Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction
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Iraq's WMD Capability
BRITISH AMERICAN SECURITY INFORMATION COUNCIL BASIC SPECIAL REPORT Unravelling the Known Unknowns: Why no Weapons of Mass Destruction have been found in Iraq By David Isenberg and Ian Davis BASIC Special Report 2004.1 January 2004 1 The British American Security Information Council The British American Security Information Council (BASIC) is an independent research organization that analyzes international security issues. BASIC works to promote awareness of security issues among the public, policy makers and the media in order to foster informed debate on both sides of the Atlantic. BASIC in the U.K. is a registered charity no. 1001081 BASIC in the U.S. is a non-profit organization constituted under Section 501(c)(3) of the U.S. Internal Revenue Service Code David Isenberg, Senior Analyst David Isenberg joined BASIC's Washington office in November 2002. He has a wide background in arms control and national security issues, and brings close to 20 years of experience in this field, including three years as a member of DynMeridian's Arms Control & Threat Reduction Division, and nine years as Senior Analyst at the Center for Defense Information. Ian Davis, Director Dr. Ian Davis is Executive Director of BASIC and has a rich background in government, academia, and the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector. He received both his Ph.D. and B.A. in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford. He was formerly Program Manager at Saferworld before being appointed as the new Executive Director of BASIC in October 2001. He has published widely on British defense and foreign policy, European security, the international arms trade, arms export controls, small arms and light weapons and defense diversification. -
Px Hawkish Hack.Qxp 06/12/2006 15:54 Page 1
px hawkish hack cover (HDS).qxp 07/12/2006 20:25 Page 1 think tank of the year Much of the discourse on the war on terror sacrifices historical 2006/2007 perspective for an often partisan focus on the day-by-day flow of events. Confessions of a Hawkish Hack: The Media and the War on Terror is Matthew d’Ancona’s critique of such short-termism. In it, he outlines his own interpretation of the attacks of 9/11 and the media’s coverage of events since then. Above all, he urges the West to show greater patience and stamina in a conflict that is likely to last for decades and may never have a clear end point. Thus far our biggest deficit in waging war on terror has been a lack of ideas—the“ kind of reshaping ideas that Viner, Brodie, Schelling, and others developed to cope with the emergence of the nuclear threat during the Cold War. In this remarkable essay, Matthew d’Ancona undertakes precisely this groundbreaking effort, focusing on the fraught relationship between the media and the wars on terror. It is a triumph.” Philip Bobbitt, author of The Shield of Achilles Matthew d'Ancona blends the slow, medium and fast pulses of history in a“ way that truly illuminates the bundle of problems facing open societies confronting international terrorism of a kind and on a scale none of them have experienced before. Would that more journalists had the intellectual Confessions of a and verbal horsepower evident in this immensely thoughtful piece.” Peter Hennessy, Attlee Professor of Contemporary British History, Queen Mary, University of London Hawkish -
The Report of the Iraq Inquiry: Executive Summary
Return to an Address of the Honourable the House of Commons dated 6 July 2016 for The Report of the Iraq Inquiry Executive Summary Report of a Committee of Privy Counsellors Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 6 July 2016 HC 264 46561_00b Viking_Executive Summary Title Page.indd 1 23/06/2016 14:22 © Crown copyright 2016 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected]. Where we have identifi ed any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/government/publications Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to us at [email protected] Print ISBN 9781474133319 Web ISBN 9781474133326 ID 23051602 46561 07/16 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fi bre content minimum Printed in the UK by the Williams Lea Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Offi ce 46561_00b Viking_Executive Summary Title Page.indd 2 23/06/2016 14:22 46561_00c Viking_Executive Summary.indd 1 23/06/2016 15:04 46561_00c Viking_Executive Summary.indd 2 23/06/2016 14:17 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Contents Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 4 Pre‑conflict strategy and planning .................................................................................... 5 The UK decision to support US military action ................................................................. 6 UK policy before 9/11 ................................................................................................ -
Suez 1956 24 Planning the Intervention 26 During the Intervention 35 After the Intervention 43 Musketeer Learning 55
Learning from the History of British Interventions in the Middle East 55842_Kettle.indd842_Kettle.indd i 006/09/186/09/18 111:371:37 AAMM 55842_Kettle.indd842_Kettle.indd iiii 006/09/186/09/18 111:371:37 AAMM Learning from the History of British Interventions in the Middle East Louise Kettle 55842_Kettle.indd842_Kettle.indd iiiiii 006/09/186/09/18 111:371:37 AAMM Edinburgh University Press is one of the leading university presses in the UK. We publish academic books and journals in our selected subject areas across the humanities and social sciences, combining cutting-edge scholarship with high editorial and production values to produce academic works of lasting importance. For more information visit our website: edinburghuniversitypress.com © Louise Kettle, 2018 Edinburgh University Press Ltd The Tun – Holyrood Road, 12(2f) Jackson’s Entry, Edinburgh EH8 8PJ Typeset in 11/1 3 Adobe Sabon by IDSUK (DataConnection) Ltd, and printed and bound in Great Britain. A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 4744 3795 0 (hardback) ISBN 978 1 4744 3797 4 (webready PDF) ISBN 978 1 4744 3798 1 (epub) The right of Louise Kettle to be identifi ed as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, and the Copyright and Related Rights Regulations 2003 (SI No. 2498). 55842_Kettle.indd842_Kettle.indd iivv 006/09/186/09/18 111:371:37 AAMM Contents Acknowledgements vii 1. Learning from History 1 Learning from History in Whitehall 3 Politicians Learning from History 8 Learning from the History of Military Interventions 9 How Do We Learn? 13 What is Learning from History? 15 Who Learns from History? 16 The Learning Process 18 Learning from the History of British Interventions in the Middle East 21 2. -
Parliamentary Debates House of Commons Official Report General Committees
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT GENERAL COMMITTEES Public Bill Committee NATIONAL SECURITY AND INVESTMENT BILL First Sitting Tuesday 24 November 2020 (Morning) CONTENTS Programme motion agreed to. Written evidence (Reporting to the House) motion agreed to. Motion to sit in private agreed to. Examination of witnesses. Adjourned till this day at Two o’clock. PBC (Bill 210) 2019 - 2021 No proofs can be supplied. Corrections that Members suggest for the final version of the report should be clearly marked in a copy of the report—not telephoned—and must be received in the Editor’s Room, House of Commons, not later than Saturday 28 November 2020 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2020 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. 1 Public Bill Committee24 NOVEMBER 2020 National Security and Investment Bill 2 The Committee consisted of the following Members: Chairs: SIR GRAHAM BRADY,†DEREK TWIGG † Aiken, Nickie (Cities of London and Westminster) † Onwurah, Chi (Newcastle upon Tyne Central) (Lab) (Con) † Tarry, Sam (Ilford South) (Lab) † Baynes, Simon (Clwyd South) (Con) † Tomlinson, Michael (Lord Commissioner of Her † Bowie, Andrew (West Aberdeenshire and Majesty’s Treasury) Kincardine) (Con) † Western, Matt (Warwick and Leamington) (Lab) Fletcher, Katherine (South Ribble) (Con) Whitehead, Dr Alan (Southampton, Test) (Lab) † Wild, James (North West Norfolk) (Con) Flynn, Stephen (Aberdeen South) (SNP) † Zahawi, -
Intelligence Information and Judicial Evidentiary Standards
811 INTELLIGENCE INFORMATION AND JUDICIAL EVIDENTIARY STANDARDS ROBERT BEJESKYt I. INTRODUCTION................................... 811 II. FACT FINDERS .................................... 813 III. NUCLEAR CAPABILITY ........................... 820 IV. BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS........................... 836 V. CHEMICAL WEAPONS ............................ 845 VI. DELIVERY SYSTEMS .............................. 851 VII. M ENS REA ......................................... 854 VIII. INVOLVEMENT WITH TERRORISM ............... 855 IX. CONCLUSION ..................................... 875 I. INTRODUCTION Senator Kennedy called it "reprehensible" that the "administra- tion distorted, misrepresented and manipulated the intelligence" on Iraq.' Louis Fisher wrote: "There should be no question that the pre- war information was distorted, hyped, and fabricated. The October 2002 [National Intelligence Estimate ("NIE")] prepared by the intelli- gence community is plain evidence of that . ."2 University of Pitts- burgh President Jem Spectar contended that the "Bush administration exploited, furthered, manipulated or thrived on the public's confusion .... "3 Professor Yamamoto explained, "Many have documented this ad- ministration's penchant for deliberate misrepresentations on national security-in blunt terms, [and] for lying to the American people about threats at home and abroad."4 Harvard Emeritus Professor Stanley t MA Political Science (Michigan), MA Applied Economics (Michigan), LL.M. In- ternational Law (Georgetown). The author has taught courses in International Law at Cooley Law School and for the Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan, courses in American Government and Constitutional Law at Alma College, and courses in Business Law at Central Michigan University and the University of Miami. 1. J M Spectar, Beyond the Rubicon: PresidentialLeadership, InternationalLaw & The Use of Force in the Long Hard Slog, 22 CoN. J. Irr'iL L. 47, 90 (2006). 2. Louis Fisher, Lost ConstitutionalMoorings: Recovering the War Power, 81 IND. -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Basic Special Report
BRITISH AMERICAN SECURITY INFORMATION COUNCIL BASIC SPECIAL REPORT Unravelling the Known Unknowns: Why no Weapons of Mass Destruction have been found in Iraq By David Isenberg and Ian Davis BASIC Special Report 2004.1 January 2004 1 The British American Security Information Council The British American Security Information Council (BASIC) is an independent research organization that analyzes international security issues. BASIC works to promote awareness of security issues among the public, policy makers and the media in order to foster informed debate on both sides of the Atlantic. BASIC in the U.K. is a registered charity no. 1001081 BASIC in the U.S. is a non-profit organization constituted under Section 501(c)(3) of the U.S. Internal Revenue Service Code David Isenberg, Senior Analyst David Isenberg joined BASIC's Washington office in November 2002. He has a wide background in arms control and national security issues, and brings close to 20 years of experience in this field, including three years as a member of DynMeridian's Arms Control & Threat Reduction Division, and nine years as Senior Analyst at the Center for Defense Information. Ian Davis, Director Dr. Ian Davis is Executive Director of BASIC and has a rich background in government, academia, and the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector. He received both his Ph.D. and B.A. in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford. He was formerly Program Manager at Saferworld before being appointed as the new Executive Director of BASIC in October 2001. He has published widely on British defense and foreign policy, European security, the international arms trade, arms export controls, small arms and light weapons and defense diversification. -
Who's Making UK Foreign Policy?
Who’s making UK foreign policy? PAUL WILLIAMS* Foreign policy is not made in a political vacuum but is shaped by domestic factors (such as public opinion), globalizing pressures (such as communications technologies), integrative tendencies (especially within the European Union) and transnational forces (such as lobbying from NGOs). The logic underlying the UK’s foreign policy process, however, has changed remarkably little over the past century. Ideally, ministers, officials and outsiders with relevant expert- ise should formulate policy on the basis of informed discussion of the possible alternatives and after taking due account of the relevant history and precedents, the positions of the institutions involved and the legality of what is proposed. Once formulated, policy needs to be interpreted by official agents and imple- mented in order to achieve the desired objectives. During all three phases, policy also needs to be presented or ‘sold’ to a variety of audiences both at home and abroad. Formulation, interpretation, implementation and presenta- tion are thus integral stages of the policy-making process; indeed, it is often difficult to judge where one stops and another begins. The combination of actors, institutions and external pressures involved in this process vary depend- ing on the issue in question, but this ideal of how to make policy appears to have remained constant. It is also possible to identify some general characteristics of the process in the UK that apply irrespective of which political party is in office. First, while the same goals and commitments can persist for long periods, foreign policy- making is best conceptualized as a dynamic process that exists in a dialectical relationship with the outside world. -
Editorial: What Price Austerity?
Editorial.qxd 11/17/05 6:39 PM Page 3 3 Editorial What price austerity? Whilst still in opposition, in August 2009, the then Shadow Chancellor, George Osborne, argued for what he called ‘progressive’ and ‘fundamental’ reform of public services. The alternative, according to the Chancellor in waiting, was ‘deep cuts in the quality of those services’. Praying in aid Tony Blair and Alan Milburn, who were by then advocating something similar, he said that what was true ‘in the years of plenty’ was doubly true in an age of austerity. Now installed, Chancellor Osborne has set about his austere task with a will. As the comprehensive spending review looks to slice further tens of billions from departmental budgets, the cuts are already scything through public services round the country. Local government workers in their tens of thousands have received Section 118 redundancy notices, as have their counterparts in the Civil Service and sundry quangos. Public service, and all its outworks, is being chopped hard. Osborne shows little awareness of how adversely his cuts impact the private sector. The likelihood of a double-dip recession, not to say a full-blown slump, seems to worry him hardly at all. It does, however, worry more responsible, and experienced, commentators. Joseph Stiglitz, for example, the Nobel Prize-winning economist, warns there is a ‘wave of austerity’ building throughout Europe (see box). He makes the compelling point that, as so many countries cut back on spending prematurely, ‘global aggregate demand will be lowered and growth will slow – even perhaps leading to a double-dip recession’. -
I'm Professor Gwythian Prins
Briefings for Brexit Podcast – Professor Gwythian Prins, November 15, 2018. GWYTHIAN PRINS: I'm Professor Gwythian Prins, Emeritus Research Professor at the London School of Economics, but a member of the editorial committee of Briefings for Brexit, and also the academic board member of Veterans for Britain. INTERVIEWER: And Professor Prins, you were a member of the Chief of the Defence Staff's Strategic Advisory Panel from 2009 to 2015. Thank you very much indeed for talking to the Briefings for Brexit podcast series today. As you say, you are on the editorial board of B4B. Let's begin with today. Theresa May is, as we speak, giving a statement to the House of Commons on her Brexit deal. Your reaction to it? GWYTHIAN PRINS: Well my reaction is that the date of today is not actually the 15th November 2018. It is the 10th May 1940 because I think that the collapse which has begun in this government with the resignation of Dominic Raab will be very difficult to stop and I hope that it will not stop, because what is now important is that we have a prime minister manifestly in office but not in power, who must now be replaced with somebody who can deliver the will of the people. We need now to do what should always have happened in the first place, which is not negotiate with the EU, because we cannot negotiate with the EU as we will discuss in just a moment, it’s in the nature of the EU that it cannot negotiate. -
Bulletin 80 13 Dec.P65
THE CBW CONVENTIONS BULLETIN News, Background and Comment on Chemical and Biological Weapons Issues ISSUE NO. 80 SEPTEMBER 2008 Quarterly Journal of the Harvard Sussex Program on CBW Armament and Arms Limitation BRINGING THE CBW CONVENTIONS CLOSER TOGETHER Julian Perry Robinson, Harvard Sussex Program In 1968, for reasons that are still not entirely clear, the United – people, other animals and plants – on a giant scale. The Kingdom proposed that biological weapons (BW) and Shady Grove field trials conducted by the United States off chemical weapons (CW) should in future be treated separately Johnston Atoll in the Pacific Ocean during February and at the Geneva disarmament conference, and that the talks March 1964 are said to have demonstrated that, against caged should first concentrate on BW. That is what happened, rhesus monkeys, one single-seat aircraft could establish gradually. The international agreement that already existed disease-causing dosages of bacterial aerosol at sea level over in the field, the 1925 Geneva Protocol, had taken chemical nearly five thousand square kilometres. That was a biological and biological weapons (CBW) together. Their new separation weapon, but, as is described below, similar areas of led to the 1972 Biological & Toxin Weapons Convention (the effectiveness were anticipated for future chemical weapons BWC) and then the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention as well. Urban areas of like size – the habitat of maybe (CWC), so in fact both types of weapon became outlawed, millions of people — might be no less vulnerable. So, as and it is possible that neither would have been without that casualty agents, there may in principle be some comparability parting of the ways.