior Ministry, which is in chargeof police fight againstthe party and state bureaucratswho operations/to set up a special department to opposedhis reforms. 13 fight drug trafficking. Some outside observersgreeted the Gorbachev As democratic processeswere unfolding innovations with the hope that the Soviet Union in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s,the press would allow a greatermeasure of freedom, in- took its future into its own hands.Hundreds of cluding less restricted emigration and more samizdat newspapersand magazineshit impro- attention to human rights. But most dismissed vised sidewalk newsstands,their political them as wishful thinking. ProfessorHermann affiliations ranging from "left of the left-wing" to Frederick Eilts of Boston University wrote in a ultra-right, from Marxist to monarchist. The book publishedas recently as 1989,that "Glasnost spreadof new technology, including desk-top and representat best a processthat publishing and photocopy machines, and the will take years to show any meaningful Gestalt, weakening of central controls in virtually all although obstaclesand slowdowns will be areasof public life dramatically changedthe manifest....Generally speaking the Sovietsystem pressscene. Television increasedthe shareof is not one of abrupt shifts in course/but rather one live programs;journalists at establishedgovern- of imperceptible dialectical fusion. This often ment news organtzations felt the need to express makes substantive changeapparent only long after themselvesmore freely in the freer atmosphere a comer hasbeen tumed."ra that was reigning in the country. Under these "The major objective of glasnost is to win conditions, the existenceof prior censorshipwas sympathy and support, both inside and outside the becoming increasingly irrelevant, although Soviet Union, for the country's new economic highly placed censorsthemselves strongly policy," observedLadislav Bittman, Director of the disagreed.Glavlit chairman V.A. Boldyrev argued Disinformation Documentation Center and "Preliminary that control is more effective and Associate Professorof Iournalism at Boston less 'painful' in what concernsthe protection of University.ts state secretsin the press." ll According to an opinion poll conducted among joumalists and party functionaries in chargeof mass media bodies in Central Russiaby the The Utilitarian Approach after Glasnost Moscow Higher Party School in 1988,glasnost had In one of his first public speechesas General a long way to go before becoming a norrn of life. Secretaryof the Soviet Communist party in Forty-two percent of respondentsunderstood 1985,Mikhail Gorbachevemployed the term glasnostas the right of all citizens to know about glasnost,broadly interpreted as openness,candor everything that takes place in the country, and 34 or publicity, stating that "the more informed percent viewed it as the legally endorsedsystem of peopleare, the more consciously they will act, free information. The opinion as to when this the more actively they will support the party, its would happen was fivided more or less equally plans, and its fundamental goals." among those who thought that this processwould For Gorbachev,glasnost was a tool to help be completed by 1995,by the end of the century, streamline the political system, reorganizethe and even between the years 2025 or 2050. All three economy/ and fight such negativephenomena as groups linked the evolution of glasnostwith a widespreadcorruption, inefficient management/ favorableintemational situation and the further and overall inertia of the populace. unfolding of overall democratic processesin Soviet As ProfessorTimothy Colton of Toronto society. University wrote/ "Gorbachev'semphasis was The corner seemedto be very f.ar away.

4 The Russianand Soviet Press:A Long lourney from Suppressionto Freedom via Suppressionand Glasnost The Press Initiative in Stretching the Limits of government and party bureaucrats would have Glasnost probably forced the pressto adopt a "more It was the pressitself that was to crossthe t's responsibleattitude'/ and "spare the feelings of and dot the i's in its crusadefor greaterfreedom, the people." often acting against stereotypessupported by its own representatives.Epitomizing and upholding these traditional views, Valentin Zorin, a senior Coverage of the Chernobyl Accident as a Soviet political commentator, said in a television Breakthroush for Soviet fournalism "Self-criticism discussionabout glasnostthat is By the time of the Chernobyl accident,the used by enemy propagandato causeharm to our presswas ready to cover it as fully as possible. country, for open slanderagainst socialism." The initial delay in the publication of vital But the majority of iournalists were only too information about the disasterwas largely due to eagerto respondto Gorbachev'scalls for greater the unwillingness of government agenciesand candor in reporting shortcomings and exposing officials in nuclear-relatedfields to provide corrupt officials. Storieswere run in newspapers information and their attempts to belittle the "servants and magazines,depicting of the magnitude of the nuclear accident and cover up people" living in luxury, while "the mastersof their own incompetence. the land" were eking out a miserable existence, The explosion at Unit 4 of the Chernobyl slaving on cotton plantations and in coal pits. nuclear power plant occurredin the early hours of April 26, 1986.This was Saturdayand many officials as well as journalists were away from ...themaiofity of iournahsts their desksfor the weekend.|ournalists at TASS were learnedthat something was wrong from Reuters only too eagerto rcspondto and AP stories reporting increasedlevels of Gorbachev'scalls for greater radiation in Scandinavia.Messages were imme- candorin reportingshortcomings diately sent to Kiev, the city closest to and exposrng Chernobyl with a TASS bureau, to determine coruuptofficials. whether a Soviet nuclear facility had anything to do with the reportedrise in radioactivity in The Soviet pressstarted carrying health, eco- Scandinavia.Moscow-based journalists tried to nomic, and other vital statistics, marking a shift get in touch with specialistsor officials in the of policy away from the concealment of figures Soviet capital. Those who might have known showing Soviet performancelagging behind something were unavailable,others said they did other countries. The infant mortality rate/ long a not know anything. The first dispatchesfrom taboo subject not only for the pressbut also for TASS correspondentsin the Ukraine confirmed physicians themselves,was revealedfor the first the accident but failed to give any information as time. This disclosure,as well as the publication to its magnitude-Ukrainian officials were just of the previously classifiedinformation about as reticent. The TASS World News Service life expectancyof Soviet citizens, sent shock moved a one-paragraphstory Monday night-it waves throughout the nation. The presscom- took all of Monday to have it authorized at the paredthe indicators to those of other countries highest level of government.That was followed to find out that the Soviet Union was at the by a chronicle of nuclear power plant accidents bottom of the list, somewherebetween Hondu- over the past severalyears, including the one at ras and Barbados.The work of the Health Minis- Three Mile Island in the United States,to "normality" try has ever since been under close scrutiny of emphasizethe of the situation. For the public and the press. severaldays the pressmanaged to print only one True, the "glasnost" processwas not wel- brief communiqud per day, all provided by TASS comed by entrenchedbureaucrats and even and authorized at the highest level. many members of the generalpublic. The former But the circumstancessurrounding the acci- fearedlosing their own positions and privileges, dent, and the interest, fear and rumors it pro- the latter fearedhearing so much "bad news" voked, causedother media outlets/ including after years of the comforting and dosedflow of television, to attempt to cover it from their own "good mostly news." Had it not beenfor the perspective.TV coveragewas especiallyreveal- terrible national tragedy,which was the ing since it provided the visual image of no- Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident in April nonsensemen wearing white gowns and gas 1985,the oppositionto glasnoston the part of masks, and the sight of the still smoldering

Alexander Merkushev 5 reactor,even though the commentators'words were direct products of the country's social and were more comforting than realistic. economic system. With time, more emphasiswas placedon the After Chemobyl, no natural or man-made incompetenceof plant managersand designers, calamity seemedtoo scary.The pressbecame and on attempts by local and later central health filled with accounts of air crashesand train officials to cover up the consequencesof the wrecks, hijack attempts and street violence. This accident.The Chernobyl accident and the press behavior of the pressdispleased many a Sovict "under coverageof clean-up operationsalerted public citizen who often complained that opinion in the country to the dangersof nuclear Brezhncv,we did not have so many accidents." power. Peoplearound operating power plants and Many linked the country's predicament- areaswhere their construction was planned economic and ethnic-to the operation of the started forming independentenvironmentalist press,accusing it not only of being unpatriotic groups.As joumalists engagedin true investiga- and exaggeratingproblems but also of stirring up tive reporting and uncoveredfacts relating to trouble and leading the Soviet Union to disaster. other incidents involving nuclear facilities, even Thus twisting the correlation between causeand military ones, the environmentalist movement effect, Ycgor Ligachev,a retired Politburo mem- grew so strong that the government had to close ber, obscrvedin an interview with U.S. Naws "One a number of nuclear power plants, and to aban- and WctrldReport, reasonfor the current don the construction of many nuclear facilities. gloom in the country is that from morning till Recently it announcedthe termination of the night, ncgative things from the past are being production of military-grade plutonium. In the dumped on the people.Our cultural figures latter case,international as well as domestic lately havc published more things that aren't factorswere at work. true, that are anti-Soviet, than our enemiesin the West managedto do in 7Oyears." t6

TV coverugewas especially Gorbachev's Broadening of the Notion of rcvealing since it provided the Glasnost to Embrace Frcedom of Speech,and visual image of no-nonsensemen the Reaction of the Censors "Year weafing white gowns and The year 1988,dubbed the of Glasnost," 1as saw the keenestdebate on the role of the press masks,and the sight of the still and the emergenceof the first draft law on the smoldering reacto4 even though media, preparedvery much in the old fashion by the commentators' wotds were party and government officials with an aim to restrict the freedom of expressionand regulate more comforting than rcalistic. down to the minutest detail the operation of all mass media bodies.The draft was severely pressand at public rallies and Public pressure/brought about by extensive criticized in the pressreports and the growing public awareness quietly passedaway. practice the content of glasnost of the dangersof nuclear testing, compelled the As changed Gorbachevwent on Soviet DefenseMinistry to considerclosing its and stretched its limits, give a new definition of his brainchild. biggestnuclear test site in Semipalatinsk, record to and the Wash' Kazakhstan.And the popularly electedparlia- In an interview with Newsweek May 1988,he said: ment in that Central Asian republic recently ington Postin "Glasnost freedom of speechare, of banned nuclear tests on its territory altogether, and but not identical notions... causing the military establishmentto move course/intenelated is an indispensablecondition testing to the Arctic island of Novaya Zemlya. Freedomof speech glasnost, glasnostis a broaderterm. We The underground nuclear test in Novaya Zemlya of but it not only as the right of each on October 24, 1990generated immense contro- understand to expresshis opinion on all social versy around the issue of nuclear testing and citizen openly political issues,but also as the commitment sparkedprotests by inhabitants in Northern and party and all bodies of government Russia. of the ruling to observethe principle of Chernobyl presenteda real challengeto and management be responsiblefor journalists in that it required personalcourage opennessin decision making, their actions, react by deedsto criticism, and not iust to visit contaminated regions,but also the advice and recommenda- to wdte about shortcomings,many of which take into account

6 The Russianand SovietPress: A Long lowney ftom Suppressionto Freedom via Suppressionand Glasnost tions offeredby work collectives, public organi- presswould not enfoy the freedom it finally zations, and individual citizens. In glasnost,as acquiredin I990. we understandit, the emphasisis on the creation On March 13, 1988,one day before Gorbachev of conditions enabling citizens to take a real part was to leave on a trip to Yugoslavia,the influen- in discussingall affairs of the country and in tial newspaperSovetskaya Rossiyapublished a elaboratingand adopting decisionsthat affect the letter to the editor from Leningradchemistry interests of society, and to exercisecontrol over lecturer Nina Andreyevawhich becameknown the fulfillment of thesedecisions." I' as the "manifesto of conservativeforces." The By that time this was the most revolutionary article attacked glasnostand came out in support definition of glasnostby the Soviet leader. of Stalin'srepressive policies because they Paradoxically,the interview itself stirred a lot of advancedthe causeof socialism. Written from controversy about the degreeof freedom of the Stalinistperspective and combining Russian speechand the pressallowed in the Soviet Union nationalism and Marxism, the letter advocated at that time. Indeed,the text of the Newsweek- viewing eventsin their "class" context. Washington Post interview, the questionsas well as the answers,was altered at the party Central Committee before its publication in the year "shorten" The 1988marked the USSR,ostensibly to it. The deletionof glasnost the name of Gorbachev'sreputed archrival of waterched between the that time, Yegor Ligachev,from the Soviet that was allowed, encouragedor version of a Newsweek-WashingtonPost ques- tolerated by authofities and the tion about the splits in the leadershipwas the glasnostthat no longer needed any most revealinginstance of selectiveediting of " the interview. assistancefrom above" to exist Anything that might have embarrassed and develop on its own. Gorbachevbefore his Soviet audiencewas left on the cutting-room floor, including the referenceto Gorbachev'spersonal telephone call to dissident Many Soviet citizens and especiallyiournal- academicianAndrei Sakharov,asking him "to ists who had been used to signalsof this kind "behave return to his patriotic work" and effectively showing them how to properly" viewed ending his internal exile in Gorky. Andreyeva'sletter as an end of both glasnostand Incidentally, the abovedefinition of glasnost perestroika.It was clear that the publication of failed to appearin full in the Newsweek issue. the letter had receivedstrong support from the "recom- Nor was it the only instance when the Soviet party leadership.In addition, acting on leader'swords were censoredin his own country. mendations" from the party Central Committee, At one point in an improvised street discus- TASS circulated the text of the article to provin- sion with citizens during a trip to a provincial cial newspapersfor reprint, an action that later town, he called on the press"to play the part of incurred on its journalists the wrath of many of the opposition for lack of other political parties their more liberal colleagues. in the USSR." This remark, shown live on Glasnost and perestroikahung in the balance television, was subsequentlydeleted from all for three weeks tntll published an otherwise full television accounts of his state- editorial excoriating conservativesfor engineer- ments and never appearedin print. ing the letter's publication and warning that the "revolutionary principles of perestroika" would carry on. The Pravda editorial was reportedly A Leningtad College Teacher Threatens written by , a man often Glasnost describedas Gorbachev'salter ego and a driving The year 1988 marked the watershedbetween force behind perestroika. the glasnostthat was allowed, encouragedor The fact that a single article could paralyze tolerated by authorities and the glasnostthat no political discoursein the country for so long longer neededany assistancefrom "above" to illustrates how thin the layer of reform was and exist and developon its own. In fact, that year how little would have been neededto turn the nearly saw the end of glasnost,and had it not country back to the days before Gorbachev.It also been for reform-minded politicians like shows that without assistancefrom above,the Alexander Yakovlev, then a Politburo member, presswas not yet able to overcome the decades- or mavbe even Gorbachevhimself, the Soviet long habit of doing whatever it was told. True, the

Alexander Merkushev 7 editors of many provincial newspapersrefused to sion aroundperestroika, and not to disunity. Wt' reprint Andreyeva's letter, many at the expenseof will firmly and steadily follow the revolutionarr their own careers.But those were isolated in- principles of perestroika:more glasnost,more stances,the exceptions confirming the ruIe. democracy,more socialism." 18 The anti-Andreyevaeditorial encouragedth, pressto write with even greaterboldness an,.l The fact that a single article marked the acmeof Pravda'srole as the flag'i: of the Sovietpress. Never againwould Pr,ir,1, could p arulyzepolitical pagesbe used as a vehicle for revolutionary, discours e. . . illustr ates how thin innovative ideas.On the contrary, despite the layer of reform was and how changcsin the management,Pravda's editon,, policy hasbegun to becomeincreasingly cttn. little would have beenneeded to vative and anti-reformist.The year 1988also . turn the country back to the days the beginningof the declineof the Communist before Gorbachev. party aswell as its principalpublication as first demandswere voicedto removethe constitu- tional article enshriningthe party's "leading The incident was extensively investigated role" in society. later on, during the period when the pressfelt Yet the party had to make one more impor- free to examine and analyzeits own shortcom- tant stepin 1988,a stepthat indisputablyled to ings as well as failings of the system. The article a greaterfreedom o{ the pressand one more step turned out to be a genuine letter by the obscure towardsits own undoing. college lecturer turned politician. Contrary to widely held views that "" stood for a high-ranking party official, probably The National Party Conference as a Boost to Ligachevhimself leven Pravda used quotation Glasnost marks around the words "letter to the editor"), Thc All-Union party conference,basically a Andreyevawas a real personwho wrote the curtailedversion of a congtesswhich is the Soviet article all by herself and submitted its shorter Communist party's supremegoveming body, held versions to severalcentral newspapers,including on |une 28-fuly 1, 1988,adopted a resolution Pravda, for possiblepublication. The chief editor reaffirming that glanost "is an indispensable of Sovietskaya Rossiya,himself a devout conser- condition for the expressionof the democratic vative, apparently liked the idea and sent the essenceof the socialistsystem, its orientation abridgedversion for approval to the No. 2 man in towards man, and the involvement o{ individuals the Politburo and chief of the party's ideological in all a{fairsof societyand the state..." re work. Ligachev reportedly read the article and found it quite suitable for publication in the paper/an organ of the party Central Committee. The archives belonging to He was later quoted as saying that the short version of Andreyeva'sarticle was not critical of vafious govetnment deqartments Gorbachev'spolicies of perestroikaand glasnost or otganizations,such as the KGB and that he did not mean to organizeresistance or the Communist party, temain to reform in the Soviet Union. Whether these reports are true or not/ we will soon learn from off-limits, however. Ligachev'sown memoirs that he has gone to write in his hometown in Siberiaupon retire- The resolution on glasnostwas ambiguous in ment from the party Politburo in 1990. many respects.It called for the use of glasnostas Behavingin a way characteristicof relations a tool "to consolidateall social forcesaround within the party hierarchy, Pravda, the main ideasand principles of perestroika" and serve organ of the Central Committee, castigated "the plurality views." "responsibility interests of the socialist of SovetskayaRossiya for its lack of But it also stressedthe "need to remove uniusti- for articles and publications." While not reject- fied restrictions on the use of statistical data ing debates,discussions, and polemics alto- political "We about the socio-economicand develop- gether, the Pravda editorial pointed out, ment of society,on the ecologicalsituation,... need disputesthat help to advanceperestroika ensureaccessibility of all library funds and adopt and lead to the consolidation of forces,to cohe- laws on the use of archive materials." 20

8 The Russianand Soviet Prcss:A Long lourney from Suppressionto Freedom via Suppressionand Glasnost The latter provision led to the exposureof say something, Gorbachevtook the floor in many past and presentpractices, from Stalinist parliament to flatly reject the proposal,dismiss- repressionsto abusesof psychiatry to previously ing the very idea of presidencyas "alien" to our unreported accidentsin military and spacefields. country. A few months later, however/ the State,or national, archiveswere openedto the parliament overwhelmingly voted in favor of public. The archivesbelonging to various govern- changingthe political system and elected ment departments or otganizations, such as the Gorbachevas the USSR'sfirst president. KGB or the Communist party, remain off-limits, however. The explanation is the absenceof a law on archives,yet to be adoptedby parliament. Struggle for Circulation and Bureaucratic The true reason,however, is the fear on the part Control of Subscriptions to Popular Periodicals of these agenciesthat materials to be found by As articles in newspapersand magazines researcherswill lead to fresh exposuresof their inflamed passionsacross the political spectrum, practicesin the distant and not so distant past. and the pressbegan to play an increasingly important role in the daily lives of the country's citizens, the bureaucracysharply reducedavail- Public opinion polls.. .showed able subscription quotas/particularly for pro- that 90percent reform periodicals.This was at a time when of the Soviet lines to buy newspapersand magazines,unlike population rcgarded changesin lines near department or food stores,were the the work of the pressand televi- only encouragingsign of the emergenceof a sron as positive more informed and politically active citizenry the sole result of and subscriptionsto "reform" publications Gorb achev'sp erestroika policies. increaseddramatically, while the circulation of conservativejournals laggedbehind. With the first free elections one year from then, and The presswas beginning to influence public political rallies still largely suppressedby the opinion and even the country's politics to a authorities/ the presswas the only legitimate degreenever experiencedbefore. By providing vehicle for the expressionof various views on the full picture of Stalinist repressions,for the country's past, present,and future. Emotions instance, the pressmade the generalpublic and erupted in major cities and protestswere voiced emergingpoliticians explore the underlying in the pressand television againstthe drive to causesof the country's grim history. As a result, "conserve paper," as bureaucratsexplained their Lenin's practicescame under close scrutiny, and action which reformers correctly interpreted as so did the very ideasof socialism preachedby an effort to resffict democratization. Finally the Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.Works by authorities had to rescind the order-another leading non-Communist philosopherswere victory for public opinion and the emergingfree published for the first time, and the public not press. only discoveredthe existenceof ideasdifferent from those that reigned in the country for more than seventy years/but also started forming The Pressand Public Opinion groupsor movements that subscribedto those Public opinion polls conducted in February ideas,marking a changein the political situation 1989showed that 90 percent of the Soviet and preparingground for the emergenceof population regardedchanges in the work of the opposition political parties. Reflecting this pressand television as the sole positive result of changeof public mood, the USSR'snew supreme Gorbachev'sperestroika policies. By summer, legislative body, the Congressof People'sDepu- the indicator droppedsomewhat due to wide- ties, electedin 1989,finally deleted the constitu- spreaddispleasure with the tendentious coverage tional article about the Communist party's of ethnic conflicts, miners' strikes, and activities "leading role" in society, effectively proclaiming of new public organizationsand movements/ as a multi-party system. well as with the superficial criticism of Stalin Another subject that had been extensively and events in Soviet history. 2r debatedin the presswas the introduction of Facedwith growing problems in the sphereof executive presidencyto replace,actually, the ethnic relations and economics,the powers that rule of the party and its Politburo. When public be sought to curb the flow of information avail- pressuregrew to a point when the party had to able to the generalpublic. The government-

Alexander Merkushev 9 controlled presswas orderedto carry only dredsat all newsstandsfrom Kalrnrnrr.rJ:r: r!r. government-approvedTASS accountsof ethnic westernpart of the country to ViaJrrr r.i r " or labor conflicts. All these "dispatches" were east.Out of 8,811newspapers rctth rtu .r..-' actually written by high-ranking officials at the circulation of.230 million and I ,619 ::r.:* , ' party Central Committee headquartersin (221million copies)that were put or.rr::-. - Moscow and Gorbachevhimself was said to SovietUnion in 1989,less than two hun.:' proofreadthem-very much like czar Peter who were not official publications of party org.:: personally edited the Vedomosa more than 200 tions-from the Central Committee to a tir- years ago.That situation did not last long, party committee. 23 however. Newspapersrevolted, and, first, the youth daily l(oms omolskaya Pravda, and then other periodicals,began carrying accounts ...motercaderc are now written by their own correspondentson the spot. youth publications As a result, many newspaperspublished more atuacted to information about actual developmentsin reflecting the entfuespectrum of Azerbaiian and Armenia, the scene of fierce new sentimentsand mass- in Siberia,which witnessed "thin" ethnic clashes,or to the emergenceand consolidation of an indepen- circulation, and dent workers'movement,than TASS.The m agazineswith non-ideological government news agencywas losing credibility, content-pfiv ate lif e, f amily, the morale of its journalists was low. Confront- gardening. ing the new challenge,TASS had to adjust to the health, changedconditions by sending its own corre- "trouble spondentsto all spots" and providing In 1975,the country'sbest printing plants more detailed and objective information about were handedover to the party. The rest, utilizing developments.Sources became more diverse, outdatcdequipment and classifiedas loss- too. TASS correspondentsbegan to interview not making, remain a heavy burden on taxpayers.2a only Interior Ministry officials, but also repre- Despite all financial support, the party publi- sentativesof local nationalist groups.This cations beganto lose circulation as soon as the practice gradually spreadto other spheresand it obligatory subscription for managersand party becamenot uncommon for leadersof informal or members was lifted. The number of.Pravda sub- non-Communist groups to expresstheir views scribers,for instance, droppedby 36.4 percent by through TASS wire. lanuary 1st, 1990compared to the 1987figure, Despite this new level of glasnostand bold- and is rapidly declining. The situation becameso nessin the press,the readershipwas more serious that Pravda employees,in a bid to save radical and critical than newspapersand espe- their paperfrom total collapse,demanded in cially television, accordingto an opinion survey October 1990the resignation of their chief editor conducted early in 1990.22Television was Ivan Frolov, an unprecedentedevent in the party subjectedto particularly strong pressurefrom the press.Other party periodicalsalso suffereddrops goyernment which recognizedthe specialimpor- in circulation, ranging from 20 to 50 percent. tance of the visual image and the nationwide Many ideologically loadedpublications had to reach provided by television. close down or changetheir style.2s On the other hand, pro-reform periodicals gainedhuge readerships.The Soviet and world The Pressand Economic Pressure in the Late record is held by the weekly Argumenty i Fakty, 7980s basically an information bulletin, which man- "bread Newsprint, long since regardedas the agedto increaseits circulation in three years of culture" was, and is, in short supply. The from 1.5million to 33.4million copies,a vivid distribution of paper reflected the domination of indication of the hunger for information in the departmental and party bureaucracywho Soviet society and an indictment of the entire continued to hold the monopoly on information system of the pressand television in the Soviet and the printed word. Forty-nine percent of paper Union that failed to provide peoplewith basic producedin the country was used to print socio- facts. A number of "thick" literary journals political and socio-economicjournals, the (Novy Mir, Druzhba Narodov, Znamya and some overwhelming majority of which were propa- others) and Ogonyok andMoscow News increased gandamaterials piled up unsold in their hun- their circulation by 3 to l0 times. The same is

10 The Russian and Soviet Press:A Long lowney ftom Suppressionto Freedom via Suppressionand Glasnost true with regardto Baltic journals and indepen- Mikhail Fedotov,one of the authors of the draft, dent periodicals. in a seminar held in April 1990at the fournalism In addition to these,more readersare now Department of the Moscow Higher Party School, attracted to youth publications reflecting the describeddifficulties that accompaniedthis entire spectrum of new sentiments and mass- work at parliamentary committees and commis- circulation, and to "thin" magazineswith non- sions. All typists assignedto do technical work ideological content-private life, family, health, were drawn from the party Central Committee gardening. pool. Whenever a redrawn draft was handed to After a drop in popularity due to their "success" them for retyping, they would add some nuances in fighting the West'shumanitarian thought, that were not immediately apparentbut changed philosophy, and culture, academicjournals significantly the content of the would-be bill. In specializingin humanities have gradually begun addition, the composition of the working Broup, to depart from scholasticsand popularize the including experts and parliamentarians, was cultural heritage of Russiaand other countries of constantly changedon the initiative of the Su- the late l9th-early 20th centuries,winning well- preme Soviet Presidium. Everything was being deservedrespect of the readingpublic. done to make the work of whom Fedotov de- Republicanperiodicals, especially those scribed as "politically literate" typists easier. published in the tonguesof the indigenous Despite all the odds and to a large extent due population, have dramatically increasedtheir to pressurefrom journalists themselves,one circulation. Many (in the Transcaucasusand the hundred of whom had been electedto the Baltic region)beganto serveas legitimateve- country's supremelegislative body, the law was hicles for the expressionof nationalist senti- completed and finally approvedby parliament, ments and play an immense role in politics, and it came into forceon August I,I99O. specifically in the campaignsfor independence Article I of the new law, officially known as the from the Soviet Union, reflecting and promoting Law on the Pressand Other Mass Information separatisttendencies among their populations. Media, proclaims that "The pressand other mass information media ^re free." It also officially does away with censorship,stating that "Censorship of The 1990Law on the Mass Media massinformation is not permitted.// The year 1990saw the completionof the struggle-or should it better be describedas a truce?-between authorities and pro-reform ...thisis the first law in the forces.It must be statedthat all successive constitutions adoptedin the Soviet Union since country that enumeratesthings the days of the Bolshevik revolution proclaimed that are not allowed... freedom of speechand all other basic human rights. None, however, provided legal guarantees In contrast with the First Amendment environ- for the exerciseof these rights, leaving the press ment in the United States,but very much in line and the generalpublic largely unprotected with the laws on the pressexisting in most againstand vulnerable to arbitrarinesson the Europeancountries and consistent with docu- part of government and party bureaucrats. ments such as the EuropeanConvention on As a matter of fact, the pressin the Soviet Human Rights, the Soviet presslaw enumerates Union has always been free in the senseLenin restrictions on the operation of the law: "It is not meant when he said that any journalist has the permitted to use mass information media for right to write whatever he thinks appropriate, divulging state or other secretsspecifically pro- even if that would be contrary to party line. But tected by Law, call for the forcible overthrow or then the p^rtyt too, he remarked, has the right to changeof the existing state and social system/ take away his party card. And taking aw^y a propagate(ideas of) war, violence, and brutality, journalist's party card even ten years agowould racral, religious exclusivenessor in- effectively put an end to his or her career.As the ethnic, or tolerance, disseminatepomography, (and)in order favorite joke of those times had it, "Any editor to carry out other deedspunishable by law." may publish whatever he likes. But only once in It is not permitted, and is punishableby Law, a lifetime..." to use mass information media for invasion of The Soviet parliament adopteda draft law private life of citizens and encroachmenton elaboratedby independent-mindedjournalists as their honor and dignity. the basisfor work on a presslaw in 1988.

Alexander Merkushev 77 The aboveis definitely a compromise between generalpublic feareda backlashirom :ht i ":::- in parliament as well ment and party apparatuswhich strli r*:c..:- - radicals and conservatives " as a tribute to the tradition of the USSR'slegal substantial power and were capableo: -;.-:. - system. What is noteworthy, howevet, is that an all-out attack aimed to crush the emc:i.:' - this is the first law in the country that enumer- free press,repeating the fearsvoiced at thc : . ates things that are not allowed, rather than of the century during the work of the Kobci things that are allowed, marking a transition to Commission. "Whatever the principle is not bannedby law is allowed." The law allows all organizations, parties, Conclusion groups,and individual citizens agedabove 18 to Can there really be a backlash of any kind? possiblethat establishmass media, and bans monopolization Can the situation be reversed?Is it newly of any medium (press,radio, or television). the presswould be willing to restrict its For the first time in Soviet lawmaking, the found freedom? ques- parliament adopteda law that rests on the Be{oretrying to find answersto these principle of registration, rather than permis- tions, it is necessaryto look back at the situation yet emulated by other in the country at a time when Mikhail sion-a precedent to be "period laws of the land. Many radical publishers and Gorbachevcame to power.The of editors, however, are opposedto the idea of stagnation,"as LeonidBrezhnev's rule was called registration. Some,Iike SergeiGrigoryants, have and the brief tenures of Yuri Andropov and declaredthey will refuse to register their publica- Konstantin Chernenko that followed were pace tions with the authorities as required by the law. characterizednot only by the slow of Characterizingthe new presslaw, American economic development,but also-which is even "The journalist Nicholas Daniloff observed, more important-by the overall apathy of the had Sovietpress of the 1990swill not havean easy population. It was obvious that the country time, nor have Soviet hardliners given up trying no future among industrialized nations in the to control the media. The battle goeson. technological and information ageunless struc- "Yet during the strugglefought between tural changeswere made in the economic and conservativeand liberal factions of Soviet political systemsand correspondingincentives more than 600 independentnewspapers/ were createdfor productive work. Perestroika, society, "restructuring" journals, and newsletters have made their which means in Russian,was 26 appearancein the Soviet lJnion." precisely such an attempt to propel the Soviet Reflecting and repeatingthe fearsthat charac- Union into the modern age.And the press- terized the atmospherearound the pressdebate rightfully-was assignedan important role to in pre-revolutionary Russia,many a Soviet play. parliamentarian would declarethat, given the In a mere five years,the Soviet presshas "the party" right to institute pressbodies, private individuals turned from being gold assetof the in the country would fall prey to and become as defined by Brezhnevinto an independentbody fronts for profit-seeking cooperators(private watching over the processesof decision-making, "underground " become entrepreneurs), millionaires, and government,and democratization.It has politr- even foreign intelligence agencieskeen on in fact the largestopposition force in the /'...group destroyingthe Soviet state. capital will cal arenaof the SovietUnion tn the late 1980s be behind the individual seekingto institute a and early 1990sthat is yet to seethe emergence pressbody, and this personwill actually repre- of organizedpolitical panies able to compete for sent an organization,recognized or non-recog- power. No government or prestdentralorder or nized, formal or informal, legal or illegal. The parliamentary decision passesunnottced by the personalizedright will become a mere camou- press.Vying for readershipand commerctal flage or cover for the right of the otganization," success,which is synonymous with survtval tn Pravda wrote in 1990. the new economic conditions, newspap€rs,radro, "One should not disregardthe fact that the and television can no longer afford hssding the "caution" personalizedright will inevitably lead to disor- calls for from the Communist party or der, chaos,and the unpredictability of the the central authorities. glasnostwas situation in a spherethat demandsthat all Although launched from above, personsinvolved in it should possessa senseof necessitatedby both domestic and international zz political lofty social responsibility." factors.It was not a whim of only one presi- Many parliamentariansand members of the leader,nor can it be done away with by a

and Glasnost 12 TheRussjcn and Soviet Press:A Longlourney from Suppressionto Freedom via Supptession dential decreeor parliamentary decision.A free tion of the pressin constituent republics. True, presshas become a part of political processes individual republics may restrict their local press taking place in the country. And these processes bodiesby creating difficulties with newsprint, have changedthe situation in the country with imposing high taxes on media-relatedbusinesses, all constituent republics firmly set on the course or harassingjournalists, covertly or overtly. In towards sovereigntyor independence.What is the emerging market economics,new businesses even more important is people living in all will surely try to influence the pressby granting republics of the Soviet Union have changed. or denying it advertising rights, bribing indi- They have become more active politically; they vidual journalists, or just buying up papersand know that their opinion matters, that they can televisionstations... make the difference. Isn't that a familiar picture? The Soviet republics are entering the commu- nity of nations not only adding their own problems ..,they will never again but also partaking of the problems that exist in become docile vehicles for countries with free pressand democratic govem- ment traditions that are centuries old. The battle official ideas. for democracyand democratic institutions will continue forever, and it is precisely becauseof this battle that democracyremains alive. Any crackdown by the central authorities may Addressingthe United StatesCongress in alter the content of some central publications. 1990,Czechoslovakia's playwright-prbsident But even they will never again become docile Vaclav Havel observed,"As long as peopleare vehicles for official ideas.Nor can the govern- people,democracy in the full senseof the word ment becomenearly as repressiveor authoritar- will always be no more than an ideal. One may ian as it was fifty, twenty, or even ten years ago. approachit as one would a horizon in ways that In addition, any action by the central govern- may be better or worse, but it can never be fullv ment will have little or no effect on the opera- attained."

Alexander Merkushev 13 Endnotes

Glasnost:Challenges and Realities' fueedom andRegulation of 14. Gorbachev's 1. Richard Bennet Bayley, BostonUniversity - D octoral Edited by LadislavBittman, in " i"i t i o" Per io dical Pr es s, 19 0 5 19 14' p' 2' Sesquicentennial,1989, P. 4' itt"tit, University of Illinois, Urbana, Illinois'

15. Ibid., P. 105. 2. Ibid.,P.3. 22' l99O' 16. U.S. Newsand World Report, October 3. Ibid.,P.8.

Censor' 17. Izvestia,MaY 23, 1988' 4. CharlesA' Ruud, FightingWotds: Imperial p' 8' shipand the RussianPrcss, L804-7906' 18. Pravda,APril 5, 1988' tercente- 5. Nicholas Daniloff, Addressmarking the and Domestick' r"ty of Publick OccuuencesForeign 19. Materialy XIX Vsesoyuznoikonferentsii September25' tut"rr""fr.tr"rts' first newspaper/Boston, Kommunisticheskoi partii SovetskogoSoyuza' 1990. Moscow,Politizdat, 1988, P' 140'

5' 6. Charles A. Ruud, oP. cit , P' 20. Ibid., P. 143.

p' lO6 7. Richard Bennet Bayley,op' cit'' 21. OgonYok.APril, 1990'

8. Ibid.,P. 105. 22. tbid.

9. CharlesA. Ruud,oP' cit', P' 4' 23.Argumentv i Fakty,May l2-18, 1990'

- 1990' lO. MoscowNews, October 23, 1988' 24.Argumenty i Fakty,July 28 August3'

ll. lzvestia,November 2, 1988' 25.OgonYok, APril, 1990'

of Reform in the 12. Timothy Colton, The Dilemma 26. NicholasDanilof{, oP' cit Rela- Siriet Unio". New York, Council on Foreign tions,1986, P. 161. 27. Pravda,APril 26, 1990' the 13. Corbachev and Glasnost'Viewpoints from Re- iori"t pr"rt. Ed. Isaac)' Tarasulo' A Scholarly p' xxi' ro"i""t Imprint, Wilmington, Delaware' 1989'

and Glasnost prcss: suppressionto Frcedom via suppression 14 TheRussian and soviet A Long lourneyfrom