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Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications For
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTIO N AUTHORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky Tönu Parming CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky, Project Director an d Co-Principal Investigato r Tönu Parming, Co-Principal Investigato r COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . NOTICE OF INTENTION TO APPLY FOR COPYRIGH T This work has been requested for manuscrip t review for publication . It is not to be quote d without express written permission by the authors , who hereby reserve all the rights herein . Th e contractual exception to this is as follows : The [US] Government will have th e right to publish or release Fina l Reports, but only in same forma t in which such Final Reports ar e delivered to it by the Council . Th e Government will not have the righ t to authorize others to publish suc h Final Reports without the consent o f the authors, and the individua l researchers will have the right t o apply for and obtain copyright o n any work products which may b e derived from work funded by th e Council under this Contract . ii EXEC 1 Overall Executive Summary HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTION by Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delawar e d Tönu Parming, University of Marylan August 1, 1975, after more than two years of intensive negotiations, 35 Head s of Governments--President Ford of the United States, Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada , Secretary-General Brezhnev of the USSR, and the Chief Executives of 32 othe r European States--signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (CSCE) . -
Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of Europe
European Parliament 2019-2024 TEXTS ADOPTED P9_TA(2019)0021 Importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe European Parliament resolution of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe (2019/2819(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the universal principles of human rights and the fundamental principles of the European Union as a community based on common values, – having regard to the statement issued on 22 August 2019 by First Vice-President Timmermans and Commissioner Jourová ahead of the Europe-Wide Day of Remembrance for the victims of all totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, – having regard to the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted on 10 December 1948, – having regard to its resolution of 12 May 2005 on the 60th anniversary of the end of the Second World War in Europe on 8 May 19451, – having regard to Resolution 1481 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 26 January 2006 on the need for international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian Communist regimes, – having regard to Council Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA of 28 November 2008 on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law2, – having regard to the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism adopted on 3 June 2008, – having regard to its declaration on the proclamation of 23 August as European Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Stalinism and Nazism adopted on 23 September 20083, 1 OJ C 92 E, 20.4.2006, p. 392. 2 OJ L 328, 6.12.2008, p. -
From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research
Dartmouth College Dartmouth Digital Commons Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty Faculty Work Spring 2002 From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research Stephen G. Brooks Dartmouth College, [email protected] William C. Wohlforth Dartmouth College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.dartmouth.edu/facoa Part of the International Relations Commons Dartmouth Digital Commons Citation Brooks, Stephen G. and Wohlforth, William C., "From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research" (2002). Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty. 2641. https://digitalcommons.dartmouth.edu/facoa/2641 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Work at Dartmouth Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty by an authorized administrator of Dartmouth Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. New versus Old Thinking in Qualitative Research From Old Thinking Stephen G. Brooks and William C. to New Thinking in Wohlforth Qualitative Research Robert English has provided a strongly written critique of our article “Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War.”1 Unfortunately, his reply may have the unintended consequence of reinforcing a pernicious but popular view among political sci- entists that qualitative research—especially on single cases—cannot generate progress. Here we have a case of seminal importance that has attracted the sus- tained attention of dozens of international relations scholars for more than a decade, and yet it appears that scholars are still involved in what looks like an interminable historians’ debate over causes. -
The Evolution of Russian Grand Strategy - Implications for Europe’S North
THE EVOLUTION OF RUSSIAN GRAND STRATEGY - IMPLICATIONS FOR EUROPE’S NORTH Henrikki Heikka POLSIS, University of Birmingham Programme on the Northern Dimension of the CFSP, Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti & Institut für Europäische Politik 2 The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribblers of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachments of ideas. - John Maynard Keynes Without a theory, the facts are silent. - F.A. Hayek 3 1 Introduction A study about Russian grand strategy is certain to raise more than a few eyebrows among observers of Russian foreign policy. How can one possibly assume that in a country with constantly changing prime ministers and an economy on the verge of bankruptcy there could be a commonly accepted Grand Plan about anything? Moreover, the record of post-cold war Russian foreign policy is so full of reckless moves and unpredictable u-turns, that it seems rather far-fetched to suggest that there could be, even in theory, a common logic behind it. Judging by the steady flow of publications on the role of self-interested politicians, parties, business elites, and organizational and bureaucratic actors in the formation of Russian foreign policy, it does indeed seem that most scholars see Russia’s external policy driven by the day- to-day power struggles of various groups within the Russian political elite rather than by a common national strategy. -
Progress and Obstacles
MULTI-DIMENSIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SOUTH KOREA: PROGRESS AND OBSTACLES Se Hyun Ahn London School of Economics and Political Science Department of International Relations A thesis submitted to the University of London for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations 2006 UMI Number: U213461 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U213461 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F £5 ibU I o S ’ 3 3 q. Abstract This thesis explores the progress in, and the obstacles obstructing, the building of comprehensive security between Russia and South Korea since diplomatic relations were established in 1991. It focuses on oil and natural gas projects, linking the Trans-Siberian and Trans-Korean Railroads, industrial development in the Nakhodka Free Economic Zone, fishery cooperation, and the arms trade, and examines whether these five aspects of cooperation serve to contribute to building Russian-South Korean bilateral and regional economic security. The study pays particular attention to three aspects of security: definitions of economic, comprehensive and regional economic security, the security building process between states, and security threats. -
At Cold War's End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE At Cold War’s End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals Benjamin Mueller A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, 1 October 2015 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I present for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work, except where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out by any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,864 words. 2 ABSTRACT What caused the Cold War to end? In the following I examine the puzzle of the fast and peaceful conclusion of the bipolar superpower standoff, and point out the problems this creates for the study of International Relations (IR). I discuss prevailing explanations and point out their gaps, and offer the framework of complexity theory as a suitable complement to overcome the blind spots in IR’s reductionist methodologies. I argue that uncertainty and unpredictability are rooted in an international system that is best viewed as non-linear. -
Realism and the End of the Cold War Author(S): William C. Wohlforth Source: International Security, Vol
Realism and the End of the Cold War Author(s): William C. Wohlforth Source: International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter, 1994-1995), pp. 91-129 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2539080 Accessed: 12-08-2015 13:25 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Security. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 143.107.26.57 on Wed, 12 Aug 2015 13:25:27 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Realism and the WilliamC. Wohlforth End of the Cold War iNlodern realism began as a reaction to the breakdown of the post-World War I international order in the 1930s. The collapse of great-power cooperation after World War II helped establish it as the dominant approach to the theory and practice of international politics in the United States. During the Cold War, efforts to displace realism from its dominant position were repeatedly thwarted by the continued salience of the U.S.-Soviet antagonism: although indirect, the con- nection between events and theory was undeniable. -
Transformation of Communist Media Contentand Public
Contents lists available at Vilnius University Press Informacijos mokslai ISSN 1392-0561 eISSN 1392-1487 2020, vol. 90, pp. 53–79 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/Im.2020.90.50 Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication Andrius Vaišnys Vilnius University, Faculty of Communication E-mail: [email protected] Summary. This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments. Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of envi- ronmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). -
Baltic States' Call for Freedom; 35 Years Since the First
“Baltic States' call for freedom; 35 years since the first Resolution of the European Parliament supporting independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania": extracts from the speeches Reference: I-149103 Duration: 00:04:13 Location: Brussels Date: Jan 10, 2018 Type: EbS PreEdited Link: http://audiovisual.europarl.europa.eu/Assetdetail.aspx?ref=I149103 Background: MEP Mairead McGuinness, Vice President of the European Parliament, underlined the importance of the EP resolution and the bravery of the Baltic people in her opening speech at the event “Baltic States’ call for freedom heard: 35 years since the first Resolution of the European Parliament supporting independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania”. The event recalled the European Parliament Resolution of 1983 in support of the Baltic States’ appeal for independency from the Soviet Union. The Resolution had drawn international attention to the ongoing illegal deportations and arrests of thousands of Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians. Moreover, the European Parliament condemned the occupation of the formerly independent and neutral Baltic States by the Soviet Union and deemed it illegal as the international society had not recognized the Soviet annexation of those countries. Summary: Mairead McGUINNESS, Vice President of the European Parliament, Andrus ANSIP, Vice-President of the EC in charge of Digital Single Market, Valdis DOMBROVSKIS, Vice-President of the EC in charge of the Euro and Social Dialogue and Vytenis ANDRIUKAITIS, Member of the EC in charge of Health and Food Safety deliver the opening speeches at the event "Baltic States' call for freedom heard: 35 years since the first Resolution of the European Parliament supporting independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania” in the EP Library Hall, Brussels. -
Russia's Curse: Weak Political Institutions Unable to Restrain
Russia's Curse : Weak Political Institutions Unable to Restrain Arbitrary Leadership JUSTIN BURKE D espite a decade of democratization, an immense amount of work is still needed hefore Russia can claim to be a law-govemed state. Russia today lacks the political, economic, and social institutions capable of facilitating sustained and steady growth. In the vacuum of political checks and balances, Russia's development course remains heavily dependent on the paramount leader and a few other important personalities. In such a political culture, personal connections count far more than legal rights. Thus, the eventual success of Russia's post-Soviet reform attempt is far from guaranteed. Prolonged domestic upheaval, as well as renewed confrontation with foreign rivals, may result unless Russia's present political culture changes. Russia's inherent and historical problem is the ability of its leaders to accumulate and exercise power unencumbered by checks and balances. From boyars to Bolsheviks and beyond, there has been one constant in Russian politics: The rule of law has never predominated, thus leaving the nation vulnerable to the vagaries of arbitrariness and upheaval. Because events have depended mostly on the will of autocrats and authoritarian figures, there has been little opportunity for stable and prolonged political and economic development. Reforms implemented by one leader have been often altered, if not reversed altogether, by the successor. As a result, Russia's development has consistently lagged behind the West. Today, despite nearly a decade of "democratization" beginning with Mikhail Gorhachev's perestroika, the lack of a solid legal foundation still plagues Russia, as it did during the eras of tsars and commissars. -
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe (This chronology was compiled by the National Security Archive staff in April 1998 for the conference “The End of the Cold War in Europe, 1989: ‘New Thinking’ and New Evidence) 1987 January 12 - Jaruzelski meets with Pope John Paul II in Italy, Jaruzelski's first official visit to the West since the imposition of martial law in Poland. (Dawisha, p. 283, Foreign, p. 300) January 20 - The USSR stops jamming the BBC. (Garthoff, 304) January 21 - The CPSU Politburo discusses withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. Foreign Minister Shevardnadze advocates only a partial withdrawal and massive support of the Najib regime. Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov categorically demands a complete withdrawal. Gorbachev proposes "to pull it off within two years." (The Archive of Gorbachev Foundation) January 22 - The CPSU Politburo discusses "acceleration" in upgrading the machine- building industries. (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) January 27 - At a meeting of the Central Committee Gorbachev surprises members with his description of the country as being one of "developing socialism," rather than the stock phrase, "developed socialism," and with approvals of "real elections" and secret ballots. This provides an opening wedge for the introduction of democratic procedure. (Matlock, 64; Garthoff, 303) January 29 - The CPSU Politburo holds discussions on the results of the Warsaw conference of CC secretaries of Comecon countries. The participants point at the growing pro-Western orientation of Eastern Europe. Anatoly Dobrynin argues against "over dramatizing the nuances in the behavior of Honecker." Gorbachev agrees that "they should remain friends." (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) February 10 - The USSR announces that it has pardoned 140 prisoners convicted of subversive activities. -
Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society.