The Chanson De Geste
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Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04278-0 - Romance And History: Imagining Time from the Medieval to the Early Modern Period Edited by Jon Whitman Index More information Index A note is normally indexed only if the topic for which it is cited is not specified in the corresponding discussion in the body of the text. Abelard, Peter, 64 193–4, 196, 200–2, 204–5, 211, 249, Achilles Tatius, 200 281 (n34), 293 (n11), 294 (n21), Adémar de Chabannes, 143 302 (n18) Aeneas, 9–10, 26, 29–30, 44, 80–1, 130, 140, Aristotle, 165, 171, 176, 181, 195, 198, 201–2, 225 154–5, 188, 199, 202–3, 209, 219, Poetics, 17, 151, 183, 190–4, 204 296 (n27) Armida, 18, 198, 204 see also Eneas; Roman d’Eneas; Virgil artfulness, 9, 26–31, 34–8, 55, 67, 226, 252 Alamanni, Luigi, Girone il Cortese, 291 (n12) see also ingenium/engin/ingenuity Albanactus, 154 Arthur, 10, 13, 56–73, 75–9, 83, 105–33, 141, Alexander the Great, 9–10, 23–7, 32–8, 44, 101, 150, 156, 158, 160, 166, 197, 220, 225, 103, 222–3 247–9 Alfonso I d’Este, 152 see also Arthurian romance; “matters” of Alfred the Great, 107 narrative, Britain allegory, 18, 31, 206–8, 217–18, 221, 225, 234, Arthur, son of Henry VII (Arthur Tudor), 109, 295 (n22) 123 Alliterative Morte Arthure, 13, 105, 107, 110–19, Arthurian romance, 3, 5–6, 11, 14–17, 47, 90–104, 248 145, 149–50, 158–62, 169–78, 181, 188, 197, Amadis de Gaula/Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, 224, 229, 247–9 16, 124, 169, 175–9, 228–30 see also Arthur; “matters” of narrative, Britain Ami et Amile, 279 (n2) Ascham, Roger, 123 Amyot, Jacques, 191–2 Aspremont, -
Jonesexcerpt.Pdf
2 The Texts—An Overview N’ot que trois gestes en France la garnie; ne cuit que ja nus de ce me desdie. Des rois de France est la plus seignorie, et l’autre aprés, bien est droiz que jeu die, fu de Doon a la barbe florie, cil de Maience qui molt ot baronnie. De ce lingnaje, ou tant ot de boidie, fu Ganelon, qui, par sa tricherie, en grant dolor mist France la garnie. La tierce geste, qui molt fist a prisier, fu de Garin de Monglenne au vis fier. Einz roi de France ne vodrent jor boisier; lor droit seignor se penerent d’aidier, . Crestïenté firent molt essaucier. [There were only threegestes in wealthy France; I don’t think any- one would ever contradict me on this. The most illustrious is the geste of the kings of France; and the next, it is right for me to say, was the geste of white-beardedPROOF Doon de Mayence. To this lineage, which was full of disloyalty, belonged Ganelon, who, by his duplic- ity, plunged France into great distress. The thirdgeste , remarkably worthy, was of the fierce Garin de Monglane. Those of his lineage never once sought to deceive the king of France; they strove to help their rightful lord, . and they advanced Christianity.] Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Girart de Vienne Since the Middle Ages, the corpus of chansons de geste has been di- vided into groups based on various criteria. In the above prologue to the thirteenth-century Girart de Vienne, Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube classifies An Introduction to the Chansons de Geste by Catherine M. -
The Gendered World of the Chanson De Guillaume
The Gendered World of the Chanson de Guillaume Patricia Black California State University, Chico The Chanson de Guillaume remains a problematic epic when viewed against the influential Oxford Roland, not to mention other chansons de geste. Though it is one of the earliest epics extant, it nevertheless fails to conform to the "early epic" criteria. Doubly double, it not only repeats the same events already narrated, it has a sequel qua repeat known as Aliscans. In the doubled narration of the Chanson de Guillaume itself, the repeated material emphasizes the scenes between William and Guibourc as well as the battles. The prominent role she plays may or may not define the epic norm, according to which critic one follows.1 At any rate, Guibourc has no counterpart in the Oxford Roland. However, in the Chanson de Guillaume, Guibourc is not alone: Blancheflor, the kings wife, also plays a brief but important part in the action. Though Guibourc and Blancheflor never meet, they nevertheless have a relationship which bears on the problematic nature of this epic. A convert to Chris- tianity, Guibourc helps turn the tide against the Saracens and save the city of Orange. Their strategies include William's journeying to King Louis' court for the express purpose of enlisting aid; unfortunately, Guibourc and William will finally not be able to de- pend on their sovereign for more than a token gesture. Louis is influenced by Blancheflor, his wife and 21, 3-4 42 Patricia Black Williams sister. She resists giving help to William out of animosity toward Guibourc. The clash between these two incarnations of medieval women ends by revealing fundamental attitudes toward women in an epic context and makes the Chanson de Guillaume an important work in specifically tracing attitudes to- ward gender in the medieval period. -
1 the Middle Ages
THE MIDDLE AGES 1 1 The Middle Ages Introduction The Middle Ages lasted a thousand years, from the break-up of the Roman Empire in the fifth century to the end of the fifteenth, when there was an awareness that a ‘dark time’ (Rabelais dismissively called it ‘gothic’) separated the present from the classical world. During this medium aevum or ‘Middle Age’, situated between classical antiquity and modern times, the centre of the world moved north as the civil- ization of the Mediterranean joined forces with the vigorous culture of temperate Europe. Rather than an Age, however, it is more appropriate to speak of Ages, for surges of decay and renewal over ten centuries redrew the political, social and cultural map of Europe, by war, marriage and treaty. By the sixth century, Christianity was replacing older gods and the organized fabric of the Roman Empire had been eroded and trading patterns disrupted. Although the Church kept administrative structures and learning alive, barbarian encroachments from the north and Saracen invasions from the south posed a continuing threat. The work of undoing the fragmentation of Rome’s imperial domain was undertaken by Charlemagne (742–814), who created a Holy Roman Empire, and subsequently by his successors over many centuries who, in bursts of military and administrative activity, bought, earned or coerced the loyalty of the rulers of the many duchies and comtés which formed the patchwork of feudal territories that was France. This process of centralization proceeded at variable speeds. After the break-up of Charlemagne’s empire at the end of the tenth century, ‘France’ was a kingdom which occupied the region now known as 2 THE MIDDLE AGES the Île de France. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early M
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in English by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 © Copyright by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia by Sara Victoria Torres Doctor of Philosophy in English University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Christine Chism, Co-chair Professor Lowell Gallagher, Co-chair My dissertation, “Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia,” traces the legacy of dynastic internationalism in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early-seventeenth centuries. I argue that the situated tactics of courtly literature use genealogical and geographical paradigms to redefine national sovereignty. Before the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, before the divorce trials of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon in the 1530s, a rich and complex network of dynastic, economic, and political alliances existed between medieval England and the Iberian kingdoms. The marriages of John of Gaunt’s two daughters to the Castilian and Portuguese kings created a legacy of Anglo-Iberian cultural exchange ii that is evident in the literature and manuscript culture of both England and Iberia. Because England, Castile, and Portugal all saw the rise of new dynastic lines at the end of the fourteenth century, the subsequent literature produced at their courts is preoccupied with issues of genealogy, just rule, and political consent. Dynastic foundation narratives compensate for the uncertainties of succession by evoking the longue durée of national histories—of Trojan diaspora narratives, of Roman rule, of apostolic foundation—and situating them within universalizing historical modes. -
Recent Dissertations Copies of the Complete Text of These Theses Can
Recent Dissertations Copies of the complete text of these theses can be obtained from Uni- versity Microfilms (Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan) in any of three for- mats: hardbound paper, softcover paper, and microfilm positive. We wish to thank the Xerox Corporation for giving Olifant permission to repro- duce these abstracts from Dissertation Abstracts International. A LINGUISTIC: DATING OF THE OXFORD CHANSON DE ROLAND. Susan Elizabeth Farrier, Ph.D. Cornell University, 1985. ANY SCHOLARS state as a truism that the Oxford Chanson de Roland M was written sometime around 1100. This date is misleading not only because it is artificially precise, but also because it suggests that the whole poem was composed all at the same time. Linguistic dating, however, re- veals vestiges of a tenth-century poem, as well as significant portions of eleventh- and twelfth-century redactions. These three linguistic strata are fairly evenly distributed throughout the poem — even in the so-called "Baligant episode." Linguistic dating essentially consists of two steps: (1) identifying the Latin forms of the Old French words found at the assonance and (2) de- termining the stage of development which the stressed vowel in each Old French word must have reached in order to assonate properly with all other verse-final words in the laisse. When the various strata are analyzed for stylistic consistency, the re- sults are surprisingly convincing. The tenth-century poet's work remains only in fragmentary version, so little can be said of his style — except in re- lation to his use of the topos of the prophetic dream. -
Anthropoetics XX, No. 2 Spring 2015
Anthropoetics XX, 2 Anthropoetics XX, no. 2 Spring 2015 Peter Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Adam Katz - An Introduction to Disciplinarity Benjamin Matthews - Victimary Thinking, Celebrity and the CCTV Building Robert Rois - Shared Guilt for the Ambush at Roncevaux Samuel Sackeroff - The Ends of Deferral Matthew Schneider - Oscar Wilde on Learning Outcomes Assessment Kieran Stewart - Origins of the Sacred: A Conversation between Eric Gans and Mircea Eliade Benchmarks Download Issue PDF Subscribe to Anthropoetics by email Anthropoetics Home Anthropoetics Journal Anthropoetics on Twitter Subscribe to Anthropoetics RSS Home Return to Anthropoetics home page Eric Gans / [email protected] Last updated: 11/24/47310 12:58:33 index.htm[5/5/2015 3:09:12 AM] Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm Anthropoetics 20, no. 2 (Spring 2015) Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Peter Goldman Department of English Westminster College Salt Lake City, Utah 84105 www.westminstercollege.edu [email protected] The prohibition of "graven images" in the Jewish scriptures seems to have no precedent in the ancient world. Surrounded by polytheistic religions populated with a multitude of religious images, the ancient Hebrews somehow divined that the one true God could not be figured, and that images were antithetical to his worship. It's true, of course, and significant, that every known culture has taboos regarding representations qua representations, often but not exclusively iconic figures.(1) But only the Hebrews derived a prohibition on images from the recognition that God is both singular and essentially spiritual, hence resistant to material representation.(2) In the ancient world, images were connected to the divine, either as the privileged route to god's presence, both dangerous and desirable; or as forbidden temptations to idolatry, the worship of "false gods," however defined. -
The Role of Images in Medieval Depictions of Muslims
Suzanne Akbari IMAGINING ISLAM: The Role of Images in Medieval Depictions of Muslims On the edges of medieval Europe, there was real contact between Chris tians and Muslims. Multicultural, multi-religious societies existed in al-Andalus and Sicily, while cultural contact of a more contentious sort took place in the Near East. In most parts of medieval Europe, how ever, Muslims were seen rarely or not at all, and Islam was known only at second - or third-hand. Western European accounts written during the Middle Ages invariably misrepresent Islam; they vary only to the degree with which they parody the religion and its adherents. One might imagine that such misrepresentation is simply due to the limited information available to the medieval European curious about Islam and the Prophet. If such were the case, one would expect to find a linear progression in medieval accounts of Islam, moving from extremely fanci ful depictions to more straightforward, factual chronicles. Instead, one finds accurate, even rather compassionate accounts of Islamic theology side by side with bizarre, antagonistic, and even hateful depictions of Muslims and their belief. During the twelfth century, the French abbot of Cluny, Peter the Venerable, engaged several translators and went to Muslim Spain to produce a translation of the Qur'an and to learn about Islam in order to effect the conversion of Muslims to Christianity by means of rational persuasion, approaching them, as Peter himself put it, "not in hatred, but in love."1 During the same century, however, the chanson de geste tradition flourished in France and began to be exported into the literatures of England and Germany.2 In these twelfth-century epics glorifying war and chivalric heroism, Muslims are depicted as basically similar to Christians: the structure of their armies, their kings, and their martial techniques are essentially the same. -
La Chronique Du Pseudo-Turpin Et La Chanson De Roland In: Revue De L'occident Musulman Et De La Méditerranée, N°25, 1978
Paulette Duval La chronique du pseudo-Turpin et la Chanson de Roland In: Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, N°25, 1978. pp. 25-47. Citer ce document / Cite this document : Duval Paulette. La chronique du pseudo-Turpin et la Chanson de Roland. In: Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, N°25, 1978. pp. 25-47. doi : 10.3406/remmm.1978.1802 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/remmm_0035-1474_1978_num_25_1_1802 Abstract It seems to the author that the Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin and the Chanson de Roland refer to different Spains, both of them Christian, foes nevertheless : Navarre and Castille. Although the Pseudo- Turpin is impregnated with the Clunisian spirit of Croisade, the adoptionnist heresy appears in the controverse between Roland and Ferragus about the Trinity. So, one of the authors might have been a Spanish writer. The Santiago codex was registered by three people (instead of two, as it is too often said) and one may think the answer lays in this third author, — a woman. In the Chanson de Roland, the Norman poet seems devoted to the Islamic culture and to a mysticism derived from shi'ism. The name Baligant would refer to the Arabic name of the emir of Babylone (Babylone in Kgypt, not in Mesopotamia) ; the sword Joseuse would refer to the sword of the Imam, and Charles, too, would represent the Imam, himself. Last, the mentions of Apolin and Terrangan mean knowledge of the Table d'Emeraude translated by Hugh de Santalla for Miguel, the bishop of Tarrazone (1125-1151). -
The Song of Roland Has Some Connection to the History of Charlemagne's Failed Conquest of Spain in 778, but This Connection Is Rather Loose
Song of Roland Context: On the afternoon of August 15, 778, the rear guard of Charlemagne's army was massacred at Roncesvals, in the mountains between France and Spain. Einhard, Charlemagne's contemporary biographer, sets forth the incident as follows in his Life of Charlemagne: While the war with the Saxons was being fought incessantly and almost continuously, [Charlemagne] stationed garrisons at suitable places along the frontier and attacked Spain with the largest military force he could muster; he crossed the Pyrenees, accepted the surrender of all the towns and fortresses he attacked, and returned with his army safe and sound, except that he experienced a minor setback caused by Gascon treachery on returning through the passes of the Pyrenees. For while his army was stretched out in a long column, as the terrain and the narrow defiles dictated, the Gascons set an ambush above them on the mountaintops—an ideal spot for an ambush, due to the dense woods throughout the area—and rushing down into the valley, fell upon the end of the baggage train and the rear guard who served as protection for those in advance, and in the ensuing battle killed them to the last man, then seized the baggage, and under the cover of night, which was already falling, dispersed as quickly as possible. The Gascons were aided in this feat by the lightness of their armor and by the lay of the land where the action took place, whereas the Franks were hindered greatly by their heavy armor and the terrain. In this battle Eggihard, the surveyor of the royal table; Anselm, the count of the palace; and Roland, prefect of the Breton Marches, were killed, together with many others. -
Sacramental Woes and Theological Anxiety in Medieval Representations of Marriage
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 When Two Become One: Sacramental Woes And Theological Anxiety In Medieval Representations Of Marriage Elizabeth Churchill University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the English Language and Literature Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Churchill, Elizabeth, "When Two Become One: Sacramental Woes And Theological Anxiety In Medieval Representations Of Marriage" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2229. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2229 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2229 For more information, please contact [email protected]. When Two Become One: Sacramental Woes And Theological Anxiety In Medieval Representations Of Marriage Abstract This dissertation traces the long, winding, and problematic road along which marriage became a sacrament of the Church. In so doing, it identifies several key problems with marriage’s ability to fulfill the sacramental criteria laid out in Peter Lombard’s Sentences: that a sacrament must signify a specific form of divine grace, and that it must directly bring about the grace that it signifies. While, on the basis of Ephesians 5, theologians had no problem identifying the symbolic power of marriage with the spiritual union of Christ and the Church, they never fully succeeded in locating a form of effective grace, placing immense stress upon marriage’s status as a signifier. As a result, theologians and canonists found themselves unable to deal with several social aspects of marriage that threatened this symbolic capacity, namely concubinage and the remarriage of widows and widowers. -
Tesi Di Laurea
Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Scienze del Linguaggio D.M. 270/2004 Tesi di Laurea The Contribution of Germanic Sources in the Textual Reconstruction of the Chanson de Roland Relatrice Prof.ssa Marina Buzzoni Correlatore Prof. Marco Infurna Laureando Lorenzo Trevisan Matricola 860930 Anno Accademico 2018 / 2019 The importance of the Germanic sources in the Chanson de Roland 2 Introduction Index Introduction ................................................................................................ 7 Foreword .................................................................................................... 11 I. Literary context and poetic tradition ............................................... 13 1. Europe in the High Medieval Period ........................................... 13 1.1 Feudalism and rural aristocracy ........................................ 14 1.2 Secular powers and the Church ........................................... 17 1.3 Expanding the borders of Christendom .............................. 19 1.4 Trade, technology and towns ............................................... 21 1.5 Knowledge and culture ....................................................... 23 2. The rise of vernacular literature in Romance .............................. 25 2.1 The Carolingian Renaissance ............................................. 25 2.2 The first Old French texts .................................................... 26 2.3 The Hagiographic Poems .................................................... 28 3. The Old French Epic ...................................................................