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NOTES NOTES TO PAGES 17 TO 20 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN NOTES Adams: personal collection of Mr Frederick B. Adams, Jr. DCM: Dorset County Museum, Dorchester, Dorset. Personal Writings: Harold Orel, ed., Thomas Hardy's Personal Writ­ ings (Lawrence, Kansas, 1966) Purdy: Richard Little Purdy, Thomas Hardy: A Biblio­ graphical Study (London, 1954, 1968) Purdy colI. : personal collection of Professor Richard L. Purdy. PRELUDE The Poor Man and the Lady I. Q!totations in this paragraph from Early Life, p. 41. 2. Chambers's Journal, March 18, 1865, [161]; repr. Personal Writings, P·159· 3· Early Life, p. 75· 4. Simon NowelI-Smith, ed., Letters to Macmillan (London, 1967), pp. [129]-130. 5. W. R. Rutland, Thomas Hardy: A Study ofHis Writings and Their Background (Oxford, 1938; reissued, New York, 1962), pp. 114-133. 6. Charles Morgan, The House of Macmi//an (I843-I943) (London, 1943), pp. 87-88. 7. Purdy, p. 276. 8. Q!toted Purdy, p. 275. 9. The case is, however, grossly overstated by Carl J. Weber in the introduction to his edition of Indiscretion (Baltimore, 1935; re­ issued, New York, 1965), pp. 1-20: cf. S. Niemeier, 'Indiscretion and The Poor Man' (unpublished M.A. thesis, Univ. of Toronto, [1944])· 10. Morgan, The House ofMacmillan, pp. 88,88-89. II. Morgan, pp. 88, 89. 12. Morgan, p. 90. NOTES TO PAGES 21 TO 34 13. Tinsleys' Magazine, 11 (December 1872), 496-497. Since the rele­ vant portion of the manuscript of A Pair ofBlue Eyes (Berg Collec­ tion, New York Public Library) is unfortunately missing, it is impossible to look for physical evidence of the incorporation of material from an earlier manuscript. But there are similarities between this scene and the opening of the second chapter of Part Two of 'An Indiscretion in the Life of an Heiress', the London address of the Swancourts, Chevron Square, reappears as the address of the Allanvilles' town house in 'An Indiscretion', while a vestige of that 'outsider's' view mentioned by Macmillan perhaps survives in the first person convention, so unusual in Hardy, with which the scene in A Pair ofBlue Eyes is introduced: 'We gaze upon the spectacle at six o'clock on this midsummer afternoon ... '(152). 14. The deletions from chap. 14 seem not to have been made until the Osgood, McIlvaine edition of 1895, but those from chap. 35 were made as early as the Henry S. King one-volume edition of 1877- perhaps because the chapter had been much criticised in reviews. 15. Morgan, p. 89. 16. Hardy to CIodd, December 5, 1910 (British Museum). 17· Morgan, p. 92. 18. Early Lift, p. 82. APPRENTICESHIP I. Desperate Remedies I. For details in the first three paragraphs of this chapter see Early Lift, pp. 76-86, 99-100, 101)-110, and Purdy, pp. 4-5, 275-276. 2. Morgan, The House of Macmillan, pp. 93-94. 3. On Hardy and Collins see Rutland, Thomas Hardy: A Study ofHis Writings and Their Background, pp. 141-146, and Lawrence O. Jones, 'Desperate Remedies and the Victorian Sensation Novel', Nineteenth Century Fiction, 20 (1965), 35-50. 4. Frederick Dolman, 'An Evening with Thomas Hardy', Young Man, 8 (1894), 77. The cutting of the interview in Hardy's 'Personal' scrapbook is annotated '(largely faked),. 5. 'She, to Him. n' (Wessex Poems, p. 17); Purdy, p. 98, associates the same poem with pp. 95-96 of Desperate Remedies. NOTES TO PAGES 36 TO 37 2. ICe Saxon autodidacte' I. Q!:loted in Laurence Lerner and John Holmstrom, eds., Thomas Hardy and His Readers: A Selection of Contemporary Reviews (London, 1968), pp. [12]-13. 2. Spectator, April 22, 1871,482. 3. 'Mr. Hardy's Novels', British Quarterly Review, 73 (1881), 346. For Paul's authorship of this article, see p. 118. 4. Hardy to Paul, April 18, 1881, quoted in C. J. P. Beatty, 'The Part Played by Architecture in the Life and Work of Thomas Hardy (with Particular Reference to the Novels)' (unpub. Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1963, subsequently referred to as 'Architec­ ture in Hardy') pp. 154-155. It is perhaps worth noting that in revising A Pair of Blue Eyes for the 1912 Wessex edn. Hardy changed the status of Stephen Smith's father from the 'journeyman mason' of earlier texts to 'working master-mason' (78). 5. 'The Dorsetshire Labourer', Longman's Magazine, 2 (July 1883), 252-269 (Personal Writings, pp. 168-189): see pp. 206-214. See also Hardy's letter to the English Folk Dance Society, quoted pp. 55-56. 6. Edwin A. Last, Thomas Hardy's Neighbours (Guernsey, C.!', 1969), pp. 185, 186 (paginated as part of series). Cf. Early Life, p. 26 ('Thomas Hardy the Second had not the tradesman's soul') and the following passage from a carbon typescript of 'Notes' for the 'Life', now in DCM: 'The building business carried on by T. H. Senior was occasionally extentive [sic], more frequently small, and he did not possess the art of enriching himslef [sic] thereby.' 7. Early Life, pp. 66. Cf. Samuel C. Chew, Thomas Hardy: Poet and Novelist, revised edn. (New York, 1928), p. 8: 'There was no insuperable difficulty in the way of his going to one of the universi­ ties. The question was discussed in the family and particulars obtained from one of the Cambridge colleges. But in the end it was thought unnecessary for an architect. It is, therefore, incorrect to read any autobiographical hints into that yearning for academic dis­ tinction which is part of the tragedy of Jude Fawley.' This passage, first introduced into the revised edition of Chew's book, is taken almost verbatim from 'Notes on Professor Chew's book' (carbon typescript, DCM). Although these notes, despatched to Chew in September 1922, are ascribed to Florence Hardy, they are based on annotations made by Hardy himself in Chew's original volume of 1921 (DCM). NOTES TO PAGES 38 TO 39 8. The Popular Educator, vol. 2 (London: Cassell, 1853) (DCM), pp. 137-138 and 213-216; on p. iv, below the list of contents, Hardy wrote: 'University of London-I 37. 213.' 9. F. A. Hedgcock, Thomas Hardy, penseur et artiste (Paris, 1911), p. 458, n. I; Hardy's copy in DCM. 10. See p. 211. 11. Two of these volumes-John M. Moffatt, The Boys' Book of Science, 3rd ed., (London, 1843), ins. 'Thomas Hardy/Dec 24th 1849', and Jabez Hogg, ed., Elements of Experimental and Natural Philosophy (London, 1853), ins. 'T. Hardy/from his friend Horace./ 1857'-are in DCM. The Timbs volume (London, 1856) was listed (no. 440) in the 1938 William P. Wreden catalogue, 'Books from the Library of Thomas Hardy, O.M.' Hardy's copy of [William Oark,] The Boy's Own Book (London, n.d.; see pp. 203,258--259, for bullfinch and swimming references) was described in Carroll A. Wilson, comp., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Grolier Club Centenary Exhibition I940 of the Works of Thomas Hardy, O.M. I84o-I928 (Waterville, Maine, 1940), p. [I], and is now in the Adams collection; cf. Early Life, p. 30. 12. Notebook of 1865 in the Purdy collection, others in DCM. The one dated 1867 carries the numeral 'IV' on its front cover. 13. These short titles, to be used as a matter of convenience hence­ forward, are all derived from headings (not necessarily Hardy's) in the volumes themselves. The 'Trumpet-Major Notebook' is described in Emma Oifford, 'The "Trumpet-Major Notebook" and The Dynasts', Review ofEnglish Studies, n.s.8 (1957), 149-161; Hardy's full heading for the 'Facts' notebook was 'Facts from Newspapers, Histories, Biographies, & other chronicles-(mainly Local)'. This notebook is numbered 'HI' on its front cover; 'Literary Notes 1', covering the period 1875-1888 (with some earlier material tipped in), and 'Literary Notes H', beginning November 1888, are similarly numbered 'I' and 'H' on their front covers. Evelyn Hardy's edition of Thomas Hardy's Notebooks (London, 1955)-properly criticised by George S. Fayen in Lionel Stevenson, ed., Victorian Fiction: A Guide to Research (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), p. 352-is based on two other notebooks, 'Memo­ randa I' and 'Memoranda H', of which the first appears to be a compilation of material selected from earlier notebooks (w hich were then, presumably, destroyed) while the second covers the period from 1921 onwards. All these notebooks are in DCM, as are Hardy's [366 ] NOTES TO PAGES 40 TO 44 'Personal' scrapbook and other scrapbooks of lesser importance. In 1967 Miss Irene Cooper Willis kindly showed me two further items which were then in her custody: a volume, chiefly of newspaper and magazine cuttings, described inside the front cover as 'Literary Notes. Ill', and a late scrapbook of 'Press Cuttings'. 14. Early Life, p. 32. 15. Williams, 'Thomas Hardy', Critical Quarterly, 6 (1964),341. 16. Much (though not all) of Hardy's unpublished correspondence with Noel is at the University of Texas; see especially Hardy's letter of April 3, 1892. For the other correspondents see pp. 177-178 and notes; also Newbolt, My World As In My Time (London, 1932), pp. 282-286. 17. Marsh, 'A Number of People: Part 1', Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 178 (1939),574: 'I wish I had anything to tell of Thomas Hardy, but he was content to bask in Gosse's beams, and I never heard him say anything that couldn't have been said by the most self~ifacing parasite.' 18. Rutland, Thomas Hardy (London, 1938), p. 112. The observation is quoted, and much developed, in AlIen Tate, 'Hardy's Phillr sophic Metaphors', Reason in Madness: Critical Essays (New York, 1941), 121-124.
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  • Downloaded from Pubfactory at 09/26/2021 08:05:38AM Via Free Access 296 Verleger Als Vermittler Von Lesekultur

    Downloaded from Pubfactory at 09/26/2021 08:05:38AM Via Free Access 296 Verleger Als Vermittler Von Lesekultur

    4 Verleger als Vermittler von Lesekultur Ausgangspunkt für den zweiten Teil der vorliegenden Studie sind die rekonstru- ierten Lesebiographien der Verleger. Wie Frank Swinnerton betonte, erforderte die Verlegertätigkeit ein gewisses Maß an literacy. Die Verleger der Fallstudien haben sich in ihren Autobiographien als kompetente Leser dargestellt, die über unterschiedliche Leseerfahrungen verfügten. Sie haben prägende Leseerlebnisse und Ansprüche präsentiert, die im Zusammenhang mit ihrer beruflichen Ent- wicklung standen. Im Folgenden wird der Entwicklung der Verleger Rechnung getragen und ihr Einfluss auf die Herausbildung eines distinkten Verlagspro- grammes resultierend aus der persönlichen Einstellung zu Buch und Lesen, auch unter Berücksichtigung der eigenen Autorentätigkeit, herausgearbeitet. 4.1 Die Chambers-Brüder: „Publishers for the People“ Zentrale Aspekte der Lesesozialisation von William und Robert Chambers lassen sich auch in ihrem beruflichen Werdegang nachvollziehen.Self-reliance und self- improvement sowie der gesellschaftlich begründete Anspruch, über Kultur und Bildung den Anschluss an die Mittelschicht halten zu können, fanden ebenso Ausdruck in ihrem Selbstverständnis wie ihr pragmatisches Nützlichkeitsprinzip und spiegelten sich in der eigenen Autorentätigkeit und im Verlagsprofil wider. Auch wenn die Brüder in einer gemeinsamen Fallstudie betrachtet werden, so ist es dennoch sinnvoll, die Berufswahl von William und Robert Chambers zunächst getrennt darzustellen. 4.1.1 Die Berufsfindung der Chambers-Brüder 4.1.1.1 William Chambers: „What would I be?“ Die berufliche Entwicklung der Brüder war eng mit der wirtschaftlichen Situa- tion der Familie verknüpft. Mit dem Verlust der Weberei 1812, den wechselnden Anstellungen des Vaters und schließlich dessen Arbeitsunfähigkeit 1816 wurde es notwendig den ältesten Sohn William in eine Ausbildung zu schicken, die ihm ein finanzielles Auskommen bot und auch zum Familieneinkommen beitrug.